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THE 


CHURCH    HISTORY   OF 


>.'> 


BRITAIN  5 

FROM 

THE  BIRTH  OF  JESUS  CHRIST  UNTIL 
THE  YEAR  M.DC.XLVIII. 


ENDEAVOURED 

BY    THOMAS    FULLER,  D.D. 


PREBENDARY  OF  SARUM. 


A  NEW  EDITION,  IN  SIX  VOLUMES, 


BY  THE  REV.  J.  S.  BREWER,  M.A. 


VOLUME  II. 


OXFORD: 

AT   THE   UNIVERSITY   PftESS. 
M.DCCC.XLVJ    fJ»i 


THE 


CHURCH  HISTORY 


OP 


BRITAIN. 


THE  THIRD  BOOK, 

FROM  THE  COMING  IN  OF  THE  NORMANS,  UNTIL  THE 
APPEARING  OF  JOHN  WICLIFFB. 


FULLER,  VOL.  II. 

n' 


TO  THE 
RIGHT  HONOURABLE 

WILLIAM, 

LORD  BEAUCHAMPE,  &c., 

GRANDCHILD   AND   HEIB   APPARENT   TO   THE   RIGHT 
HONOURABLE  WILLIAM",  BIARQUIS  OF  HERTFORD. 


I OME  there  are  who  exact  of  every 
Christian  (as  a  touchstone  to  their  bid- 
cerity)  to  render  an  account  of  the 
exact  time  of  their  conversion,  with  the 
circumstances  thereof,  how,  when,  and  where  per- 
formed. I  must  crave  leave  to  enter  myself  a  dis^ 
senter  herein,  conceiving  such  a  demand  unreason- 
able, as  generally  required  essential  to  all  true 
believers. 

I  confess  some  may  return  a  satisfactoiy  answer 
thereunto ;  namely,  such  whose  souls,  suddenly 
snatched  out  of  error  and  viciousness,  were  imme- 
diately wrought  upon,  almost  iu  an  instant,  by  the 
Spirit  of  God.    Thus  of  those  three  thousand  gained'' 


a  [William  Seymour,  created  of  him,  and  his  regard  for  the 

duke  of  Somerset  in  1 660.  See  church.  Hist,  of  the  Rebellion, 

some  account  of  him  in  Lloyd's  II.  144,  sqJ] 

Memoirs,  p.  546.     Lord  Cla-  ^  Acts  ii.  41- 
rendon  gives  a  high  character 


4  DEDICATION. 

(on  Many-sain  to-day)  by  St.  Peter  at  Jerusalem  with 
the  preaching  of  one  sermon,  each  one  might  punc- 
tually and  precisely  tell  the  very  moment  of  their 
true  conversion,  and  generally,  the  worse  men  have 
been,  the  better  they  can  point  at  the  accurate  date 
thereof. 

And  thus  as  kings  count  their  actions  by  the 
years  of  their  reign,  bishops  formerly  of  their  conse- 
cration, so  these  may  use  the  style,  In  the  first  of 
our  conversion,  first,  or  second,  &c.  And  as  Herod 
kept  a  festival  of  his  natural  birthdays  such,  if  so 
pleased,  may  duly  and  truly  observe  an  anniversary 
solemnity  of  their  regeneration. 

A  privilege,  not  granted  to  all  true  believers,  God, 
to  shew  his  power  that  he  can,  and  pleasure  that  he 
will,  vary  the  manner  of  men's  conversion,  (though 
going  the  same  path  by  his  word  and  Spirit,)  useth  a 
slower  pace  in  the  hearte  of  others  in  whom  grace  is 
wrought  sensim  sine  sensu^  modelled  by  degrees :  in 
such  no  mortal  man  can  assign  the  minutary  juncture 
of  time,  when  preparing  grace,  which  cleared  the 
ground,  ended,  and  saving  grace,  which  finished  the 
fabric  of  conversion,  did  first  begin. 

Observable  to  this  purpose  are  the  words  of  our 
Saviour,  So  is  the  kingdom  of  God^  as  if  a  man 
should  cast  seed  into  the  ground;  and  should  sleep^ 
and  rise  night  and  day^  and  the  seed  should  spring 
and  grow  up^  he  hnoweth  not  kow^.     That  grace  is 

«*  Matt.  xiv.  6.  d  Mark  iv.  26. 


DEDICATION.  5 

sown,  and  is  grown,  men  know ;  but  when  and  how, 
in  the  persons  aforesaid,  God  knows. 

Besides  these  (adult  converts),  there  are  a  second 
sort  of  Christians  unable  to  discover  the  date  of 
grace  dawning  in  them;  namely,  such  who  with 
Timothy®  may  be  said  to  be  good,  time  out  of  mind, 
sucking  in  grace  with  their  milk,  extracted  from, 
and  educated  under  a  pious  parentage. 

I  hope  and  trust  that  your  honour  may  truly  be 
ranked  in  this  latter  form,  that  as  many  ancient 
deeds,  written  before  the  reign  of  king  Henry  the 
Third,  are  commonly  without  any  date,  grace  in  like 
manner  will  arise  so  early  in  your  heart,  advantaged 
by  your  godly  birth  and  breeding,  that  you  shall  not 
remember  the  beginning  thereof. 

However,  to  make  sure  work,  it  will  be  safest  to 
examine  yourself,  when  arrived  at  age,  what  eminent 
accessions  and  additions  of  grace  you  can  remember, 
with  the  place  and  time  when  the  same  were  effect- 
ually wrought  in  your  soul,  and  what  bosom  sin 
you  have  conquered.  Especially  take  notice  of  your 
solemn  reconciling  to  God  after  repentance  for  some 
sin  committed. 

David  no  doubt  in  some  sort  may  be  said  to  be 
bom  good,  God  being  his  hope  when  in  the  womb^, 
when  on  the  breasts  of  his  mother,  trusting  in  him*^, 
and  taught  by  him  from  his  youth ^.     Now  though 

e  2  Tim.  i.  5.  and  iii.  15.  K  Psal.  Ixxi.  5. 

f  Psal.  xxii.  10.  ^  Psal.  Ixxi.  17. 

b3 


6  DEDICATION. 

probably  he  could  not  remember  his  first  and  general 
conyersion,  he  could  recount  his  reconversion  after 
his  foul  offences  of  adultery  and  murder,  as  by  his 
penitential  Psalm  doth  plainly  appear. 

Otherwise  such  who  boast  themselves  converted 
before  memory,  by  the  privilege  of  their  piou8  in- 
fancy, if  they  can  recover  no  memorials  of  their  re- 
pentance after  relapse,  and  produce  no  time  nor 
tokens  thereof,  are  so  far  from  being  good  from 
their  cradle,  it  is  rather  suspicious  they  will  be  bad 
to  their  cofiin,  if  not  labouring  for  a  better  spiritual 
estate. 

And  now  my  lord  let  me  recommend  to  your 
childhood  the  reading  of  the  holy  scriptures,  as  the 
apostle  termeth  them',  holy  in  the  fountain,  flowing 
from  the  Holy  Spirit  inditing  them,  holy  in  the  con- 
duit-pipe, derived  through  holy  men  penning  them^, 
holy  in  the  liquor,  teaching,  and  directing  to  holi- 
ness, holy  in  the  cistern,  working  sanctity  in  such  as 
worthily  receive  them,  and  making  them  wise  unto 
salvation. 

Now  next  to  the  study  of  the  scriptures,  history 
best  becometh  a  gentleman,  church-history  a  Chris- 
tian, the  British  history  an  Englishman ;  all  which 
qualifications  meeting  eminently  in  your  honour, 
give  me  some  comfortable  assurance  that  these  my 
weak  endeavours  will  not  be  imwelcome  unto  you ; 

i  2  Tim.  iii.  15.  ^2  Peter  i.  21. 


DEDICATION.  7 

by  perusing  whereof  some  profit  may  probably 
accrue  to  yourself,  and  more  honour  will  certainly 
redound  to 

The  meanest  and  unworthiest 

Of  your  Lordship's  servants, 

THOMAS  FULLER. 


B  4 


•  D.  1067. 
— .  SKOnLConq. 

/^  -"^^    i  a 

'^'•^'^     ^^-^Vx  ^ariie  drunk. 

/^.  '         ^  ^   I    -^j  \  ^Mi.  English 

quered 
Uie  Nor* 

^  ....ns,  and 

^'  ^Battel 

V '^  -Abbey 

^Kvunded. 


<" 


-y 


i  ^-^ 


i 


) 


•  \i 


en 


\ 


CHURCH    HISTORY 


BEITAIN. 


CENTURY  XI. 

ILLIAM  doke  of  Normandy  being  thus  a.  d.  1067. 
arrived,  soon  conquered  Harold  with  an  I ! 1 


English  in  number,  as  above  them  in^^^^^. 
temperance*:  for  the  English  being  revelling  before, ^^"^ 
bad  in  the  morning  their  brains  arrested  for  the  Abbey 


»  [Not  so  accordiog  to  Mat- 
thew Paris  :  "  Hatoldus  in- 
'*  terea  de  pugna  Noricorum 
"  reversQs.cumadventumWil. 
"  lielmi  ct^novisset,  rarissimo 
"  stipatuB  milite  Hastingas 
"  pertendit.  Nam  prieter  sti- 
"  pendiarioB  militis  et  con  due 
"  titios,  ex  provincialibuB  ad- 
"  modum  habehat  paucos,  ut 
"  levi  uegotio  bello  possent  a 
"  supervenientibus  superari." 
Hiat.  Ang.p.3.  YetThomasof 
Walsiti;;;ham,  in  his  Ypodigma 
Neu3triEe,p.436,  and  Gulielmua 
Genimeticensis,  Hist.  Norman, 
vii. 35,  assert  that  he  collected  an 
innumerable  multitude.  Thesn 
statements  can  onljr  be  recon- 
ciled by  supposing  that  these 


writers,  being  Normans,  have 
exaggerated  the  numbers  of  the 
tjaxons,  or  that  they  allude  to 
the  rude  soldiery  and  peasantry 
hastily  drawn  ti^tner,  and 
not  to  regular  troops,  in  which 
the  Normans  most  certainly  far 
exceeded  the  English.  See  par- 
ticularly Plor.Wigorn.  an .  1 066, 
and  William  of  j\lalmsbury,  f. 
53,  56.  The  statement  of  this 
latter  writer  deserves  attention. 
His  observations  on  the  state 
of  the  English  at  the  time  of 
the  Norman  invasion  more 
clearly  shew  than  the  relation 
of  any  single  act,  the  real 
causes  of  their  defeat.     Their 


inds  c 


of  Gildas  s  description  of  the 


10 


The  Church  History 


BOOK  III. 


A.D.  1067.  arrearages  of  the  indigested  fumes  of  the  former 
I "^'  night,  and  were  no  better  than  drunk  when  they 


Britons'  at  the  time  of  the 
coining  in  of  the  Saxons.  After 
observing  that  upon  their  con- 
version to  Christianity , through- 
out every  grade  they  were  emi- 
nent for  piety,  self-denial^  and 
works  of  charity,  he  proceeds ; 
''  What  shall  I  say  of  so  many 
"  bishops,  hermits,  and  abbots  ? 
**  Was  not  the  whole  island 
"  resplendent  with  the  relics  of 
*'  native  saints,  so  numerous 
"  that  you  can  scarce  pass  any 
"  village  of  ordinary  account, 
*'  where  you  will  not  hear  the 
"  name  of  some  new  saint.  And 
*'  of  how  many  has  the  me- 
''  mory  perished,  through  the 
"  want  of  historians ! "  But  in 
a  few  years  previous  to  the  ar- 
rival of  the  Normans,  learning 
and  religion  fell  into  neglect. 
The  clergy,  contented  with  a 
little  learning  picked  up  in 
haste  (literatura  tumultuaria), 
could  scarce  stammer  forth  the 
words  of  the  sacraments ;  and 
he  was  a  prodigy  among  them 
who  understood  grammar.  The 
monks  made  a  mockery  of  the 
rules  of  their  order,  by  the 
fineness  of  their  clothes,  and 
unreserved  gratification  of 
their  appetite.  The  nobles  de- 
voted  to  gluttony  were  not  in 
the  custom  of  going  to  church 
in  the  morning,  like  Christians, 
but  in  their  bed-chambers,  in 
the  arms  of  their  wives,  tasted 
merely  with  their  ears  the  so- 
lemnities  of  matins  and  mass, 
as  they  were  gabbled  over  by 
the  hurrying  priest.  The  com- 
mons were  a  prey  to  the  no- 
bles, drained  of  their  property. 


or  driven  into  distant  lands  to 
collect  wealth  for  others. 

Many  had  proceeded  to  such 
atrociousness,  as  publicly  to 
prostitute,  or  make  slaves  of 
their  handmaids,  who  had  be* 
come  pregnant  by  them,  as 
soon  as  they  had  satisfied  their 
lust.  Drunkenness  was  com- 
mon to  all  classes :  in  this  thev 
spent  whole  nights  and  days  ; 
guilty  of  great  profusion, 
though  living  in  small  and 
despicable  dwellings;  unlike 
in  this  respect  to  the  French 
and  Normans,  who  spend 
little,  while  their  houses  are 
great  and  superb.  In  the 
train  of  drunkenness  followed 
those  vices  which  efiTeminate 
the  minds  of  man.  And 
then  it  was  that  by  one  battle, 
and  that  of  no  great  difficulty, 
they  lost  themselves  and  their 
country. 

To  conclude ;  at  the  time  of 
the  Norman  conquest  their 
dress  was  light,  reaching  to  the 
knee  ;  they  wore  their  hair 
short,  their  beards  shaven;  their 
arms  were  laden  with  golden 
armlets,  and  their  skin  orna- 
mented with  punctures.  Their 
vices  of  eating  to  surfeiting, 
and  drinking  till  they  provoked 
vomiting  they  taught  their  con. 
querors,in  other  respects  adopt- 
ing their  manners. 

The  Normans  on  the  con- 
trary were  costly  in  their  dress 
even  to  emulation  ;  and  nice  in 
their  food :  accustomed  to  war, 
and  bold  in  attacking  their 
enemies,  but  never  scrupling 
to  gain  their  ends  with  deceit 


CENT,  XI. 


of  Britain, 


11 


came  to  fights     But  these  things  belong  to  the  A.  d.  1067. 

historians  of  the  state  to  relate ;  whilst  it  is  proper  \ 1 

to  us  to  observe,  that  king  William,  to  testify  his 
gratitude  to  God  for  the  victory,  founded  in  that 
place  Battel  Abbey,  endowing  it  with  revenues  and 
large  immunities.  The  abbot  whereof,  being  a  baron 
of  parliament,  carried  a  pardon  in  his  presence,  who 
casually  coming  to  the  place  of  execution,  had  power 
to  save  any  malefactor*'.  The  Abbey  church  was  a 
place  of  safety  for  any  felon  or  murderer,  though 
such  popish  sanctuaries  themselves,  if  accused  as 
unlawful,  can  find  no  refuge  in  scripture  precepts,  or 
precedents  for  their  justification,  seeing  the  very 
horns  of  the  altar,  by  divine  command,  did  push 
away  those  wilful  offenders  which  fled  unto  them : 
and  impunity  being  the  greatest  motive  to  impiety, 
made  their  convent  the  centre  of  sinners.  Here  the 
monks  flourished  in  all  aflluence,  as  the  old  world  in 
the  days  of  Noah,  they  ate^  they  drank^  they  haughty 
they  sold^  would  I  might  add,  they  married  wiveSy 
and  were  given  in  marriage^  (for  want  whereof  they 


or  bribery  when  they  could 
not  succeed  by  open  means. 
Superb  in  their  buildings,  mo- 
derate in  their  expenses,  en- 
vious of  their  equals^  ambitious 
of  surpassing  their  superiorst 
as  earnest  in  plundering  their 
own  vassals^  as  in  defending 
them  from  being  plundered  by 
all  others.  Faithful  in  general 
to  their  lords;  but  forgetting 
their  fidelity  upon  a  slight  of- 
fence ;  and  ready  for  money  to 
forgive  injuries.  Most  courteous 
of  all  people  to  strangers,  and 
taking  wives  even  from  their 
vassals.  Religion,  at  that  time 
dead  in  England,  they  roused 


again  into  life  and  being ;  re- 
paired the  churches,  and  built 
new  monasteries;  so  devoted  to 
their  country  and  its  aggran- 
dizement, that  every  rich  man 
among  them  thought  that  he 
had  lost  a  day  which  he  had 
not  made  remarkable  by  some 
act  of  magnificence.  6ul. 
Malmsbur.  f^  57.] 

^  Mane  adhuc  ebrii  contra 
hostes  incunctanter  procedunt^ 
M.  Paris,  [a.  1066.  p.  3.  See 
Malmsb.  f.  56,  b.] 

c  Camdens  Brit,  in  Sussex, 
[p.  226.  See  its  charter  in  Sel- 
den's  notes  to  Eladmer,  p.  165.} 


12  The  Church  Historu  book  hi. 

A.D.  1067.  did  worse,)  till  in  the  days  of  king  Henry  the  Eighth 
—      "^'  they  were  all  drowned  in  the  general  deluge  of  the 

dissolution. 
WiiKam         2.  Now  it  was  proper  to  the  place  of  Stiffand, 

crowned  by  r>t 

the  arch-  archbishop  of  Canterbury,  to  perform  the  solemnities 
York^  ^  of  king  William's  coronation ;  but  he  declined  that 
many  of  employment,  pretending  William's  unlawful  title, 
the  English  gj^j  loath  to  pour  the  sacred  oil  on  his  head,  whose 

dergy  fly  ^ 

into  Scot-  hands  had  shed  so  much  innocent  blood :  the  other 
accounting  himself  to  have  a  better  title  to  the 
crown  by  conquest,  than  the  archbishop  had  to  his 
mitre  by  simony,  disdained  his  service,  and  accepted 
the  crown  from  the  hands  of  Ealdred,  archbishop  of 
York :  who  first  required  an  oath  of  him,  to  defend 
the  church,  minister  justice,  and,  amongst  other 
things,  to  use  Englishmen  as  favourably  as  Normans. 
Notwithstanding  which  oath,  he  made  the  Normans 
his  darlings,  and  the  English  his  drudges ;  insomuch 
as  many  English  bishops  and  abbots,  unable  to  com- 
port themselves  with  his  harshness,  and  conceiving 
it  more  credit  and  safety  to  go  than  to  be  driven 
away,  fearing  by  degrees  they  should  all  be  quar- 
relled out  of  their  places,  unwillingly  willing  quitted 
their  preferments,  and  fled  into  Scotland^.  Here 
king  Malcolm  Canmore,  who  had  married  Margaret, 
niece  to  Edward  the  Confessor,  freely  received  them. 


^  [How  great  that  oppres-  "  scilicet  Anglia  facta  est  ex- 

sion  was  we   learn   from    the  "  terorum  habitatio  et  alieni- 

bitter  complaint  of  Malmsbury.  "  genarum  dominatio.    NuUus 

Referring   to    a    prophecy   of  "  hodie  Anglus  vel  dux,   vel 

king   Edward,  who   had   pre-  **  pontifex,  vel  abbas ;  advenac 

dieted  the  subjugation  of  Eng-  *^  quoque    divitias    et   viscera 

land  to  the  Normans,  he  adds:  *'  corrodunt  Angliae;  nee  uUa 

Hujus    ergo   vaticinii    veri-  "  spes   est   finiendae  miseriaj." 


C€ 


*'  tatem  nos  experimur;  quod     De  Gestis,  f.  52.] 


CENT.  XI.  of  Britain,  18 

He  himself  had  formerly  lived  fourteen  years  in  a.  d.  1067. 
England;  and  now  of  a  gratefiil  guest,  became  a ^^•^^: 
bountifiil  host,  and  courteously  harboured  these 
exiles.  And  as  at  this  time  England  began  to  turn 
France,  imitating  the  language,  garb,  and  manners 
thereof,  so  Scotland  began  now  to  turn  England; 
the  families  transplanted  thither  transporting  the 
English  customs,  fashions,  and  civilities  along  with 
them. 

3.  About  this  time  Doomsday  book  was  made,  a.  d.  1068. 
containing  an  exact  survey  of  all  the  houses  and  book  made. 
land  in  the  kingdom,  unpartially  done  with  rigorous 
severity.     They  omitted  nee  lucum^  nee  lacum^  nee 
iocum%  so  accurate  they  were  in  the  very  fractions  of 

the  land :  and  therefore  it  may  seem  a  miracle  that 
the  monks  of  Croyland  should  find  a  courtesy  pecu- 
liar to  themselves,  (belike  out  of  veneration  to  their 
covent,)  that  their  lands  were  rated  nee  ad  spatium^ 
nee  ad  pretium^^  "  neither  so  much  in  quantity,  nor 
"  so  high  in  value  as  indeed  they  were  worth."  This 
Book  of  the  General  Survey  of  England,  though 
now  begun,  did  take  up  some  years  before  it  was 
completed  fi^. 

4.  King  William  called  a  synod  of  his  bishops  at  a.  d.  1070. 
Winchester,  wherein  he  was  personally  present,  with  p^^in  a*^ 
two  cardinals  sent  thither  from  Rome.     Here  Sti-^^^^^ 
gand   archbishop   of  Canterbury  was   deposed,  for^- 
several  uncanonical  exorbitances,  and  Landfranc,  a 
lordly  Lombard,  substituted  in  his  room.     Stigand 

lived  some  years  after  in  a  prison,  and,  which  was 

e  Ingulphi  Historia,  f.  516.  anno   1078.     [See   sir  Henry 

^  Idem  ibid.  Ellis  Introduction  to  Dooms- 

S  Plorentius     Wigorniensis  day.] 
and  Higden  make  it  finished 


14 


Tlie  Church  History 


BOOK  III. 


A.  D,  1070.  worse,  a  prison  lived  in  him,  being  straitened  in  his 
1 — iJIlown  bowels  towards  himself.  For  pretending  po- 
verty, he  denied  himself  necessaries,  being  afterwards 
discovered  to  carry  a  key  about  his  neck  which 
opened  to  infinite  treasure,  so  that  none  would  lavish 
pity  on  him,  who  starved  in  store,  and  was  wilfully 
cruel  to  himself^. 


h  [The  deprivation  of  Sti- 
gand  appears  to  have  been  re- 
markably unjust ;  and  was  no 
doubt  occasioned  by  his  non. 
compliance  with  the  wishes  of 
William  I.,  and  for  having  re- 
ceived his  pall  from  the  anti- 
pope  Benedict  X.  The  sub- 
sequent chroniclers  in  their 
histories  of  the  Norman  con- 
querors and  their  proceedings^ 
either  from  carelessness  or  de- 
sign^ have  omitted  some  most 
material  passages,  and  their 
narrations  are  consequently 
most  inconsistent.  The  degra- 
dation of  Stigand  proceeded 
from  three  causes^  says  Flor. 
Wigorn.  a.  1070  :  first,  for  his 
holding  the  archbishopric  of 
Canterbury  in  conjunction  with 
the  see  of  Winton  whilst  Ro- 
bert the  archbishop  was  in  ex. 
ile,  for  using  Robert's  pall  in 
the  celebration  of  mass,  and 
lastly,  for  receiving  his  own 
pall  from  Benedict  an  excom- 
municated pope.  Then  con- 
tinues the  historian  ;  *^  Ejus 
quoque  frater  Agelmarus 
£ast.anglorum  episcopus  est 
degradatus  ;  abbates  etiam 
aliqui  ibi  degradati  sunt, 
'•  operant  dante  rege  ut  quam^ 
"  plures  ex  Anglis  suo  honore 
**  privarentur,  in  quorum  locum 
sues  gentis  personas  suhro- 
garet,  ob  conjrmationem  sci. 


4« 


€4 


Mt 


4t 


*< 


«4 


**  licet  sui,  quod  noviter  acquL 
''  sieraty  regni"  This  was  the 
great  offence;  for  as  to  the 
first  charge,  both  Dunstan  and 
others  not  unusually  held  two 
sees,  for  which  they  are  com- 
mended by  these  monkish 
writers.  2dly,  Robert  having 
been  banished  for  his  turbulent 
conduct,  his  see  was  of  course 
vacant.  And  lastly,  when  Sti- 
gand received  his  pall,  Bene- 
dict was  the  ackno/vledged 
pope;  nor  was  it  indeed  easy 
in  the  contentions  of  these  am- 
bitious pontiffs  to  discover  who 
was  the  legitimate  superior.  Al- 
though Malmsbury  is  severe  in 
his  censure  of  Stigand,  yet  in 
other  places  of  his  history  he 
acknowledges  that  Stigand  act- 
ed more  from  error  than  design : 
"  Ego  conjicio  ilium  non  ju- 
*^  dicio  sed  errore  peccasse, 
**  quod  homo  illiteratus,  sicuti 
**  plerique  et  pene  omnes  tunc 
"  temporis  Anglise  episcopi, 
"  nesciret  quantum  deliqueret, 
"  rem  ecclesiasticorum  nego- 
'^  tiorum  sicut  publicorum  acti- 
*•  tari  existimans."  De  Gestis, 
f.  116. 

With  his  usual  cunning, 
proceeds  the  Chronicler,  Wil- 
liam refused  to  receive  the 
crown  from  Stigand's  hands, 
suborning  objectors  on  the  part 
of  the  see  apostolic.     He  did 


CENT.  XI. 


of  Britain. 


15 


c< 


« 


M 


« 


« 


5,  A  learned  lawyer  hath  observed,  that  "  the  first  a.d.  1070. 

encroachment  of  the  bishop  of  Rome  upon  thel — '. T 

liberties  of  the  crown  of  England  was  made  in  the  firstiSSpa. 
time  of  king  William  the  Conqueror— For  the  Con-^^^* 
queror  came  in  with  the  pope's  banner,  and  under  England, 
it  won  the  battle  which  got  him  the  garland ;  and 
"  therefore  the  pope  presimied  he  might  boldly  pluck 
"  some  flowers  from  it,  being  partly  gained  by  his 
**  countenance  and  blessing*."  Indeed  king  William 
kindly  entertained  these  legates  sent  from  Rome,  so 
to  sweeten  the  rank  savour  of  his  coming  in  by  the 
sword,  in  the  nostrils  of  religious  men,  pretending 
what  he  had  gotten  by  power  he  would  keep  by  a 
pious  compliance  with  his  holiness.  But  especially 
he  did  serve  the  pope  to  be  served  by  him ;  that  so 
with  more  ease  and  less  envy  he  might  suppress  the 
English  clergy.  But  although  this  politic  prince 
was  courteous  in  his  complimental  addresses  to  the 
see  apostolic,  yet  withal  he  was  carefiil  of  the  main 
chance  to  keep  the  essentials  of  his  crown;  as, 
amongst  others,  by  these  four  remarkable  particulars 
may  appear 


k 


not  think  fit  however  to  throw 
off  the  mask  at  once^  but  treated 
the  prelate  with  the  greatest 
possible  respect^  until  the  arri. 
val  of  the  pope's  nuncio,  who 
calling  a  council  deposed  Sti- 
gand  appealing  in  vain  to  the 
king's  protection.  The  unfor- 
tunate prelate  was  detained  a 
prisoner  at  Winchester  for  the 
rest  of  his  life.  See  also  Ger- 
vas  Dorobern.  in  Twysden,  p. 

13.27O 
*  Sir  John  Davys  in  his  Irish 

Reports;   case  of  preemunire, 

f.  87  and  89.  [ed.  1628.] 


i< 


u 


€C 


^  [Matt.  Paris  speaks  very 
strongly  of  William's  encroach- 
ment upon  the  power  and  pro- 
perty of  the  ecclesiastics.  "A.D. 
1070.  rex  WiUielmus  pes- 
'  simo  usus  consilio,  omnia 
Anglorum  monasteria  auro 
spolians  et  argento  insatia- 
"  biliter  appropriavit,  et  ad 
"  majora  sanctse  ecclesiae  op- 
probria  calicibus  et  feretris 
non  pepercit.  £piscopatus 
quoque  et  abbatias  omnes 
*'  quae  baronias  tenebant,  et 
'*  eatenus  ab  omni  servitute 
"  saeculari    libertatem     habu- 


te 


« 


u 


16  The  Church  History  book  hi. 

A.  D.  1070.     6.  First,  he  retained  the   ancient  custom  of  the 
t — J^^  Saxon  kings,  investing  bishops  and  abbots,  by  deli- 
wHiiTin-vering  them  a  ring  and  a  staff,  whereby  without 
d^t^  more  ado,  they  were  put  into  plenary  possession  of 
persons.     ^^  powoF  and  profit  of  their  placed     Yea,  when 
archbishop    Landfranc,   one   so   prevalent   that   he 
could  persuade  king  William  to  any  thing,  provided 
that  the  king  himself  thought  it  fitting,  requested 
William  to  bestow  on  him  the  donation  of  the  abbey 
of  St.  Augustine  in  Canterbury ;  the  king  refused, 
saying,  "  that  he  would  keep  all  pastoral  staves  in 
"  his  own  hand™."  Wiser  herein  than  his  successors, 
who  parted  with  those  staves,  wherewith  they  them- 
selves were  beaten  afterward. 
And  re-         7.  Secondly,  being  demanded  to  do  fealty  for  his 
fe^y  to  ^^c^^wn  of  England  to  Gregory  the  Seventh,  pope  of 
the  pope.    Rome,  he  returned  an  answer  as  followeth : 

In  English : 

ExceUentisstmo  sanct<B  ec-  '*  To  Gregory  the  most  excel- 

clesuB  pastori  Gregorio  glo~  "  lent  pastor  of  the  holy  church, 

riosusy  gratia  Dei  Anglorum  "  William  by  the  grace  of  God, 

rex,  et  dux  Normannorum  '*  king  of  the  English,  and  duke 

WiUlelmus  salutem  cum  ami'-  **  of  the  Normans,  wisheth  health, 

citia,       Huhertus     legatus  '*  and   desireth    his   friendship  ^, 

tuus,  religiose  pater,  ad  me  "  Religious   father,   your   legate 

veaiens  ex  tua  parte  me  ad-  "  Hubert  coming   unto  me,  ad- 

monuit,  ut  quatenus  tibi  et  *'  monished  me,  in  your  behalf, 

successoribus  tuisjldelitatem  **  inasmuch  as  I  should  do  fealty 

Jacerem,  et  de  pecunia  quam  "  to  you  and  your  successors,  and 

antecessores  met  ad  Roma-  "  that  I  should  take  better  care 

**  erant   sub    servitute   statuit  Ang.  Sac.  I.  p.  434.] 

**  militari,  &c."  See  also  Watt's  ™  Gervasius    Dorobemensis 

note  on  the  passage.]  MS.  cited  ibid.  [Since  printed 

I  Annal.  Eccl.  Lichfield  MS.  in  Twysden's  X.  Scriptores,  p. 

cited   by   Mr.  Selden   in   his  1327.] 

notes   on   Eadmerus,   p.   142.  ^  Or,  remembereth  his  love 

[Since  published  in  Wharton's  to  him. 


CENT.  XI. 


of  Britain. 


17 


futm  ecclesiam  mitere  tole^ 
hani,  melius  cogitarem,  {7- 
y)  num  adtnisi,  aUerum  non 
admisi.  Fidelitatem  facere 
nolui,  nee  volo,  quia  nee  ego 
promisi^  nee  anteeessores 
meos  antecessoribus  tuis,  id 
Jecisse  comperio.  Pecunia 
tribusjere  annis,  in  GaiUis 
me  agente,  negUgenter  coL 
lecta  est ;  nunc  vero,  divina 
misericordia  me  in  regnum 
meum  reverse,  quod  coUeo 
turn  est  per  prafatum  /e- 
gaium  nUttetur  ;  et  quod  re. 
liquum  est  per  legatos  Lan- 
franci,  archiepiscopi  Jldelis 
nostriy  cum  opportunum  fu-^ 
erity  transmittetur.  Orate 
pro  nobis,  el  pro  statu  regni 
nostri,  quia  anteeessores 
vestros  dileximus,  et  vos  pr<B 
omnibus  sincere  diligere  et 
obedienter  audire  desidera^ 
mus^. 


a 
«« 
«< 

€( 

t€ 
U 
U 
*( 
tt 
<€ 
€t 
€f 
U 
<€ 
€€ 
<« 
€t 
€€ 
€€ 
(< 
<C 
<f 

et 
ct 
t« 
u 
•« 


for  the  payment  of  the  money  A. D.  1070. 
which  my  predecessors  were  j^_2!!_— . 
wont  to  send  to  the  church  of 
Rome.  One  thing  I  have 
granted^  the  other  I  have  not 
granted.  Fealty  I  would  not 
do>  nor  will  I,  because  I  neither 
promised  it>  neither  do  I  find 
that  my  predecessors  ever  did 
it  to  your  predecessors.  The 
money  for  almost  three  years 
when  I  was  abroad  in  France 
hath  been  but  negligently  col" 
lected.  But  now  seeing  by  dl. 
vine  mercy  I  am  returned  into 
my  kingdom,  what  is  gathered 
is  sent  by  the  aforesaid  legate  ; 
and  the  arrears  which  remain 
shall  be  sent  by  the  messengers 
of  Landfranc,  our  faithful  arch- 
bishop, in  time  convenient. 
Pray  for  us,  and  for  the  good 
state  of  our  kingdom,  because 
we  have  loved  your  predeces- 
sors, and  do  desire  sincerely  to 
love,  and  obediently  to  hear 
you,  above  all  others." 


It  is  strange  on  what  pretence  of  right  the  pope 
required  this  fealty;  was  it  because  he  lent  king 
William  a  consecrated  bannerP,  that  under  the 
colour  thereof  he  endeavoured  to  display  his  power 
over  all  England,  as  if  the  king  must  do  him  homage 
as  a  banneret  of  his  creation,  or  because  he  had 
lately  humbled  Henry  the  Fourth,  the  German  em- 


o  MS.    codex     epistolarum  also  in  Landfranc's  Works,  p. 

Lanfranci,  cited  by  sir  John  304.  ed.  Dachery,  1648.] 
Davys  in  his  Irish  Reports  of        P  [Will,  of  Malmsbur.  f.  56.] 
pnemunire,   f.   89.      [Printed 


FULLER)  VOL.  II. 


C 


18  The  Church  History  book  in. 

A.D.  io7o.peror,  he  thought  that  all  kings  in  like  manner  must 
J!. L-L  be  slaves  unto  him,  the  pope  being  then  in  his  ver- 
tical height,  and  dog-days  of  the  heat  of  his  power  ? 
But  we  need  no  further  inquiry  into  the  cause  of  his 
ambition,  when  we  read  him  to  be  Gregory  the 
Seventh,  otherwise  Hildebrand,  that  most  active  of 
all  that  sat  in  that  chair.  Surely  he  sent  this  his 
demand  rather  with  an  intent  to  spy  than  hope  to 
speed  therein,  so  to  sound  the  depth  of  king  Wil- 
liam, whom  if  he  found  shallow,  he  knew  how  to 
proceed  accordingly ;  or  else  he  meant  to  leave  this 
demand  dormant  in  the  deck,  for  his  successors  to 
make  advantage  thereof;  who  would  claim  for  due 
whatsoever  they  challenged  before.  However,  so 
bold  an  asker  never  met  with  a  more  bold  denier. 
Soon  did  king  William  find  his  spirits,  who  formerly 
had  not  lost,  but  hid  them  for  his  private  ends. 
England's  conqueror  would  not  be  Rome's  vassal, 
and  he  had  brain  enough  to  deny  what  the  other 
had  brow  to  require,  and  yet  in  such  wary  language, 
that  he  carried  himself  in  a  religious  distance,  yet 
politic  parity  with  his  holiness. 
King  wa.  8.  Thirdly,  king  William  would  in  no  wise  suffer 
ctTthe*^*^"  any  one  in  his  dominion  to  acknowledge  the  bishop 
rfTOM^d^^  Rome  for  apostolical  without  his  command,  or 
ardibishop  to  rcccivo  the  popo's  letters,  except  first  they  had 

in  his  own  ,  ,  , 

dominion,  been  showcd  imto  him  P.  As  for  the  archbishop  of 
Canterbury,  primate  of  England,  though  by  his  own 
authority  he  might  congregate  councils  of  bishops, 
and  sit  president  in  them,  yet  the  king  permitted 
him  to  appoint  or  prohibit  nothing  but  what  was 
according  to  his  own  will  and  pleasure,  and  what  the 
king  had  ordained  before*?. 

P  Eadmerus  Hist.  Nor.  p.  6.  q  Idem  ibid. 


CENT.  XI.  of  Britain,  19 

9.  Lastly,  king  William  suffered  no  bishop  to  ex-  a.  d.  1070. 
communicate  any  of  his  barons  or  officers  for  adul-  — — L-1 
tery,  incest,  or  any  such  heinous  crime,  except  bytobe'ec-^ 
the  king's  command,  first  made  acquainted  with  the^^^^j^ 
same.     Here  the  word  baron  is  not  to  be  taken  in  «v*  ^® 

king  8  com- 

that  restrictive  sense  to  which  the  modem  acception  mand. 
hath  confined  it,  only  for  such  of  the  higher  nobility, 
which  have  place  and  votes  in  parliament,  but  gene- 
rally for  such  who  by  ttXWXXt  en  cfieef,  or  in  capites  as 
they  term  it,  held  land  immediately  of  the  king'. 
And  an  English  poet^  counted  the  Virgil  of  his  age, 
and  the  Ennius  in  ours,  expresseth  as  much  in  his 
rhythmes,  which  we  here  set  down,  with  all  the  rust 
thereof,  without  rubbing  it  off,  (remembering  how 
one  John  Throgmorton,  a  justicer  of  Cheshire  in 
queen  Elizabeth's  days,  for  not  exhibiting  a  judicial 
concord,  with  all  the  defects  of  the  same,  but  sup- 
plying or  filling  up  what  was  worn  out  of  the  au- 
thentical  original,  was  fined  for  being  over-officious*,) 
and  therefore  take  them  with  their  faults  and  all,  as 
foUoweth : 

®be  bettte  ioa^  tj^at  noe  man  tj^at  of  ti)e  IKing  j^ulD  ougi)t 
Sn  0]^eif  ov  in  cni  Sbt\\^i$tt  to  i^an^ing  loeve  ibcou$i)t» 
i^ote  ti)f  SStavD^nto  of  j^oli;  ^j^ivcj^  tj^at  brougjbt  l^im  tj^er^to 
Sj^e  IKing  %t\st  to  j^te  i^ailtfe^  ioat  jb^  i^ati  mtetio^. 
9nD  loii^D  b^cjit  ion^  tj^et  iooltie  to  amentim^nt  it  lictng 
9nD  bote  j^i;  iooltie  li|;  t^tix  lebe  tioe  tjbe  iD^anjStng. 

And  a  grave  author  gives  a  good  reason  why  the 
king  must  be  informed  before  any  of  his  barons  be 
excommunicated,  "  lest  otherwise,"  saith  he,  "  the 

«■  J.  Selden   Spicilegium  ad  where  these  lines  are  printed 

Eadmerum,  p.  168.  somewhat  differently.] 

8  Robert  of  Gloucester.  [See  *  Camden's  Elizabeth,  anno 

Hearne's    text   of    Robert   of  1584.  [Bishop  Goodman's  Me- 

Glouoester,  p.  472.  ed.  1724,  moirs,  L  118.] 

C  2 


90  The  Church  History  book  hi. 

A.D.  1070."  king  not  being  certified  thereof,  should  out  of  ig- 

4  OuL  I*  •  •  1 

"  norance  unawares,  communicate  with  persons  ex- 

"  communicated,  when  such  officers  of  his  should 
"  come  to  kiss  his  hand,  be  called  to  his  council,  or 
"  come  to  perform  any  personal  attendance  about 
"  him^.'*  Hitherto  we  have  seen  how  careful  the 
Conqueror  was  in  preserving  his  own  right  in  church 
matters.  We  will  conclude  all  with  the  syllogism 
which  the  Oracle  of  the  common-law  w  frameth  in 
this  matter ; 

"  It  is  agreed,  that  no  man  only  can  make  any 
"  appropriation  of  any  church,  having  cure  of 
"  souls,  being  a  thing  ecclesiastical,  and  to  be 
"  made  to  some  person  ecclesiastical,  but  he 
"  that  hath  ecclesiastical  jurisdiction. 
"  But  William  the  First  of  himself,  without  any 
"  other,  (as  king  of  England,)  made  appro- 
"  priation  of  churches,  with  cure  to  ecclesiastical 
"  persons,  (as  by  many  instances  may  appear.) 
"  Wherefore  it  followeth  that  he  had  ecclesiastical 

"jurisdiction." 
And  so  much  concerning  king  William's  policy  in 
doing  justice  to  his  own  power.     Proceed  we  now  to 
his  bounty,  confirming  old,  and  conferring  new  fa- 
vours upon  the  church  and  clergy. 
BiAops'ju-      10.  First,  whereas  before  his  time  the  sheriff  and 

nsdictions       , 

firstsevered  bishop  jointly  kept  their  courts  together,  especially 
taieriffs.     at  the  two  solemn  times  about  Easter  and  Michael- 
mas, king  William,  in  favour  of  the  clergy,  assigned 
the  bishops   an   entire  jurisdiction  by  themselves^ 
wherein  they  should  have  cognizance  of  all  causes 

V  Radulphus  de  Diceto^  in     part ;  de  Jure  Regis  Ecclesi- 
anno  1 163.  p.  536.  astico,  f.  lo. 

w  Lord  Coke's  Reports,  fifth 


CBKT.  XI.  of  Britain*  21 

relating  to  religion*,     I  say  relating  to  religion,  a  a.  d.  1070. 

latitude  of  a  cheverel  extension,  adequate  almost  to — 

the  mind  of  him  that  will  stretch  it  out,  and  few  ec- 
clesiastical judges  would  lose  what  might  be  got  by 
measuring.  Now  formerly,  whilst  the  power  of 
sheriff  and  bishop  went  hand  in  hand  together  in 
the  same  court,  neither  could  much  outstrip  other : 
but  since  they  were  severed,  the  spiritual  power  far 
outwent  its  old  mate,  improving  his  own  by  im- 
pairing the  secular  courts;  and  henceforward  the 
canon  law  took  the  firmer  footing  in  England :  date 
we  from  hence  the  squint-eyes  of  the  clergy,  whose 
sight,  single  before,  was  hereafter  divided  with 
double  looks  betwixt  two  objects  at  once;  the 
pope  and  the  king,  to  put  him  first  whom  they  eyed 
most,  acting  hereafter  more  by  foreign  than  domestic 
interest. 

11.  A  learned  pen  makes  a  iust  complaint,  thatTb««>n- 

test  betwixt 

"  courts  which  should  distribute  peace,  do  themselves  common 
"  practice  duels,  whilst  it  is  counted  the  part  of  a^,  how** 
"  resolute  judge   to   enlarge    the  privilege   of  hisj|^^j^ 
"  courty."     A  grievance  most  visible  in  contest  be- 
twixt the  common  and  the  canon  law ;  which,  as  if 
they  were  stars  of  so  different  an  horizon  that  the 
elevation  of  the  one  necessitated  the  depression  of 
the  other,  lie  at  catch,  and  wait  advantages  one 
against  another.     So  that,  whilst  both  might  con- 
tinue in  a  convenient  and  healthful  habitude,  if  such 
envious  corrivality  were  deposed,  now  alternately 
those  courts  swell  to  a  tympany,  or  waste  to  a  con- 


*  See  this  cleared   by  Mr.  vancement  of  Learning,  A  pho- 

Selden  in  his  notes  on  Ead-  rism  96.  p.  463.    [Translation 

nierus,  p.  167.  by  Wats,  1640.] 

y  Lord   Bacon   in   his  Ad- 

C  3 


82  The  Church  History  book  hi. 

A.D.I070' sumption,  as  their  judges  find  themselves  more  or 
^   "'  '  less  strengthened  with  power,  or  befriended  with 


favour.  A  mischief  not  to  be  remedied,  till,  either 
that  mutual  consent,  or  a  predominant  power  to 
both,  impartially  state  their  jurisdictions,  rightly 
setting  down  the  landmarks  thereof,  and  binding 
their  proceedings  not  to  exceed  their  bounds,  which 
would  both  advance  learning,  and  expedite  the  exe- 
cution of  justice. 
KingWii.       12.  To  retum  to  kinff  William:  as  he  conferred 

Ham  his  ° 

charter  to  powor  ou,  SO  he  Confirmed  profit  to  the  clergy. 
^^^'  Witness  his  charter,  granting  them  throughout  Eng- 
land, tithes  of  calves,  colts,  lambs,  milk,  butter, 
cheese,  woods,  meadows,  mills,  &c.''  Which  charter 
is  concluded,  ('tis  the  strong  hem  keeps  all  the 
cloth  from  ravelling  out,)  Qui  [decimarn]  detinuerit^ 
per  justitiam  episcopi,  et  regis,  si  necesse  fuerity  ad 
redditionem  arguatur^^ :  "  Who  shall  detain  his  tithes, 
"  by  the  power  of  the  bishop  and  king  (if  need  be) 
"  let  him  be  argued  into  the  payment  thereof.*'  And 
kings'  arguments  we  know  are  unanswerable,  as  a6 
auihoritate,  carrying  power  and  penalties  with  them. 
This  charter  might  seem  to  give  the  tenth  loaf  of  all 
the  bread  in  the  land  into  the  hands  of  the  English 
clergy.  But  the  municipal  laws,  which  were  after- 
wards made,  did  so  chip  and  pare  this  loaf,  with 
their  modus  dedmandiy  that  in  many  places,  vicar- 
ages especially,  a  small  shiver  of  bread  falls  to  the 
share  of  the  minister,  not  enough  for  his  necessary 
maintenance. 


*  See  it  at  large  in  Mr.  Sel-  den,  but  confirmed  by  the  Con- 
den  of  Tithes,  c.  8.  p.  225.  queror.  See  Hoveden,  f.  343.] 
[A  law  of  Edward  the  Con-  ^sz  Others  read  it  adigatur, 
fessor,  and  so  quoted  by  Sel-  **  let  him  be  compelled." 


CENT.  XI.  of  Britain.  23 

13.  And  here,  to  make  a  short,  but  needful  di-A.D.  1070. 

gression,  I  find  in  eminent  writers  two  contrary  cha- 1-1 

racters  of  king  William.    Some  make  him  an  arrant  tro^^J- 
tyrant,  ruling  only  by  the  magna  charta  of  his  own  ^^^. 
will,  oppressing  all  English  without  cause  or  mea-i^a™- 
sure.  No  author  need  to  be  alleged  for  the  avouching 
thereof,  the  thing  being  author  for  itself,  being  so 
notoriously  known,  and  generally  believed.     Others 

make  him  to  quit  his  title  by  conquest,  and  hold  the 
crown,  partly  by  bequest  from  king  Edward  the 
Confessor,  whose  good  laws  he  is  said  to  confirm, 
{leges  boni  regis  Edvardi  qtms  Gidielmus  hastardus 
postea  conJirmaviUY  ^^^  partly  by  compact  with  his 
people.  Yea,  the  chronicles  of  Lichfield  make  him 
to  call  a  parliament  in  effect ;  I  mean,  a  meeting  of 
his  clergy  and  nobility  in  a  great  council ;  where,  as 
if  he  had  turned  perfect  Englishman,  he  conformed 
his  practice  to  their  ancient  constitutions. 

14.  Should  I  interpose  between  these  opposite  0"«*  «"- 

,.        ^  -  deavours  to 

parties  to  reconcile  them,  probably  the  blows  from  ompaas 
both  sides  would  fall  heavy  on  my  charitable  indis- ference' 
cretion.  Yet  thus  far  I  will  be  bold  to  say,  such 
confirmation  of  king  Edward's  law  (if  made  by  king 
William)  probably  was  rather  oral  and  verbal,  than 
real  and  effectual.  But  if  real,  certainly  it  was  not 
general,  but  limited  to  some  particular  place,  as  the 
province  of  Kent,  the  English  land  of  Goshen,  which 
alone  enjoyed  the  light  of  liberty,  though  rather 
gotten  by  them  than  given  unto  them.  But  if  any 
will  contend  that  this  confirmation  was  general,  they 
must  confess  it  done  in  the  latter  end  of  his  reign. 
King  William  when  young  loved  honour ;  when  old, 

»  See  Mr.  Seldeii,  ut  supra^  [^p.  224.] 

c  4 


S4  The  Church  History  book  hi. 

A. D.  1070. ease:  when  young,  to  conquer;  when  old,  to  enjoy. 

^-^  Age  will  make  all  to  stoop,  as  here  it  bowed  him  to 

a  better  compliance  with  his  people.  However,  this 
his  confirmation  of  king  Edward's  laws  was  not  such 
as  either  gave  general  content  to,  or  begat  assured 
confidence  in  the  English :  perchance  because  but  a 
personal  act,  and  but  partially  done,  and  no  whit  ob- 
ligatory of  his  posterity.  This  made  the  English 
press  so  importunely  (though  in  vain)  to  William 
Rufus,  the  king's  son  and  successor,  for  a  recon- 
firmation of  king  Edward's  laws,  which  had  been 
needless  (a&  being  the  same  with  actum  agere^  or 
rather  datum  petere)  had  the  former  grant  from  king 
William  his  father  been  conceived  sufficient  for  their 
security. 
W^y^'  15.  As  for  king  William's  particular  bounty  to 
bounty  to  Battel  Abbey  in  Sussex,  which  he  founded,  it  bare 
bey.  '  better  proportion  to  the  dignity  of  the  giver,  than  to 
the  deserts  of  the  receivers.  For,  besides  those  pri- 
vileges formerly  mentioned'',  he  gave  it  all  the  land 
within  a  league  of  the  site  thereof.  He  ordered 
that  no  foreigner  should  be  obtruded  on  their  abbey, 
but  in  every  vacancy  one  of  their  own  convent  should 
be  elected  abbot  thereof;  except  (which  heavens 
forbid)  no  fit  person  should  be  found  therein  for  that 
preferment.  Nor  should  the  abbot  be  forced  to  ap- 
pear at  any  synod  or  meeting,  except  pleased  of 
himself  so  to  do.  These  and  many  more  immunities 
he  confirmed  to  that  foundation,  in  such  an  imperious 
style,  as  if  therewith  he  meant  to  bluster  all  future 


^  In  the  first  paragraph  of  and   in    Rymer's   Feed.    I.  4. 

this  book.  [See  the  foundation  The  fullest  information  upon 

charter  in  Selden's  Appendix  all  these  subjects  will  be  found 

to   his    edition    of    Eadmer ;  in  the  Monasticon.] 


CENT.  XI.  of  Britain.  25 

princes  (and  king  Henry  the  Eighth  among  the  rest)  a.  d.  1070. 
into  a  perfect  obedience  unto  his  commands.     Espe-1 — 


cially  with  that  clause  in  his  charter,  NvUtis  succes- 
sorum  meorum  violare  pr^esumat  But  dead  kings* 
charters,  though  they  have  tongues  to  threaten,  yet 
have  no  teeth  to  bite,  especially  when  meeting  with 
an  equal  after-power  to  rescind  them. 

16.  The  more  the  pity,  that  such  drones,  lazy  His  hard 
abbey-lubbers,  went  away  with  the  honey,  whilst  the  with  the 
industrious  bees  were  almost  starved.  I  mean,  theS^^ft?" 
scholars  of  Oxford.  For,  at  the  coming  in  of  the 
Conqueror,  the  students  in  University  college  (for- 
merly  fomided  by  king  Alfred)  were  maintained  by 
pensions,  yearly  paid  them  out  of  the  king^s  ex- 
chequer :  which  provision  was  then  conceived  both 
most  honourable,  as  immediately  depending  on  the 
crown,  and  less  troublesome,  issuing  out  in  ready 
coin,  free  from  vexatious  suits,  casualties  of  tenants, 
and  other  encumbrances.  But  now  kmg  WilHam, 
who  loved  that  the  tide  of  wealth  should  flow  into, 
but  not  ebb  out  of  his  coffers,  detained  and  denied 
their  exhibitions^.  Yea,  the  king  picked  a  quarrel 
with  them  because  they  sought  to  preserve  and  pro- 
pagate the  English  tongue,  which  the  king  designed 
to  suppress,  and  to  reduce  all  to  the  French  lan- 
guage. And  yet  the  French  speech  was  so  far  from 
final  prevailing  in  this  kingdom,  that  it  was  fain  at 
last  to  come  to  a  composition  with  the  English 
tongue,  mixed  together,  as  they  remain  at  this  day. 
Save  that  in  terms  in  law,  venery  and  blazon,  the 
French  seemeth  solely  to  command.  The  scholars, 
thus  deprived  of  their  pensions,  lived  on  the  charity 

c  Ex  monumentis  collegii  Universitatis.    [Quoted  by  Twyne, 
as  below.] 


26  The  Church  History  book  hi. 

A.D.  io7o.of  such  as  loved  the  contmuance  of  their  native 

#^    1     T 

J__J_-L  tongue^.     Their  Latin  was  then  maintained  by  their 
English :  though  surely  it  was  no  small  disturbance 
to  their  studies  merely  to  depend  for  their  subsist- 
ence on  the  arbitrary  alms  of  others. 
AD.  1071.      17.  Pass  we  now  from  king  William  unto  Land- 
most  kindly  frauc  archbishop  of  Canterbury,  next  the  king,  then 
S«^.^  the  most  considerable  person  in  our  ecclesiastical 
history.     To  Rome  he  went  with  Thomas,  elect  of 
York,  and  Remigius  of  Lincoln,  all  three  for  con- 
firmation from  the  pope  in  their  preferment.     Pope 
Alexander    treated    Landfranc    so    civilly,   that   a 
stranger,  if  beholding  the  passages  betwixt  them, 
haply  might  have  mistook  Landfranc  for  the  pope, 
and  the  pope  for  the  petitioner.     His  highness  ho- 
noiu-ed  him  as  his  master,  cujiis  studio  sumus  in  illis 
qiKB  scimus  imbuti ;  "  by  whose  care,"  said  he,  "  we 
"  have  been  instructed  in  those  things  whereof  we 
"  have  knowledge®." 
Hisdiarge      18.  Then  Laudfrauc  charged  Thomas  in  the  pre- 
^SJJ^as,    sence  of  the  pope,  as  canonically  uncapable  of  that 
^j^^^      archbishopric,  because  the  son  of  a  priest.     And  yet 
by  Landfranc's  leave,  no  canon  can  be  produced  then 
in   force,  to  debar  priests'  sons   fit)m   preferment, 
though  some  few  years  after  in  the  council  of  Cler- 
mont such  a  prohibition  was  made.     And  therefore 
Eadmerus,  speaking  of  Landfranc,  calumniatits  est  co- 
ram papa  Thomam^  in  the  proper  acception  of  his 
words,  speaks  more  truth  than  he  was  aware  of,  or 
probably  did  intend^     But  Landfranc,  being  a  pri- 

^  Br.  Twyne  in  Antiq.  Aca-  any  such  canon  as  that  alleged 

dem.  Oxon.  p.  215.  by  Landfranc  can  be  produced 

e  [Eadmer,  H.  N.  p.  6.]  till  the  time  of  the  council  of 

^Novorum  p.  7.     [Whether  Clermont,  which  was  held  in 


CENT.  XI.  of  Britain.  27 

vado  to  the  pope's  projects,  and  as  well  to  the  inten- a.d.  1071. 

tions  as  the  actions  of  the  church  of  Rome,  might  by '—i- 

a  prolepsis  antedate  this  objection  against  Thomas, 
using  it  for  the  present  as  a  rub  to  retard  him,  which 
some  years  after  was  constituted  a  legal  obstacle  to 
exclude  any  priest's  son  from  promotion.  But  even 
when  that  canon  some  years  after  was  made,  the 
pope  was  not  so  cruel  as  thereby  fully  and  finally  to 
exclude  all  priests'  sons  fi^m  church  dignity,  but 
only  to  shut  them  out  for  a  time,  that  they  might 
stand  at  the  door  and  knock,  (I  mean  with  the  chink 
of  their  money,)  and  at  last  be  let  in  when  they  had 
paid  dear  for  a  dispensation. 

1 9.  Landfranc  likewise  charged  Remigius,  elect  of  And 
Lincoln,  as  irregular,  because  guilty  of  simony.    Yet  migius, 
he  did  not  tax  him  with  a  penny  of  money,  either  Lincoln. 
paid  or  contracted  for,  only  charged  him  that  officio 
emerat^y  by  service-simony  he  had  purchased  the 
place  of  king  William ;  so  that  his  officiousness  to 
comply  with  the  king's  pleasiu-e  had  made  him  inju- 
rious and  vexatious  unto  the  people.  Here  all  things 
were  referred  to  Landfranc's  own  arbitration ;  whom 

the  pope,  of  an  accuser  made  a  judge,  so  far  as  either 
to  admit  or  exclude  the  aforesaid  prelates ;  affirming, 
that  if  "  any  unworthiness  crept  into  English  prefer- 
"  ment,  be  it  charged  on  Landfranc  his  account, 
"  whom  he  made  sole  judge  of  men's  merits  to  any 
"  promotion." 

20.  But  all  is  well  that  ends  well ;  and  so  did  this  Landfranc 
contest.     Landfranc,  having  first  given  them  a  taste  and  em- 
of  his  power,  did  afterwards  give  them  a  cast  of  his  ^  *^y°*®"*' 

the   year   1095,   is   uncertain,     bur.  De  Gestis  Pontif.  f.  1 17J 
See  Selden's  notes  upon  Ead-         g  Eadmerus,  ibid, 
mer,  p.  195.     See  also  Malms- 


28 


The  Church  History 


BOOK  III. 


A.D.  1071.  pity,  and  favourably  accepted  them  both  into  their 
1—  places.     Hence  they  all  post  homewards,  where  we 

leave  Landfranc  safely  arrived,  and  soundly  employed 

in  variety  of  business. 

1.  In  asserting  the  superiority  of  his  see  above 
York. 

2.  In  defending  his  tenants,  in  what  diocese  so- 
ever, from  the  visitations  of  their  respective  bishops, 
which  gave  the  first  original  to  peculiars. 

3.  In  repairing  his  church  of  Canterbury,  lately 
much  defaced  with  fire. 

4.  In  casting  out  secular  priests  and  substituting 
monks  in  their  room**. 

5.  Lastly,  in  recovering  lands  long  detained  from 
his  see. 

Nor  was  he  affrighted  with  the  height  and  great- 
ness of  Odo  bishop  of  Bayeux,  though  half-brother 
to  king  William,  and  earl  of  Kent,  but  wrestled  a 
fair  fall  with  him  in  a  legal  trial,  and  cast  him  flat 
on  his  back,  regaining  many  lordships  which  Odo 
had  most  unjustly  invaded  ^    Such  as  desire  more  of 


^  [According  to  Eadmer 
(H.  N.  p.  to.),  and  Malms- 
bury  (De  Gest.  Pontif.  f.  122.) 
Walchelinus,  bishop  ofWinton, 
with  the  concurrence  of  the 
king  and  the  nobles  of  the 
realm,  would  have  restored  the 
regular  clergy,  and  had  indeed 
reinstated  forty  of  them  in  his 
diocese;  but  Landfranc,  sup- 
ported by  pope  Alexander, 
most  violently  and  most  un- 
justly expelled  them,  and  ob- 
tained from  the  pope  an  edict 
in  his  favour  (printed  in  Ead- 
mer, p.  II.)  It  is  justly  ob- 
served  by  Fuller,  that  the  am- 
bitious projects  of  the  Roman 


pontifs  gained  greater  strength 
in  the  time  of  William  I.,  than 
in  any  previous  periods. 

It  was  provided  by  the 
council  of  Winchester,  held  in 
the  year  1 076,  that  priests  who 
were  married  should  not  be 
compelled  to  put  away  their 
wives;  but  that  those  who  were 
unmarried  should  be  interdict- 
ed from  marrying,  and  that  no 
one  should  hereafter  be  admit- 
ted to  holy  orders  without  a 
previous  profession,  before  his 
bishop,  that  he  was  not  mar- 
ried. Wilkins*  Cone.  I.  367.] 

i  [Eadmer,  H.  N.  p.  9.  Wil- 
kins* Concil.  I.  323.] 


CENT.  XI. 


of  Britain. 


29 


Landfranc  his  character,  let  them  consult  Eadmerus  A.p.  1071. 

6  GuL  1. 

a  monk  of  Canterbury,  and  therefore  prodigal  in 
Landiranc's  praise,  an  archbishop  of  Canterbury,  and 
great  promoter  of  monastical  life^.  Indeed  there 
was  a  design,  driven  on  by  Walkeline  bishop  of  Win- 
chester, who  had  privately  wrought  the  king  to  abet 
it,  to  reinduce  secular  priests  into  monks'  places; 
till  Landiranc,  getting  notice,  defeated  the  plot; 
procuring  that  all  such  monks,  whom  he  had  first 
fastened  in  their  convents,  were  afterwards  rivetted 
therein  by  papal  authority^. 

21.  About  this  time  a  constitution  was  made,  that  a.  d.  1075. 
bishops  should  remove  their  sees  from  petty  towns  sees  w^ 
to  populous  places.     This  reason  being  rendered  for^^^g^^ 
their  removal,  Ne  viksceret  episcopalis  dignitas^  by°*^* 
their  long  living  in  so  little  villages.     Such  bishops' 
churches  could  not  properly  be  called  cathedrals, 
who  sat  not  upon  chairs,  but  low  stools,  so  incon- 
siderably small  were  some  places  of  their  residences. 
A  fair  candlestick,  advantageously  set,  in  some  sense 
may  be  said  to  give  light  to  the  candle  itself;  and 
episcopal  lustre  will  be  the  brighter,  if  placed  in 
eminent  cities.     Besides,  bishops  having  now  gotten 
canon  law,  and  distinct  courts  by  themselves,  much 
people  repaired  unto  their  consistories,  which  conve- 
niently could  not  be  accommodated  in  little  villages. 


^  [See  alsd  an  admirable  de- 
scription of  his  character  by 
Malmsb.  De  Gest.  Pontif.  f. 
1 1 6 J  and  tlie  Saxon  Chron.  an. 
1 070.  sq.  He  was  far  superior 
in  literary  qualifications  to  any 
of  his  predecessors,  and  one  of 
the  best  scholars  oi  his  time, 
he  shewed  in  his  contro- 


as 


versy  with  the  celebrated  Be. 


rengarius.  At  the  same  time 
he  was  exceedingly  severe  and 
tyrannical,  on  one  occasion  pro- 
ceeding even  to  the  infliction 
of  corporal  punishment  upon 
some  monks  who  opposed  his 
proceedings.  See  the  remark- 
able narrative  in  the  Saxon 
Chronicle,  ib.] 

^  [Eadmer,  H.  N.  p.  10.] 


so  The  Church  History  book  in. 

A.D.  1075.  but  required  bigger  places  for  their  better  entertain- 

^ment.     In  order  to  this  command,  the   bishop   of 

Dorchester  near  Oxford  removed  to  Lincoln"*;  as 
somewhat   before,    Selsey   was   translated   to    Chi- 
chester, and  Sherborne  to  Salisbury ;  and,  not  long 
after,  Thetford  to  Norwich.     Now  as  these  cities  to 
which  they  removed,  being  great  before,  grew  greater 
afterwards,  so   those   places  which  they  left,  Dor- 
chester  (and   Selsey   especially)   decayed    to    con- 
temptible villages ;  it  faring  with  places  as  with  per- 
sons, the  rich  grow  richer  still,  and  the  meaner  are 
daily  diminished. 
Woistan's       22.  As  thcse  bishops  accounted  themselves  well 
saveUi  hu  busied  m  removing  their  bishopncs,  so  some,  I  am 
bishopnc    ^^^.^^  ^ffere  ill  employed  in  endeavouring  to  remove  a 
good  bishop,  I  mean  Wolstan,  from  his  church  of 
Worcester.     As  the  poets  feign  of  Janus,  that  he 
had  two  faces,  because  living  before  and  after  the 
flood,  so  this  Wolstan  may  be  charactered  accord- 
ingly, made  bishop  before,  but  continuing  his  place 
long  after  the  Norman  inundation.     But  in  what 
sense  soever  he  may  be  said  to  have  two  faces,  he 
had  but  one  heart,  and  that  a  single  and  sincere  one 
to  God,  and  all  goodness ;  yet  his  adversaries  heaved 
at  him  to  cast  him  out  of  his  bishopric,  because  an 
Englishman  of  the  old  stamp ;  but  he  sat  safe,  right- 
poised  therein,  with  his  own  gravity  and  integrity. 
And,  being  urged  to  resign  his  staff  and  ring,  ensigns 
of  his  episcopacy,  he  refused  to  surrender  them  to 

m  [William  of  Malmsbury,  mentions    the    translation    of 

who  has  given  an  abstract  of  Lichfield  to  Chester.    De  Ges- 

the  proceedings  of  this  council,  tis     Pont.     f.     (117.)      With 

omits  all  notice  of  the  trans-  Malmsbury  the  other  copies  of 

lation  of  the  see  of  Dorchester  this  council  agree.     See  WiU 

to  Lincoln,  and  in  place  of  it,  kins'  Concil.  I.  363. 


CEKT.Xl. 


of  Britain. 


31 


any  man  alive,  but  willingly  offered  them  up  at  the  a.d.  1075. 

tomb  of  Edward  the  Confessor,  from  whom  he  re 

ceived  them.  This  his  gratitude  to  his  dead  patron, 
and  candid  simplicity  in  neglecting  the  pomp  of  his 
place,  procured  him  much  favour,  and  occasioned 
his  peaceable  confirmation  in  his  bishopric". 

23.  At  this  time  several  liturries  were  used  in  The  on- 

.      ginal  <rf  J*- 

England,  which  caused   confusion,  and  much  dis- eum/um 

tuum  SO" 


rum. 


^  [Ailredus  Rievall.  p.  405. 
ed.  Twysden. 

Thomas  archbishop  of  York 
laid  claim  to  the  see  of  Wor- 
cester^ which  had  sometimes 
been  held  in  commendam  by 
other  archbishops  of  York, 
According  to  Malmsbury^  an^ 
other  pretext  for  removing 
Wulstan  was  his  want  of  learn- 
ing. De  Gestis^  f.  66^  b.  Ang. 
Sac.  II.  255. 

The  same  writer  mentions  an 
anecdote  relating  to  this  con- 
tention, which  shews  the  simpli- 
city of  Wulstan's  character.  The 
king  and  the  archbishop  were 
not  inclined  to  favour  him,  and 
his  opponent  Thomas  the  arch- 
bishop^ a  Norman  of  consider- 
able learning  and  ability,  was 
busily  employed  in  preparing 
his  cause.  Wulstan  having 
retired  for  his  defence,  said  to 
his  clerks :  "  We  have  not  yet 
••  chaunted  The  Ninth  Hour ; 
"  let  us  begin  it  then."  His 
clerks  replied  ;  "  That  there 
"  was  sufficient  time  for  it 
'*  hereafter,  and  that  he  should 
'*  rather  attend  to  the  business 
"  in  hand ;  for  if  the  king  and 
"  his  nobles  should  hear  them, 
''  they  would  only  turn  them 
"  into  ridicule."  The  venerable 


n 


tt 


€i 


(( 


prelate  replied ;  "  Let  us  first 
"  do  the  service  of  God,  and 
'■  afterwards  attend  to  the  liti- 
"  gations  of  men.  Know  ye 
'^  not  that  the  Lord  hath  said ; 
"  When  ye  shall  he  brought  he- 
"  fare  governors  and  kings, 
take  no  thought  how  or  what 
ye  shall  speak,  for  it  shall 
he  given  you  in  that  same  hour 
what  ye  shall  speak"  H  aving 
performed  this  service  of  the 
churchy  he  went  into  court, 
and  defended  himself  with  so 
much  simplicity  and  honesty, 
that  he  gained  his  cause^  and 
the  favour  of  the  king  ever 
after.  This  anecdote  Malms- 
bury  heard  from  a  contem- 
porary. See  Will.  Malmsb.  de 
Vita  Wulstani  in  the  Ang. 
Sacr.  II.  p.  241.  For  this  bio- 
graphy Malmsbury  was  much 
indebted  to  Colman  a  monk, 
afterwards  prior  of  Westbury, 
who  died  in  11 13.  He  com- 
posed a  life  of  Wulstan  in 
Anglo-Saxon,  for  which  he  was 
well  qualified,  having  been  a 
disciple  of  Wulstan,  and  his 
chaplain  for  fifteen  years.  An- 
other authority  was  Hamming, 
sub-prior  of  Worcester,  Wul- 
stan's friend  and  contempo- 
rary.] 


3S 


The  Church  History 


BOOK  I  If. 


-^•^-jojB.turbed  men*8  devotions.     Yea,  which  was  worse,  a 

i8  GuL  1.  —7  7 

brawl,  yea,  a  battle  happened  betwixt  the  English 

monks  of  Glassenbury  and  Thurstan,  their  Norman 
abbot  in  their  very  church  obtruding  a  service  upon 
them  which  they  disliked.  Unfit  persons  to  fight, 
being  by  their  profession  men  of  peace,  and  unfitter 
the  place  for  a  quarrel.  Have  ye  not  hotises  to  eat 
and  drink  in  f  saith  St.  Paul  to  the  Corinthians,  or 
despise  ye  the  church  of  God^f  Was  there  no  other 
room  in  their  convent  for  them  to  fall  out  and  fight 
in,  but  their  church  alone  ?  Here  was  an  holy  war 
indeed,  when  church  forms,  candlesticks,  and  cruci- 
fixes  were  used  for  shields  by  the  monks  against  the 
abbot's  armed  men,  brought  in  against  them.  Nor 
was  holy  water  only,  but  much  blood  spilled  in  the 
place;  eight  monks  being  wounded,  and  two  slain 
(or  if  you  will)  sacrificed  near  the  steps  of  the  high 
aJtarP.    But  this  accident,  ill  in  itself,  was  then  con- 


^  I  Cor.  xi.  22. 

P  Eulogium  an  ancient  and 
authentic  Chronicle,  cited  by 
Mr.  Fox,  vol.  I.  p.  238.  [Will, 
of  Malmsb.  f.  62.  Fox  in  his 
Martyrology  has  given  an  exact 
account  of  this  quarrel.  '*  [This] 
*'  Thurstanus  the  said  William 

[the  Conqueror]  had  brought 

out  of  Normandy  from  the 
'^  abbey  of  Cadomum  [Caen], 
''  and  placed  him  abbot  of 
"  Glastenbury.  The  cause  of 
**  this  contentious  battle  was 
^'  for  that  Thurstanus  con- 
*^  temning  their  quire  service, 
'*  then  called  the  use  of  S. 
'*  6regory,compelled  his  monks 
"  to  the  use  of  one  William  a 
"  monk  of  Fiscam  in  Norman- 
'^  dy.  Whereupon  came  strife 
'*  and     contentions     amongst 


(( 


<« 


"  them,  first  in  words,  then 
^*  from  words  to  blows,  after 
•'  blows  then  to  armour,  &c." 
For  his  authority  he  places 
in  the  margin,  '*  Ex  Eulogio 
"  Historico,  lib.  3."  but  the 
above  passage  is  also  a  literal 
version  of  Florentius  Wigom. 
third  book,  a.  1083.  (for  so  it 
is  divided  in  the  MS.  in  Cor- 
pus Christi  College,  Oxford), 
and  differs  nothing  from  Flo- 
rence except  in  the  passage 
which  Fox  rightly  says,  "  sa- 
'*  voureth  of  some  monkish 
<^  addition  besides  the  text." 
Florence  of  Worcester  says, 
two  monks  were  killed  and 
fourteen  wounded  ;  but  the 
Saxon  Chron.  and  Mat.  Paris, 
three  killed  and  eighteen 
wounded ;   and  probably   the 


C£NT.  XI. 


of  Britain. 


SS 


ceived  good  in  the  event  thereof,  because  occasioning  a.  d.  1083. 
a  settlement  and  unifonnity  of  liturgy  all  over  Eng-  '^  ^"^'  ^* 
land.  For  hereupon  Osmund,  bishop  of  Salisbury, 
devised  that  ordinary  or  form  of  service  which  here- 
after was  observed  in  tie  whole  realm :  his  church's 
practice  being  a  precedent,  and  the  devotion  therein 
a  direction  to  all  others.  Henceforward  the  most 
ignorant  parish  priest  in  England,  though  having  no 
more  Latin  in  all  his  treasury,  yet  understood  the 
meaning  of,  secundum  usum  Sarum^  that  all  service 
must  be  ordered,  "according  to  the  course  and 
^  custom  of  Salisbury  church  pp." 

24.  I  find  no  Jews  in  England  (no  deviation,  I  The  Am 
hope,  from  church  history  to  touch  at  the  synagogue)  S^j^ws 
before  the  reign  of  the  Conqueror,  who   brought  J^*''^' 
many  from  Roan  in  Normandy,  and  settled  them  in 
London,  Norwich,  Cambridge,  Northampton,  &c.*i 


eight  in  the  text  is  only  a  mis- 
print for  eighteen.  The  latter 
writer  also  refers  this  quarrel 
to  the  year  1079.  The  abbot 
was  deposed  and  banished. 

This  however  was  not  a  sin- 
gle instance,  as  might  have 
been  expected.  Most  of  the 
Norman  abbots  had  been  thrust 
upon  the  monasteries^  as  a  re- 
ward for  their  services,  without 
any  regard  being  paid  to  the 
rights  of  the  existing  abbots ; 
and  being  generally  of  warlike 
habits,  they  frequently  fell  to 
fighting  with  their  monks.  Thus 
Thorald,  a  monk  of  Fescamp, 
was  intruded  upon  the  abbey 
of  Malmsbury,  though  Bright- 
ric  the  abbot  was  still  alive. 
But  as  he  was  continually  en- 
gaged in  squabbling  with  the 
monks,  William  transferred  him 

FULLER,  VOL.  II. 


to  the  abbey  of  Borough^  which 
was  indeed  very  rich,  but  con- 
tinually infested  by  a  band  of 
marauders,  headed  by  the  fa- 
mous Hereward  the  Saxon ;  a 
very  troublesome  foe  to  the 
Conqueror  ;  William  adding 
these  words  on  the  occasion  : 
•*  By  the  splendor  of  God,"  he 
says,  •*  because  he  shews  hiin- 
"  self  more  of  a  soldier  than 
*'  an  abbot,  I'll  find  his  match 
'*  for  him.  Let  him  go  there 
"  and  try  his  military  prowess, 
"  and  find  sport  in  fighting  as 
"  long  as  he  pleases."  Vita 
Aldhelmi,  p.  372.  Compare 
Sax.  Chron.  a.  1070.] 

PP  [See   Bromton  s    Chron. 

P-977.  I.] 

q  S tow's  Survey  of  London, 

[p.  288.] 


34 


The  Church  History 


BOOK  III. 


A  D.  1083.  In  what  capacity  these  Jews  came  over  I  find  not ; 

'—  perchance  as  plunderers,  to  buy  such  oppressed  Eng- 
lishmen's goods  which  Christians  would  not  meddle 
with.  SuflSceth  it  us  to  know,  that  an  invasion  by 
conquest  (such  as  king  William  then  made)  is  like 
an  inn  entertaining  all  adventurers ;  and  it  may  be 
these  Jewish  bankers  assisted  the  Conqueror  with 
their  coin.  These  Jews,  though  forbidden  to  buy 
land  in  England,  grew  rich  by  usury,  their  con- 
sciences being  so  wide,  that  they  were  none  at  all ; 
so  that  in  the  barest  pasture,  in  which  a  Christian 
would  starve,  a  Jew  would  grow  fat,  he  bites  so 
close  unto  the  ground.  And  ever  bow  down  their 
backs^  is  part  of  God's  curse  upon  the  Jews.  And 
crook-backed  men,  as  they  eye  the  earth,  the  centre 
of  wealth,  so  they  quickly  see  what  straight  persons 
pass  by,  and  easily  stoop  to  take  up  what  they  find 
thereon;  and  therefore  no  wonder  if  the  Jewish 
nation,  whose  souls  are  bowed  down  with  covetous- 
ness,  quickly  wax  wealthy  therewith.  King  William 
favoured  them  very  much ;  and  Rufus  his  son  much 
more ;  especially  if  that  speech  reported  of  him  be 
true,  that  he  should  swear  by  St.  Luke's  face,  his 
common  oath,  "  if  the  Jews  could  overcome  the 
"  Christians,  he  himself  would  become  one  of  their 
"  sect  V 


^  Stow's  Survey  of  Lon- 
don, p.  288.  [From  Malmsb. 
De  Gestis,  f.  69,  b.  Eadmer 
accuses  Rufus  of  obliging 
converted  Jews  to  renounce 
Christianity  and  return  to  Ju- 
daism ;  but  this  statement  is 
probably  founded  on  report, 
and  is  in  itself  incredible.  Sel- 
den  has  much  praised  the  nar- 


rative of  this  writer,  who  is  on 
the  whole  judicious  and  exact. 
But  as  he  was  the  constant 
companion  of  Anselm,  and  at- 
tended that  prelate  in  his  ab- 
sence from  England,  whatever 
he  has  related  of  Rufus,  at  the 
least  of  the  latter  years  of  that 
prince's  life,  must  be  considered 
as  resting  on  hearsay.] 


CKKT.  XI. 


of  Britain, 


S5 


25.  Now  was  the  time  come  of  king  William's  a.  d.  1087. 

death,  ending  his  days  in  Normandy.     But  see  the  — '- 

unhappiness  of  all  human  felicity ;  for  his  breath  and  of  kin^ 
his  servants  forsook  him  both  together;  the  latter ^^^' 
leaving  him,  as  if  his  body  should  bury  itself.  How  ^?*^9j^^ 
many  hundreds  held  land  of  him  in  knights'  service ! 
whereas  now,  neither  knight  nor  esquire  to  attend 
him.  At  last,  with  much  ado,  his  corpse  are  brought 
in  mean  manner  to  be  interred  in  Caen.  As  they 
were  prepared  for  the  earth,  a  private  person  forbids 
the  burial  till  satisfaction  was  made  unto  him,  be- 
cause the  king  had  violently  taken  from  him  that 
ground  on  which  that  church  was  erected.  Doth 
not  Solomon  say  true,  A  living  dog  is  better  than  a 
dead  lion^  when  such  a  little  cur  durst  snarl  at  the 
corpse  of  a  king  and  a  conqueror  ?  At  last  the  monks 
of  Caen  made  a  composition,  and  the  body  was 
buried*.  And  as  it  was  long  before  this  king's  corpse 
could  get  peaceable  possession  of  a  grave,  so  since, 
by  a  firm  ejection,  he  hath  been  outed  of  the  same. 
When  French  soldiers,  anno  Domini  1562,  amongst 
whom  some  English  were  mingled,  when  Chastillion 
conducting  the  remnant  of  those  which  escaped  in 
the  battle  of  Dreux,  took  the  city  of  Caen,  in  his 
way  (out  of  pretence  forsooth  to  seek  for  some  trea- 


8  [Flor.  Wigorn.  a.  1087. 
Malmsb.  f.  63.  **  Corpus  de- 
*'  functum  Cadomum  per  Se- 
*'  quanam  delatum  magno  prse- 
**  latorum  frequentia  traditur 
«*  sepulturse,"  Mat.  Paris. 
an.  1087.  p.  14.  Robert, 
the  Conqueror's  eldest  sod, 
was  engaged  in  preparation 
for  a  war  against  his  father,  in 
France.  Rufus,  before  his  fa- 
ther  expired,  crossed  over  into 
England ; — to  use  the  dry,  sar- 


castic language  of  the  chro- 
nicler just  quoted — *'  utiliorem 
"  sibi  earn  profectionem  fore 
**  ducens  in  posterum,  quam 
*'  paternis  exsequiis  interesse." 
Henry  Was  the  only  son  pre- 
sent at  the  funeral,  who  paid 
the  soldier  to  whom  the  land 
belonged,  where  his  father  was 
interred,  a  hundred  pounds,  to 
protect  the  corpse  from  insult. 
Will,  of  Malmsbur.  f.  63,  b.] 

D  2 


36 


The  Church  History 


BOOK  III. 


A.  D.  1087.  sure  supposed  to  be  hid  in  his  tomb)  most  barba- 

21 1  rously  and  cowardly  brake  up  his  coffin,  and  cast  his 

bones  out  of  the  same*. 
The  three       26.  William  the  Conqueror  left  three  sons,  Robert, 
Conqueror,  William,  and  Henry :  and,  because  hereditary  sur- 
"Z^^  names  were  not  yet  fixed  in  families,  they  were  thus 
denominated  and  distinguished : 

i.  The  eldest  from  his  goods  of  fortune,  to  which 
clothes  are  reduced,  Robert  Curthose,  from  the  short 
hose  he  wore,  not  only  for  fancy,  but  sometimes  for 
need,  cutting  his  coat  according  to  his  cloth:  his 
means,  all  his  life  long,  being  scant  and  necessitous, 
ii.  The  second,  from  the  goods  of  his  body,  viz.  a 
ruddy  complexion,  William  Rufiis,  or  Red.  But, 
whether  a  lovely  and  amiable,  or  ireful  and  choleric 
red,  the  reader  on  perusal  of  his  life  is  best  able  to 
decide. 

iii.  The  third,  from  the  goods  of  his  mind,  and  his 
rich  abilities  of  learning,  Henry  Beauclerk,  or,  the 
good  scholar". 

The  middlemost  of  these,  William  Rufus,  pre- 
suming on  his  brother  Robert's  absence  in  Normandy, 
and  pretending  his  father  got  the  crown  by  conquest, 
which  by  will  he  bequeathed  unto  him,  (his  eldest 
brother  being  then  under  a  cloud  of  his  father's  dis- 
pleasure,) adventured  to  possess  himself  of  the  king- 
dom ^ 


t  Stow's  Chron.  [p.  127.] 
u  [He  had  another  son  named 
Richard^  born  after  Robert,  a 
youth  of  great  promise,  who 
met  his  death  hunting  in  the 
New  Forest.  Flor.  Wigom.  a. 
1 160.  OrdericusVitali8,p.  573. 
Malmsb.  f.  63,  b.  Mr.  Ste- 
venson has  printed  from  MSS. 
an  epitaph  on  this  prince,  writ- 


ten by  Selro,  a  contemporary. 
Scala  Chronica,  notes,  p.  214.] 
V  [M.  Paris,  a.  1086.  p.  12. 
Gul.  Neubrig.  I.  2.  According 
to  William  of  Newbury  the 
succession  undoubtedly  per- 
tained of  right  to  Robert ; 
who  was,  however,  according 
to  the  same  testimony,  incom- 
petent to  the  task  of  governing 


CBNT.  XI. 


of  Britain. 


87 


27.  On  the  twenty-sixth  of  September,  Landfranc  a.  d.  1087. 
archbishop  of  Canterbury,  with  good  Wolstan,  bishop  1^^ 
of  Worcester,  assisting  him,  crowned  Rufns  king  of  liam^Ruftw 
England,  though  but  his  father's  second  son^.     And*^"""*^^' 
indeed  the  known  policy  of  the  former,  and  the  re- 
puted piety  of  the  latter,  were  the  best  supporters  of 

his  title.  Jacob,  we  know,  acted  with  a  prophetical 
spirit,  guiding  his  hands  wittingly^,  laid  his  right  on 
Ephraim  the  younger,  and  his  left  on  Manasseh  the 
elder  brother :  but  what  warrant  these  bishops  had 
to  invert  and  transpose  nature's  method,  by  preferring 
the  younger  brother  before  the  elder,  was  best  known 
to  themselves.  Under  Landfranc  he  had  his  edu- 
cation, who  "made  him  a  knight V'  though  it  had 
been  more  proper  for  his  tutor's  profession,  yea,  and 
more  for  his  credit,  and  his  pupil's  profit,  if  he  (as 
the  instrument)  had  made  him  a  good  Christian. 

28.  He  began  very  bountifully,  but  on  another  His  covet- 
man's  cost ;  not  as  a  donor,  but  a  dealer  thereof,  and  and^^n- 
executor  of  his  father's  will.     To  some  churches  he  ''^^^^^ 
gave  ten  mark,  to  others  six,  to  every  country  village 

five  shillings,  besides  an  hundred  pound  to  every 


a  large  kingdom.  De  Rebus 
Angl.  I.  3.  Rufus  was  the 
favourite  of  his  parents  (Malms. 
De  Pontif.  f.  123,  b.),  was 
brought  up  by  them  with  great 
care  and  attention,  giving  at  a 
very  early  age  tokens  of  great 
abi&ty.  He  would  without 
doubt  have  been  the  most  in- 
comparable prince  of  his  time> 
had  he  not  been  eclipsed  by 
his  father's  greatness;  shew- 
ing the  greatest  anxiety  to  out- 
strip all  his  rivals  in  military 
exercises;  careful  in  his  obe- 
dience to  his  father,  to  whom 


he  was  attentive  on  all  occa- 
sions; as  anxious  in  war  to 
draw  his  father's  eyes  upon 
him  by  feats  of  arms,  as  he 
was  his  constant  companion  in 
peace.  Malmsb.  De  Gestis,  f. 
t'j.  b.  His  character  is  ad- 
mirably drawn  by  this  Chro- 
nicler ;  and  may  be  trusted,  as 
he  was  not  prejudiced  in  favour 
of  the  Normans.] 

w  [Flor.  Wig.  a.  1087.] 

X  Gen.  xlviii.  14. 

y  Mat.  Paris,  a.  1087.  p.  14. 
Malmsb.  De  Gestis,  f.  67.  b.] 

d3 


38  The  Church  History  book  hi. 

A.  D.  1087.  county,  to  be  distributed  among  the   poor*.     But 

^afterward  he  proved  most  parsimonious,  though  no 

man  more  prodigal  of  never-performed  promises. 
Indeed  Rehoboam,  though  simple,  was  honest,  speak- 
ing to  his  subjects,  though  foolishly,  yet  truly  ac- 
cording to  his  intent,  that  his  finger  should  be  heavier 
than  his  father's  loins^:  whereas  Rufus  was  false 
in  his  proceedings,  who,  on  the  imminence  of  any 
danger  or  distress,  (principally  to  secure  himself 
against  the  claim  of  his  brother  Robert,)  instantly  to 
oblige  the  English,  promised  them  the  releasing  of 
their  taxes,  and  the  restoring  of  the  English  laws ; 
but,  on  the  sinking  of  the  present  danger,  his  per- 
formance sunk  accordingly ;  no  letter  of  the  English 
laws  restored,  or  more  mention  thereof,  till  the  re- 
turning of  the  like  state-storm  occasioned  the  re- 
viving of  his  promise ;  and  alternately  the  clearing 
up  of  the  one  deaded  the  performance  of  the  other^ 
A.D.  1089.  29.  This  year  died  Landfranc  archbishop  of  Can- 
ing himself  tcrbury ;  after  whose  death  the  king  seized  the  pro- 
Uving^^  fits  of  that  see  into  his  own  hand,  and  kept  the 
church  vacant  for  some  years ;  knowing  the  emptiness 
of  bishoprics  caused  the  fulness  of  his  coffers.  Thus 
archbishop  Rufus,  bishop  Rufiis,  abbot  Rufus,  for  so 
he  may  be  called,  as  well  as  king  RuAis ;  keeping  at 
the  same  time  the  archbishopric  of  Canterbury,  the 
bishoprics  of  Winchester  and  Durham,  and  thirteen 
abbeys  in  his  hand,  brought  a  mass  of  money  into 
his  exchequer.  All  places  which  he  parted  with  was 
upon  present  payment.  Simon  Magus  with  his 
hands  full  of  money,  would  carry  any  thing  from 

*  Chronicon  Johannis  Brom-     Wig.  a.  1087.] 
ton,  p.  983.  [Malmsb.  f.  63.  b.         a  i  Kings  xii.  11. 
M,  Paris,  a.  1087.  p.  14.  Flor.         b  Malmsb.  De  Gestis,  f.  68. 


CENT.  XI. 


of  Britain. 


39 


Simon  Peter,  with  his  silver  and  gold  have  I  none^.A.D.ioSg. 

Yea,  John  bishop  of  Wells  could  not  remove  his 

seat  to  Bath,  nisi  cdbo  ungiiento  manibus  regis  deli- 

batis\  "  unless  he  had  moistened  the  king's  hands 

"  with  white  ointment  ;**  though  a  less  proportion, 

of  a  yellow  colour,  would  have  been  more  sovereign 

to  the  same  use.    And  picking  a  quarrel  with  Remi- 

gius  bishop  of  Lincoln  about  the  founding  of  his 

cathedral,  he  forced  him  to  buy  his  peace  at  the 

price  of  a  thousand  marks®. 

30.  But  in  the  midst  of  his  mirth,  king  Rufus,  a.  d.  1093. 

His  sick- 
coming  to   Gloucester,   fell   desperately   sick,   andnessand 

began  to  bethink  himself  of  his  ill  Jed  life^.     As  allof  amend^ 

aches  and  wounds  prick  and  pain  most  the  nearer  it  ^^^^ 

draweth  to  night,  so  a  guilty  conscience  is  most 

active   to  torment  men   the  nearer  they  conceive 

themselves  approaching  to  their  death.     Hereupon 

he  resolveth  to  restore  all  ill-gotten  goods,  release  all 


c  Acts  viii.  1 8.  iii.  6. 

^  M.  Paris,  p.  1 7.  [See  the 
confirmation  by  Henry  I.  of 
this  transfer,  in  Rymer  I.  8. 
dated,  11 11.^ 

®  [Durham  was  vacated  in 
the  year  1088,  by  William  de 
Carilepho,  who  being  guilty 
of  treason,  as  it  was  alleged, 
was  permitted  to  withdraw 
into  Normandy.  Mat.  Paris. 
an.  1088.  Landfranc  died  on 
the  24th  of  March  1089.  For 
an  account  of  his  life,  learning, 
and  munificence,  see  Mat.  Pa- 
ris, an.  1089,  and  the  collective 
edition  of  his  works  and  letters 
by  Du  Chesne,  Paris,  1646,  re- 
printed in  the  Bibliotheca  Pa- 
trum,  Lugd.  tom.  xviii.  p.  62 1. 
The  see  of  Canterbury  was  not 
again  filled  up   till   the   year 


1092,  when  it  was  conferred 
upon  Anselm  (Mat.  Paris,  an. 
1092.),  and  the  same  year 
Robert  Blois,  chancellor,  was 
promoted  to  the  see  of  Lincoln, 
vacant  the  year  before  by  the 
death  of  Remigius.  This  pre- 
late gave  the  king  500/.  to  se- 
cure the  freedom  of  his  church, 
which  Thomas,  the  archbishop 
of  York,  had  laid  claim  to,  as 
having  been  built  in  his  dio- 
cese. See  Mat.  Paris,  an.  1085, 
1 09 1,  1092.  But  the  king 
was  grieved  above  measure, 
says  this  caustic  chronicler, 
when  he  had  recovered  from 
his  sickness,  that  he  had  given 
and  not  sold  the  bishopric] 

^  [M.  Paris,  a.  1092.  p.  17. 
Malm.  De  Pontif.  f.  124.] 

D  4 


40 


The  Church  History 


BOOK  III. 


A.D.  1093.  persons  unjustly  imprisoned,  and  supply  all  empty 

places  with  able  pastors.     In  pursuance  hereof  he 

made  Anselm,  (the  abbot  of  Beck  in  Normandy,) 
one  of  eminent  learning,  and  holiness  of  life,  arch- 
bishop of  Canterbury  fi^;  which  place  he  was  hardly 
persuaded,  with  much  importunity,  to  accept.  The 
first  eminent  act  of  his  archiepiscopal  office  which 
we  find  was,  when  preaching  at  the  court  on  Ash- 
Wednesday,  he  denied  ashes  and  absolution  to  all 
those  courtiers  who  affected  effeminateness  in  their 
behaviour^;  especially  in  wearing  their  hair  long, 
and  combed  like  women.  A  sin,  no  doubt;  for 
whereas  TertuUian  calls  the  length  of  women's  hair, 
sarcinam  suce  humilitatisy  the  same  in  men  (so  promis- 
cuously worn)  may  be  called,  sardna  stue  superbitB. 
Anseim's  31.  There  passeth  a  memorable  expression  of  An- 
questioned.  solm's.  Cried  up  and  commended  by  some  for  a 
masterpiece  of  devotion,  namely, "  that  he  had  rather 


&  [The  grant  is  in  Rymer,  1. 5 . 
Like  his  predecessor  Landfranc, 
Anselm  was  an  Italian  :  one  of 
the  best  scholars  and  authors  of 
his  time ;  and,  what  was  some- 
what unusual  in  those  times^ 
was  chiefly  indebted  to  his 
mother  for  his  education  (Joan. 
Sarisbur.  p.  155.)'  See  an  ac- 
count of  him  in  Orderic.Vitalis, 
p.  531.  Will,  of  Malmsb.  de 
Pontif.  f.  123.  More  complete 
narratives  of  this  eminent  pre- 
late will  be  found  in  his  life 
composed  by  Eadmer,  his  fa- 
miliar friend  and  constant  com- 
panion, (and  published  in  the 
collective  edition  of  Anseim's 
works,  by  Gerberon,  Paris, 
1675.)  and  by  John  of  Salis- 
bury in  Wharton's  Ang.  Sac. 
II.  149.     Nothing  can  exceed 


the  piety  of  Anseim's  devo- 
tional works.] 

h  Eadmerus,  H.  N.  p.  23. 
[Malmsbury  observes  the  same 
of  Wulstan,  the  primitive  bi- 
shop of  Worcester ;  who  used 
with  his  own  hands  to  poll 
the  heads  of  those  who  would 
submit  to  it.  For  which  pur- 
pose he  kept  a  little  knife, 
which  also  served  him  for 
trimming  his  nails  or  cleaning 
his  books.  Those  who  would 
not  submit  to  the  operation  he 
lectured  for  their  effeminacy, 
and  openly  threatened  them 
with  God's  judgment.  Vita 
Wulstani  in  Ang.  Sac.  II.  254. 

In  another  place  this  chro- 
nicler  complains  bitterly  of  the 
corruption  and  effeminacy  of 
the  times.  De  Gestis,  f.  69.  b.] 


CENT.  XI.  of  Britain,  41 

"  be  in  hell  without  sm,  than  in  heaven  with  sin^;"  a.d.  1093. 

which  others  condemn  as  an  unsavoury  speech,  "  not 

"  according  to  scripture  phrase,  as  from  one  not  suf- 
"  ficiently  acquainted  with  the  justification  of  a 
**  Christian  man^."  Indeed,  some  high-flown  ex- 
pressions often  knock  at  the  door  of  blasphemy,  but 
yet  not  with  any  intention  to  enter  in  thereat ;  in 
which  we  are  more  to  mind  the  sense  than  the 
sound  of  the  words.  Amongst  those  may  this  of 
Anselm's  be  ranked,  uttered  no  doubt  in  a  zealous 
detestation  of  sin ;  yea,  which  charitably  may  be  de- 
fended in  the  very  letter  thereof.  For  Adam,  we 
know,  was  some  while  in  paradise  (heaven's  suburbs) 
after  the  eating  of  the  forbidden  fruit^,  yet  was  sen- 
sible of  no  pleasure  therein,  which  made  him  hide 
himself,  as  prosecuted  by  his  guilty  conscience :  and 
some  of  the  ancients  conceive  that  Christ  went 
locally  to  hell,  yet  no  pain  did  seize  on  him  there, 
seeing  sorrow  can  arrest  none  but  at  the  suit  of  sin 
going  before. 

32.  But,  to  leave  Anselm*s  words,  let  us  come  to  Anseim  re- 
his   deeds :   who   was    scarce    warm   m   his   arch-  send  king 
bishopric,  when  the  king  sent  to  him  for  a  thousand  J^^* 
pound ;  which  sum,  being  so  small  in  itself,  (Rufiis 
usually  demanding  more  of  less  bishoprics,)  and  that 
after  his  entrance  on  his  see,  free  from  any  pre- 
contract, might  have  passed  without  the  suspicion  of 
simony,  imder  the  notion  of  a  mere  gratuity*.    How- 
ever, Anseim  refused  to  pay  it,  because  he  would 

i  [Joan.  Sarisbur.  vit.  An-  first  cause  of  their  quarrel  was 

selmi,  p.  157.]  the  refusal  of  Anseim  to  con- 

JFoir,Act8andMon.I.p.24o.  firm  to  the  king  certain  lands 

k  Gen.  iii.  belonging  to  the  see  of  Can- 

1  [|Mat.    Paris^    an.    1094.  terbury,  which  the  king  had 

Joan.  Sarisbur.  ib.  p.  163.  The  alienated.] 


4S  The  Church  History  book  hi. 

A.D.  1093.  avoid  the  appearance  of  evil.     Others  say™,  that  he 
-i^!!!!!!L  freely  sent  the  king  five  hundred  pounds,  with  this 
compliment ;  that  though  it  was  the  first,  it  should 
not  be  the  last  he  would  present  to  his  majesty: 
which  the  king  in  choler  refused,  because  short  to 
the  sum  he  expected.     Indeed,  RuAis  only  retained 
this  of  all  his  archiepiscopal  education,  (being  bred 
under  Landfranc,  as  is  aforesaid,)  that  thereby  he  ex- 
perimentally knew  the  .sweetness  of  church  prefer- 
ments ;  and  in  his  bargain  and  sale  set  a  rate  upon 
them  accordingly,  being  after  his  recovery  from  his 
sickness  far  more  sordid  and  sacrilegious  than  before. 
A.D.  1094.     33.  Amongst  the  many  simoniacal  prelates  that 
bishop  of    swarmed  in  the  land,  Herbert  bishop  of  Thetford 
Ws^c^'  must  not  be   forgotten;  nicknamed  (or  sumamed 
niacai  flat-  gjjg^ij  J  g^y  ^  Losifig^  that  is,  the  Flatterer ;  our  old 

English  word  leasing  for  l^ing  retains  some  affinity 
thereunto,  and  at  this  day  we  call  an  insinuating  fellow 
a  ghzing  companion.  Though  the  best  persuasive- 
ness of  his  flattery  consisted  in  downright  arguments 
of  gold  and  silver.  For,  guilty  of  the  hereditary  sin  of 
simony,  his  father  having  formerly  bought  the  abbey 
of  Ramsey,  he  purchased  the  bishopric  of  Thetford  of 
the  king.  But  afterward  he  posted  to  Rome,  con- 
fessed his  fault,  and  was  absolved  from  the  guilt 
thereof.  Thus,  as  the  leprosy  of  Naaman  was  washed 
away  in  Jordan,  so  that  his  flesh  came  again  as  the 
flssh  of  a  little  child^  and  he  was  chan^,  so  this  bishop 
was  persuaded  that  all  his  simoniacal  corruption  was 
cleansed  in  this  his  holy  pilgrimage,  conceiving  him- 

^  Eadmerus,  H.  N.  p.  21.  chasing  the  dukedom  of  Nor- 

[This  sum  was  not  for  his  bi-  mandy.  Malm,  de  Pont.  f.  125. 

shopric^  but  sent  subsequently  Mat.  Paris>  ibid.] 

on  occasion  of  the  king's  pur-  ^  2  Kings  v.  14. 


CENT.  XI.  of  Britain.  4S 

self  henceforward  to  begin  on  a  new  account  of  in-A.D.  1094- 
tegrity,  especially  having,  after  his  return,  removed  ^    "  *' 
his  episcopal  seat  from  Thetford  to  Norwich**,  where 
he  first  founded  the  cathedral. 

84.  Wolstan,  the  venerable  bishop  of  Worcester,  a. d.  1095. 
left  this  life.     A   bishop   of  the   old   edition,  un- bishop  of 
acquainted  with  Landfranc's  Italian  additions;  notdi^T***' 
faulty  in  his  conversation,  but  country,  because  an 
Englishman  bom.     It  was  laid  to  his  charge  that  he 
could  not  speak  French,  (no  essential  quality  in  a 
bishop,  as  St.  Paul  describes  himP,)  sure  I  am  he 
could  speak  the  language  of  Canaan,  humble,  holy, 
heavenly  discourse.     A  mortified  man  much  mace- 
rating his  body  with  fasting  and  watching,  if  not 
overacting  his  part,  and  somewhat  guilty  of  will- 
worship  therein*!. 

35.  About  this  time  began  the  holy  war,  which  Duke  Ro- 
here  we  will  not  repeat,  having  formerly  made  an  pares^fop 
entfa-e  work  thereof.     Robert  duke  of  Normandy,  to  J^^?'^^ 
fit  himself  for  that  voyage,  sold  his  dukedom  to  king 
William  Rufus  for  ten  thousand  mark,  say  some ;  for 
six  thousand  six  hundred  sixty-six  pounds,  that  is, 
one  mark  less,  say  others;  haply  abating  the  odd 
mark,  to  make  up  the  rotundity  of  so  sacred  and 
mystical  a  number.     To  pay  this  money,  king  Rufus 
laid  a  general  and  grievous  tax  over  all  the  realm, 
extorting  it  with  such  severity,  that  the  monks  were 
fain  to  sell  the  church  plate  and  very  chalices  for 
discharging  thereof*".     Wonder  not  that  the  whole 

o  [April  13th,  1094.  Mat.  H.  N.  p.  35,  are  very  remark- 
Paris^  an.  1094.]  able:  "  Quae  pecunia  per  An- 

P  I  Tim.  iii.  2^  &c.  Tit.  i.  6^  ''  gliam    partim    data    partim 

&:c.  **  exacta  totum  regnum  in  im- 

q  [Mat.  Paris,  an.  T095.]  *'  mensum  vastavit.     Nihil  ec- 

r  [The   words   of   Eadmer,  *'  clesiarum  ornamentis  in  hac 


44 


The  Church  History 


BOOK  III. 


A.D.  1095,  land  should  be  impoverished  with  the  pajring  of  so 

^  small  a  sum ;  for  a  little  wool  is  a  great  deal  when 

it  must  be  taken  from  a  new-shorn  sheep :  so  pilled 
and  polled  were  all  people  before  with  constant 
exactions.  Such  whom  his  hard  usage  forced  beyond 
the  seas  were  recalled  by  his  proclamation ;  so  that 
his  heavy  levies  would  not  suffer  them  to  live  here, 
and  his  hard  laws  would  not  permit  them  to  depart 
hence.  And  when  the  clergy  complained  unto  him 
to  be  eased  of  their  burdens,  "  I  beseech  you,"  said 
he,  "  have  ye  not  coffins  of  gold  and  silver  for  dead 
"  men's  bones?"  intimating  that  the  same  treasure 
might  otherwise  be  better  employed. 

86.  The  streams  of  discord  began  now  to  swell 
high  betwixt  the  king  and  archbishop  Anselm ; 
flowing  principally  from  this  occasion®.  At  this  time 
there  were  two  popes  together,  so  that  the  eagle 
with  two  heads,  the  arms  of  the  empire,  might  now 
as  properly  have  fitted  the  papacy  for  the  present. 
Of  these,  the  one  (Guibertus)  I  may  call  the  lay 
pope,  because  made  by  Henry  the  emperor;  the 
other  (Urban)  the  clergy-pope,  chosen  by  the  con- 
clave of  cardinals*.     Now,  because  like  unto  like. 


Variance 
between 
the  king 
and  An- 
selm. 


i< 


€* 


CC 


''  parte  indulsit  dominandi  cu- 
"  piditas^  nihil  sacris  altarium 
vasis^  nihil  reliquiarum  cap- 
sis,  nihil  Euangeliorum  libris 
auro  vel  argento  paratis." 
Malmsbury  gives  an  illnstration 
of  this ;  he  says,  that  in  his  own 
monastery  the  abbot  stripped 
off  in  one  day  the  gold  and 
silver  ornaments  from  twelve 
copies  of  the  Gospel,  eight 
crosses^  eight  scrinia,  in  which 
were  contained  the  ashes  of  di- 
vers saints.  See  De  Pontif. 
V.  p.  377.  ed.  Gale.] 


s  [Eadmer,    H.  N.   p.   25. 
Mat.  Paris,  ib.  Joan.  Sarisbur. 

164.] 
t  [Of  this  dispute  between 

the  popes,  see  Mat.  Paris  in 
the  years  1084,  1086,  1087, 
1089^  1094.  Hildebrand,  who 
assumed  the  name  of  Gregory 
VII. ^  was  deposed  in  the  year 
1083,  and  Guibert,  who  as- 
sumed the  name  of  Clement, 
was  appointed  in  his  steady  by 
the  influence  of  the  emperor. 
The  cardinals^  disgusted  with 
this    interference^    nominated 


CENT.  XI. 


of  Britain. 


45 


kinsr  William  sided  with  the  former,  whilst  Anselm  a.  d.  1095. 

8  Rufus. 

as  earnestly  adhered  to  Urban  in  his  aflfections,  de '- 

siring  to  receive  his  pall  from  him,  which  the  king 
refused  to  permit**.  Hereupon  Anselm  appealed  to 
his  pope,  whereat  king  William  was  highly  of- 
fended v. 

37.  But,  because  none  are  able  so  emphatically  to  Thdr  se- 
tell  their  stories  and  plead  their  causes  as  themselves,  ings,  and 
take  them  in  their  own  words :  S^^e- 


ment. 


The  king  objected: 

"  The  custom  from  my 
'^  father's  time  hath  been  in 
"  England,  that  no  person 
"  should  appeal  to  the  pope, 
**  without  the  king's  license. 
"  He  that  breaketh  the  cus- 
"  toms  of  my  realm,  vio- 
•'  lateth  the  power  and 
'*  crown  of  my  kingdom. 
'^  He    that    violateth    and 


Anselm  answered: 

"  The  Lord  hath  discussed  this 
question.  Give  unto  Casar  the 
things  that  are  C(Bsar*s,  and 
'*  unto  God  the  things  that  are 
"  God's,  In  such  things  as  be- 
"  long  to  the  terrene  dignities  of 
"  temporal  princes,  I  will  pay  my 
*'  obedience  ;  but  Christ  said, 
Thou  art  Peter,  and  upon  this 
rock  I  will  build  my   church, 


tt 


t€ 


tc 


(C 


Desiderius,  abbot  of  Cassini, 
to  the  popedom^  under  the 
name  of  Victor.  But  he  dying 
shortly  after,  Otho,  a  Cluniac 
monk,  bishop  of  Ostia^  was  ap- 
pointed to  succeed  him^  as- 
suming the  name  of  Urban  H.] 

^  [[Eadmer  attributes  the 
siding  of  Anselm  with  Urban, 
to  the  fact  of  this  pope  having 
been  previously  acknowledged 
by  ItaJy  and  France ;  and  An- 
selm was  a  Norman^  formerly 
abbot  of  Bee.  Hist.  Novorum. 
p.  25.  Anselm  himself  urges 
the  same  argument  in  his 
speech  at  the  synod  of  Rocking- 
ham, where  the  question  of  in- 
vestiture  was  debated.  lb. p.  26. 

It  is  worthy  of  notice,  that 


Urban  II.,  by  the  suggestion 
of  Anselm,  passed  an  act  at  a 
council  at  Rome,  that  all  lay- 
men who  conferred  investiture 
(laicos  investituros  ecclesiarum 
more  pristino  conferentes),  and 
that  all  ecclesiastics  who  re- 
ceived investiture  from  laymen 
should  be  excommunicated. 
Mat.  Paris,  an.  1094.  Joan.  Sa- 
risbur.  p.  167.] 

v-[In  this  Anselm  was  op- 
posed by  all  the  bishops,  ex- 
cept the  bishop  of  Rochester, 
a  Norman,  his  personal  friend, 
who  had  studied  with  Anselm 
in  the  monastery  of  Bee  in 
Normandy.  See  Vita  Gundulfi 
episc.  Roffens.  in  Ang.  Sac.  II. 
p.  280.] 


46  The  Church  History  book  hi. 

A.D.  1095.  *' taketh  away   my  crown,     '*  &c.     Whose  vicar  he  ought  to 

8  Rufiis.   «(  jg   ^  traitor    and   enemy     "  obey  in  spiritual  matters,  and 

'*  against  me."  "  the  fetching  of  his  pall  was  of 

"  that  nature  ^." 

At  last  an  expedient  was  found  out,  that  Anselm 
should  not  want  his  pall,  nor  fetch  it  himself  from 
Rome,  being  by  the  king's  consent  brought  to  him 
by  Gualter,  pope  Urban's  legate,  (whom  the  king  at 
last  was  fain  to  acknowledge,)  and  so  all  things  for 
the  present  reconciled*. 
Theydis-  38.  But  the  wouud  bctwixt  them  was  rather 
agree  again,  gj^^^^^  over  than  perfectly  healed ;  and  afterwards 

brake  out  again,  the  king  taking  occasion  of  dis- 
pleasure at  Anselm's  backwardness  to  assist  him  in 
his  expedition  into  Wales^.  Whereupon  Anselm 
desired  a  second  journey  to  Rome,  there  to  bemoan, 
and  probably  to  relieve  himself  by  complaint  to  the 
pope.  But  the  king  stopped  his  voyage,  affirming 
that  Anselm  had  led  so  pious  a  life,  he  need  crave 
no  absolution  at  Rome ;  and  was  so  well  stored  with 
learning,  that  he  needed  not  to  borrow  any  counsel 
there.  Yea,  said  the  king,  "  Urban  had  rather  give 
"  place  to  the  wisdom  of  Anselm,  than  Anselm  have 
"  need  of  Urban."  In  fine,  after  much  contesting, 
Anselm  secretly  stole  out  of  the  realm,  and  the  king 
seized  all  his  goods  and  lands  into  his  own  coffers^. 
Three  years  was  he  in  exile,  sometimes  at  Lyons, 
sometimes  at  Rome ;  welcome  wheresoever  he  came, 
and  very  serviceable  to  the  church  by  his  pious 
living,  painful  preaching,  learned  writing,  and  solid 

w  [From  Malmsb.  De  Pont.  y  [Eadmer,H.  N.  p.  37-41.] 

f  .  1 24.  b.  Mat.  Paris,  ib.  Joan.  2  [Kather  he  demanded  leave 

Sarisbur.  ib.  164.  Eadmer>  ib.]  to  depart  a  third  time,  and  de- 

*  [Eadmer,    H.  N.   p.   32.  parted  openly.     Joan.  Sarisb. 

Joan.  Sarisb.  ib.]  ^65.] 


CENT.  XI. 


of  Britain. 


47 


disputing,  especially  in  the  general  council  of  Bar",  a.  D.  1095. 

where  he  was  very  useful  in  confiiting  and  condemn- " 

ing  the  errors  of  the  Greek  church  about  the  pro- 
cession of  the  Holy  Spirit^. 

39.  King  Rufus  was  a  hunting  in  New  Forest,  a.d.i  100. 
which  was  made  by  king  William  his  father ;  not  so  his  death, 
much  out  of  pleasure  or  love  of  the  game,  as  policy 
to  clear  and  secure  to  himself  a  fair  and  large  land- 
ing-place for  his  forces  out  of  Normandy,  if  occasion 
did  require.  Here  then  was  a  great  devastation  of 
towns  and  temples ;  the  place  being  turned  into  a 
wilderness  for  men,  to  make  a  paradise  for  deer. 
God  seemed  displeased  hereat;  for  (amongst  other 
tragedies  of  the  Conqueror's  family  acted  in  this 
place)  Rufiis  was  here  slain  by  the  glancing  of  an 
arrow  shot  by  sir  Walter  Tirrel*^.  An  unhappy  name 
to  the  kings  of  England ;  this  man  casually,  and  an- 
other wilfiilly  (sir  James  Tyrrel  employed  in  the 
murdering  of  king  Edward  the  Fifth)  having  their 


a  [Joan.  Sarisbur.  p.  167. 
See  a  treatise  upon  this  sub- 
ject by  Anselm,  Opera,  p.  49. 
Ed.  G.  Gerberon.  Par.] 

^  [Malm.  ib.  f.  127.] 

c  [Doubts  existed  respecting 
the  cause  of  his  death  at  a 
very  early  period :  for  John  of 
Salisbury  states,  that  in  his 
own  time  it  was  unknown  who 
had  shot  the  arrow  by  which 
the  king  perished.  Sir  Walter 
Tyrrell,  he  says,  who  is  ac- 
cused by  many  of  being  the 
author  of  the  king's  death, 
because  he  was  very  intimate 
with  him,  and  was  near  him  in 
the  hunt,  solemnly  protested, 
on  his  hopes  of  salvation,  that 
he  was  guiltless  of  that  deed. 


Many  persons  thought  that  the 
king  himself  had  shot  the  ar- 
row which  caused  his  death,  or 
that  he  stumbled  and  fell  upon 
it,  as  Tyrrell  constantly  af- 
firmed, although  his  assertions 
were  not  credited.  Eadmer, 
H.  N.  p.  54.  Joan.  Sarisbur. 
p.  170. 

This  is  confirmed  by  a  writer 
quoted  in  Selden*s  notes  upon 
Eadmer,  p.  205.  See  also 
Orsler,  Vitalis  Hist.  Eccl.  p. 
783.  ed.  Duchesne. 

One  of  the  same  name  (pro- 
bably the  same  person)  is  men. 
tioned  by  John  of  Salisbury  as 
entertaining  archbishop  An- 
selm. Vita  Anselmi,  p.  157.] 


48  The. Church  History  book  hi. 

A.D.  1 100.  hands  in  royal  blood.     Now  it  is  seasonably  remem- 

'-  bered,  that  some  years  since  this  king  William  had 

a  desperate  disease,  whereof  he  made  but  bad  use 
after  his  recovery ;  and  therefore  now  divine  justice 
would  not  the  second  time  send  him  the  summons  of 
a  solemn  visitation  by  sickness,  but  even  surprised 
him  by  a  sudden  and  unexpected  death. 
His  burial,  40.  Thus  died  king  William  Rufiis,  leaving  no 
racter.  issue,  and  was  buried,  saith  my  author  ^  at  Win- 
chester, multorum  procerum  conventUy  paticorum  vera 
planctu ;  many  noblemen  meeting,  but  few  mourning 
at  his  funerals.  Yet  some,  who  grieved  not  for  his 
death,  grieved  at  the  manner  thereof;  and  of  all 
mourners  Anselm,  though  in  exile  in  France,  ex- 
pressed most  cordial  sorrow  at  the  news  of  his  death. 
A  valiant  and  prosperous  prince,  but  condemned  by 
historians  for  covetousness,  cruelty,  and  wantonness, 
though  no  woman  by  name  is  mentioned  for  his  con- 
cubine ;  probably,  because  thrifty  in  his  lust,  with 
mean  and  obscure  persons.  But  let  it  be  taken  into 
serious  consideration,  that  no  pen  hath  originally 
written  the  life  of  this  king,  but  what  was  made  by 
a  monkish  penknife ;  and  no  wonder,  if  his  picture 
seem  bad,  which  was  drawn  by  his  enemy.  And  he 
may  be  supposed  to  fare  the  worse  for  his  opposition 
to  the  Romish  usurpation ;  having  this  good  quality, 
to  suffer  none  but  himself  to  abuse  his  subjects, 
stoutly  resisting  all  payments  of  the  pope's  imposing. 
Yea,  as  great  an  enemy  as  he  was  conceived  to  the 
church,  he  gave  to  the  monks  called  De  Charttate^ 
the  great  new  church  of  St.  Saviour's  in  Bermondsey, 

<i  John  Bromton^  p.  997.   [Eadmer,  H.  N.  p.  54.     M.  Paris, 
a.  1 100.  p.  38,] 


CENT.  XI. 


of  Britain. 


49 


with  the   manor  thereof,  as  also   of  Charlton   inA.D.  uoo. 
Kent«.  '3  ^"^' 

41.  Henry  Beauclerk  his  brother  succeeded  him  Henry  the 
in  the  throne,  one  that  crossed  the  common  proverb,  ceedeA  Ru- 
The  greatest  clerks  are  not  the  wisest  men,  being  ^^^** 
one  of  the  most  profoundest  scholars^,  and   most 
politic  princes  in  his  generation.     He  was  crowned 


«  [Though  the  vices  of  this 
king  have  probably  been  exag- 
gerated by  the  monkish  chroni- 
clers, to  whose  order  he  sliowed 
himself  no  friend^  it  is  certain 
that  he  was  guilty  of  the  gross- 
est avarice  and  extortion^  par- 
ticularly in  reference  to  the 
church.  (See  Gul.  Neubrigens. 

I.  2.) 

At  his  death  he  held  in  his 
own  hands  the  see  of  Canter- 
bury, of  Winchester,  and  Sa- 
rum  ;  twelve  abbies  he  had 
either  sold  or  &rmed  (injir^ 
mam  dahat),  or  held  in  his  own 
possession.  (Mat.  Paris^  an. 
uoo.  Chron.  Waverl.  p.  142, 
ed.  Grale.)  Besides  these  acts 
of  injustice,  he  scrupled  at  no 
violence  in  levying  the  money 
which  he  had  engaged  to  give 
his  brother  for  his  dukedom. 
See  above,  p.  43.  Eadmer, 
H.  N.  p.  35.  In  this  eager 
pursuit  of  money^  he  spared 
no  class  of  persons,  much  less 
the  monastic  bodies ;  he  scru- 
tinized the  charters  and  privi- 
leges of  the  different  mona- 
steries, subjected  them  to  taxes 
and  the  temporal  sword,  and 
withstood  the  aggressions  of 
the  monks  with  a  spirit  even 

f  eater  than  his  father*s.     See 
admer,  ib.  p.  14.   William  of 
Mahnsb.  f.  6*], 

Another  cause  which   pro- 

FULLEB,  VOL.  II. 


voked  their  hostility  against 
him  was  his  love  of  jesting; 
frequently  meeting  a  serious 
charge  or  petition  with  a  joke. 
When  Anselm  first  came  over 
into  England,  upon  some  busi- 
ness connected  with  his  abbey 
in  Normandy,  he  expostu- 
lated with  the  king  upon  his 
conduct,  who  turned  it  off 
with  a  laugh,  saying,  that  he 
could  not  prevent  the  licen- 
tiousness of  people's  tongues, 
and  that  a  wise  man  like  An. 
selm  should  not  give  credit  to 
vulgar  reports.  When  some 
one  had  stated  in  his  presence 
that  Anselm  was  the  only  man 
of  his  time  who  had  no  am- 
bition for  place  or  distinction ; 
"  What,"  said  the  king  with  a 
smile,  *•  not  care  for  the  arch- 
'*  bishopric  of  Canterbury  ?  " 
When  this  also  was  denied,  he 
said  that  Anselm  would  struggle 
hand  and  foot  if  he  could  get 
the  least  chance  of  obtaining 
the  archbishopric.  **  But,"  he 
continued,  "  by  the  face  of  St. 
''  Luke,  (his  usual  oath,)  he 
''  and  all  his  competitors  must 
**  give  way,  I  shall  be  arch- 
"  bishop  of  Canterbury  for 
"  this  turn."  M&lmsb.  De 
Pontif.  p.  123.  b.] 

f  [_*'  Well  seen  in  the  seven 
liberal  sciences."    Grafton,  p. 

32.] 


50 


The  Church  History 


BOOK  III. 


A.D.  1100.  about  four  days  after  his  brother's  death.     At  that 
*^  time  the  present  providing  of  good  swords  was  ac- 

counted more  essential  to  a  king's  coronation  than 
the  long  preparing  of  gay  clothes.  Such  pre- 
paratory pomp  as  was  used  in  after-ages  at  this 
ceremony,  was  now  conceived  not  only  useless,  but 
dangerous,  speed  being  safest  to  supply  the  vacancy 
of  the  throne.  To  ingratiate  himself  to  the  English, 
he  instantly  and  actually  repealed  (for  his  brother 
William  had  put  all  the  land  out  of  love  and  liking 
of  fair  promises)  the  cruel  Norman  laws.  Laws 
written  in  blood,  made  more  in  favour  of  deer  than 
of  men ;  more  to  manifest  the  power  and  pleasure  of 
the  imposer,  than  for  the  good  and  protection  of  the 
subject ;  wherein  sometimes  men's  mischances  were 
punished  for  their  misdeeds.  Yea,  in  a  manner 
king  Henry  gave  eyes  to  the  blind  in  winter  nights ; 
I  mean,  light  to  them  who  formerly  lived  (though  in 
their  own  houses)  in  uncomfortable  darkness  after 
eight  o'clock ;  when  heretofore  the  curfew  bell  did 
ring  the  knell  of  all  the  fire  and  candle-light  in 
English  families.  But  now  these  rigorous  edicts 
were  totally  repealed ;  the  good  and  gentle  laws  of 
Edward  the  Confessor  generally  revived  fi^;  the  late 
king's  extorting  publicans  (whereof  Ranulf  Flambard 
bishop  of  Durham  the  principal)  closely  imprisoned ; 


8r  [See  the  Charter  of  Liber- 
ties granted  by  Henry  I.  in 
Mat.  Paris^  ibid.,  and  in  the 
Authentic  Collection  of  the 
Statutes.  He  was  driven  to 
these  concessions  from  fear  of 
his  brother  Robert.  On  the 
death  of  Rufus  a  diversion 
was  contemplated  in  favour 
of  Robert ;   to  prevent  which. 


Henry  invited  Anselm  into 
England,  who  by  his  per- 
sonal influence  gained  over 
many  of  the  discontented  no- 
bles to  Henry's  side.  On  one 
occasion,  when  Robert  had 
landed  in  England,  and  many 
were  meditating  a  revolt,  An- 
selm harangued  the  people 
from  an  eminence.     He  pro- 


CENT.  XI.  <»f  Britain.  51 

the  court  coniiption,  by  the  king's  command,  stu-A.D.  uoo. 
diously  reformed;  adultery  (then  grown  common)  ^ 
with  the  loss  of  virility  severely  punished ;  Anselm 
from  exile  speedily  recalled ;  after  his  return,  by  the 
king  heartily  welcomed ;  by  the  clergy  solemnly  and 
ceremoniously  received ;  he  to  his  church ;  his  lands 
and  goods  to  him  fully  restored ;  English  and  Nor- 
mans lovingly  reconciled ;  all  interests  and  persons 
seemingly  pleased ;  Robert,  the  king's  elder  brother 
(though  absent  in  the  Holy  Land)  yet  scarcely  missed ; 
and  so  this  century,  with  the  first  year  of  king 
Henry's  reign,  seasonably  concluded^. 

mised  in  the  Raine  of  tbe  king  pletely,  that  Robert  was  coni- 

redress  of  all  the  injuries  and  pelled  to  sue  for  peaee.  Malms^ 

evil    government   which  they  De  Pontif.  f.  127.] 
had  suffered  under  Rufus ;  and         ^  [See  Malmsb.  f.  88.] 
gained  over  the  people  so  com- 


£  2 


THE  TWELFTH  CENTURY. 


JOHANNI  FITZJAMES, 

DE  LEtJSTON,  IN  COM.  DORSET.  ARMIO.i 

Non  desunt  in  hoc  nostra  acecnlo,  qui  librorum  dedicationeg 
pene  ducunt  mperslUiosum,  plane  superfiuum ;  sic  entm 
argululi  ratiocinaiitur.  Liber,  si  bonus,  Patrono  non 
indiget,  suo  marie  pergat ;  sin  malus,  Patrono  ne  sit 
dedecori,  suo  merito  pereat. 

Habeo  tamen  quod  huic  dilemmati  possim  regerere.  Liber 
mens,  nee  bonus  nee  malus,  sed  quiddam  medium  inter 
utrumque.  Sonum,  ipse  non  ausum  pronuntiare,  cum 
plurimis  mendis  labaret ;  malum,  alii  spero  non  d0u- 
dicenl,  cum  legentihus  possit  esse  usui. 

Sub  hoc  dubia  conditione,  vet  adversariis  nostrisjudicibus, 
opus  hoc  nostrum,  Pntronum  sibi  asciscere,  et  potest  et 
debet ,  et  sub  alts  clienteltE  tuce  qui  tarn  Marte  prcBstas 
quam  Mercurio,  foveri  serio  triumphat. 

\  RAVE  ANSELM,  archbishop  of  Can- 
terbury, espoused  and  married  Maud 
(daughter  of  Malcolm  king  of  the 
Scots,  and  St.  Margaret  his  wife)  to 
Henry  king  of  England.  She  had  been 
a  professed  votary,  and  was  pressed  by  the  impor- 

B  [Anna.  Azure.  A  dolphin  part  of  the   Temple    churcfa, 

embowed.   Argent.  John  Pitz-  London,   where   a   gravestone 

James  of  Lewaton,  county  Dor-  waa  inscribed  to  his  memory. 

set,  esq.,  was  son  and  heir  to  Sir  John  himself    died    soon 

Lewston  Fitzjames,  esq.,  by  his  after,  as  an  act  was  passed  33 

wife  Eleanor,  daughter  of  sir  Car.    II.    to     enable    his    two 

Henry  Winston,  of  Standish,  daughters   and   coheiresses  to 

county  Gloucester,  knight.  He  alienate  part  of  the  property. 

was  descended  of  an  ancient  The  bulk  of  his  estate  went  to 

family  long  seated  at  Lewston,  his  daughter  Grace,  wife  of  sir 

which  they  inherited  from  a  fe-  George  Strode,   whose  repre- 

male  ancestor  of  that  name.  At  sentative  is  the  present  duke 

the  Restoration  he  received  the  of  Northumberland,  B.      See 

honour  of  knighthood,  9  July,  Lloyd's  Worthies,  I.  1 25,  for 

1660.  His  only  son,  John  Fitz-  some  account  of  the  ancestors 

janies,  dying  in  1669,  vUa  pa-  of  this  family.] 
tris,  was  buried  in  the  circular 


CBNT.  XII.       The  Church  History  of  Britain. 


58 


tunity  of  her  parents  and  friends,  for  politic  ends,  toA.D.i.oi. 
this  marriage;  insomuch  as  in  the  bitterness  of  l^er I^^lL 
sbuly  (able  to  appal  the  writer  hereof,  seeing  his  ink 
out-blacked  with  her  expression,)  she  devoted  the 
fruit  of  her  body  to  the  devil,  because  they  would 
not  permit  her  to  perform  her  promise  of  virginity. 
Thus  Matthew  Paris  ^.  But  the  reader  reserveth  his 
other  ear  for  the  relation  of  Eadmerus,  reporting 
this  story  after  a  different,  yea  contrary  manner,  as 
followeth : 

2.  The  aforesaid  Maud,  when  a  girl,  lived  under  The  story 
the  tuition  and  correction  of  Christian  her  aunt,  and  ^^by*** 
abbess  of  Wilton,  at  what  time  the  Norman  soldiers  Eadmerus, 
conquering  the   kingdom,  did  much   destroy,   and  s^O  an  eye 
more  endanger  virgins  by  their  violence.     Christian  :;S'«r 
therefore  to  preserve  this  her  niece,  clapped  a  black 
cloth   on  her  head,  in   imitation  of  a  nun's  veil, 
which  she  imwillingly  ware  in  the  presence  of  her 
axmt,  but  in  her  absence  off  it  went  from  above  her 
head  to  imder  her  heels;  so  that  in  a  despiteful 
manner,  she  used  to  tread  and  trample  upon  it.  Yea, 
if  Malcolm  her  father  chanced  to  behold  her  wearing 
that  mock  veil,  with   rage   he  would   rend  it  off, 
cursing  the  causers  of  it,  and  avowing  that  he  in- 
tended her  no  votary,  but  a  wife  to  count  Alan. 
Besides,  two  grave  archdeacons,  sent  down  to  Wilton 


^  Anno  iioi.  p.  58.  [The 
account  of  Mat.  Paris^  and  the 
expression  attributed  to  Ma- 
tilda, seem  much  more  in  ac- 
cordance with  her  character 
as  described  by  Malmsbury, 
than  is  that  of  Eadmer>  who 
was  probably  desirous  of  re- 
moving any  thing  like  scandal 
from  the  conduct  of  his  patron 


Anselm^  which  would  in  such 
an  age  have  attached  to  any 
who  should  venture  to  persuade 
a  nun^  even  had  she  not  regu- 
larly taken  the  veil,  to  leave 
her  holy  retirement,  and  ap- 
pear again  in  the  world. 

Matilda's  character  is  ex- 
tremely well  drawn  by  Malms- 
bury,  f.  93.] 

E  3 


64  The  Church  HUtory  book  hi. 

A.D.  iioi.to  inquire  into  the  matter  reported,  that  for  ought 
^  they  could  learn  jfrom  the  nuns  there,  this  Maud  was 

never  solemnly  entered  into  their  order.  Hereupon 
a  council  was  called  of  the  English  clergy,  wherein 
some  grave  men  attested  of  their  own  knowledge, 
that  at  the  Norman  conquest,  to  avoid  the  fiiry  of 
the  soldiery,  many  maids  out  of  fear,  not  affection ; 
for  protection,  not  piety ;  made  a  cloister  their  re- 
fuge, not  their  choice ;  were  mms  in  their  own  de- 
fence, running  their  heads  (but  without  their  hearts) 
into  a  veil.  And  in  this  case  it  was  resolved  by 
learned  Landfranc,  that  such  virgins  were  bound  by 
an  extraordinary  obligation  above  other  women, 

Debitam  casfitati  reverentiam  exhibere, 
Nullam  religionis  continenUam  servare^* 

which  is  in  effect,  that  they  must  be  chaste  wives, 
though  they  need  not  be  constant  maids.  These 
things  being  alleged  and  proved,  Anselm  pronounced 
the  nunship  of  Maud  of  none  effect,  and  solemnly 
married  her  to  king  Henry.  However,  some  infer 
the  unlawfulness  of  this  match,  from  the  unhappiness 
of  their  children,  all  their  issue  male  coming  to  im- 
timely  deaths.  But  sad  events  may  sometimes  be 
improved  by  men's  censures,  further  than  they  were 
intended  by  God's  justice :  and  it  is  more  wisdom 
seriously  to  observe  them  to  the  instructing  of  our- 
selves, than  rigidly  to  apply  them  to  the  condemning 
of  others.     The  rather,  because  Maud  the  empress, 

c  Eadmer,  H,N.  p.  57,  58.  "  manifestae  rei    ostensione  a- 

[The  passage  in  Eadmer,  which  "mare  testatse  fuerant,  debi- 

Fuller  has  thus  strangely  mis-  *'  tam  fiiagis  revereDtiam  judi- 

apprehended,  stands  thus :  *'At  "Jcaret  exhibendam,  quam  ul. 

'*  ipse   [Lanfrancus]   qusestio-  "  lam  servandse  religionis  con. 

"  nem  ipsam  consilio  generalis  "  tinentiam^  nisi  propria  illam 

"  concilii  taliter  solvit,  ut  eis,  "  voluntate  appeterent,  violen- 

'*  pro  castitate  quam   se  tam  "  ter  ingerendam." 


CENT.  XII.  of  Britain.  ^ 

their  sole  surviving  child,  seemed  by  her  happiness  a.  d.i  102. 
to  make  reparation  for  the  infelicity  of  all  the  rest.    1-1 

3.  Next  year  a  more  solemn  synod  was  summoned  a  grand 
by  Anselm,  with  the  king's  consent,  held  at  West- dergy  and 
minster;  whereat,  besides  bishops,  were  present  Bi^J^^^ 
Anselm's  request,  from  the  king,  the  chief  lay  lords  ^^ 
of  the  land ;  and  this  reason  rendered :  "  Forasmuch 
"  as  that  whatsoever  should  be  determined  by  the 
"  authority  of  the  said  council,  might  be  ratified  and 
"  observed  by  the  joint  care  and  solicitousness  of 
"  both  estates^."  But  whether  the  lords  were  present 
as  bare  spectators  and  witnesses  to  attest  the  fair 
transaction  of  matters,  (which  some  will  conceive 
too  little,)  or  whether  they  had  a  power  to  vote 
therein,  (which  others  will  adjudge  too  much,)  is  not 
clearly  delivered.     Here  we  insert  the  institutions 
of  this  synod.     And  let  none  say  that  it  is  vain  to 
look  after  the  cobwebs,  when  the  besom  of  reforma- 
tion hath  swept  them  away ;  seeing  the  knowledge 
of  them  conduces   much  to  the  understanding  of 
that  age®. 

i.  That  the  heresy  of  simony  be  severely  punished, 
for  which  several  abbots  were  then  and  there  de- 
posed. 

ii.  That  bishops  undertake  not  the  office  of  secular 
pleas,  wearing  an  habit  beseeming  religious  persons, 
and  not  be  like  laymen  in  their  garments ;  and  that 
always,  and  everywhere,  they  have  honest  persons 
witnesses  of  their  conversation. 

iii.  That  no  archdeaconries  be  let  out  to  farm. 

d  [Malm.  De  Pontif.  f.  129.  cisions  of  the  council  of  Cler- 

b.]  mont  in  Auvergne,   at  which 

e  Eadmer,  H.  N.  p.  67,  68.  Urban   presided   in    the    year 

[Most  of  these  injunctions  are  1095.     The  sum  of  them  will 

merely  a  repetition  of  the  de-  be  found  in  M.  Paris,  p.  15.] 

E  4 


56 


The  Church  History 


BOOK  III. 


A.D.  1 103. 
3  Hen.  i . 


iy.  That  all  archdeacons  be  deacons. 

V.  That  no  archdeacon,  priest,  deacon,  or  canon' 

marry  a  wife,  or  retain  one  being  married  unto  him : 

and  that  every  sub-deacon,  who  is  not  a  canon,  if  he 

have  married  after  his  profession  made  of  chastity, 

be  bound  by  the  same  rule. 

Hear  what  a  grave  author,  almost  of  the  same  age,  saith  of 
this  constitution.  Quod  quibusdam  mundissimum  visum 
estf  quibusdam  pericuhsum^  ne  dum  munditias  viribus 
majores  [sacerdote8'\  appeterentf  in  immunditias  horri- 
biles  ad  Christiani  nominis  summum  dedecus  inci- 
derents.  And  as  Jordan  wanting  a  vent  or  influx  (like 
other  rivers)  into  the  ocean,  loseth  its  current  at  last  in 
a  filthy  lake,  or  dead  sea  of  its  own  making,  so  it  was 
to  be  feared  that  these  men,  now  debarred  that  remedy 
for  their  weakness,  which  God,  who  best  knew  the 
constitution  of  his  own  creatures,  hath  provided,  set- 
tled themselves  in  some  unclean  ways,  and  most  mortal 
filthiness  occasioned  by  this  prohibition. 

vi.  That  a  priest  so  long  as  he  keeps  unlawful  con- 
versation with  a  woman  (understand  his  own  wife)  is 


'  AHter  being  canonical. 

S  Henricus  Huntindon,  Hist, 
f.  217.  [The  words  of  Mat- 
thew Paris,  a.  1074.  p.  9, 
otherwise  no  enemy  of  the 
popes,  on  this  policy  of  Gre- 
gory VII.,  deserve  attention: — 
*'  uxoratos  sacerdotes  a  divino 
"  removit  [Gregorius]  officio^ 
^'  et  laicis  missas  eorum  audire 
•'  interdixit^  novo  exemplo  et, . 
"  ut  multis  visum  est,  inconsi- 
*•  derato  judicio,  contra  sane- 
"  torum  patrum  sententiam." 
— — '^  Ex  qua  re,  tarn  grave 
'*  oritur  scandalum,  ut  nullius 
"  haresis  tempore,  sancta  ec- 
"  clesia  graviori  sit  schismate 

•'  discissa" *^  Ad  haec,  hac 

*^  opportunitate    laicis    insur- 


"  gentibus  contra  sacros  ordi- 
'^  nes,  et  se  ab  omni  ecclesia- 
"  stica  subjectione  excutienti- 
"  bus,  laid  sacra  mysteria  te- 
"  merant,  et  de  his  disputant ; 
^'  infantes  baptizant,  sordido 
"  aurium  humore  pro  sacro 
'^  chrismate  utentes  et  oleo ; 
"  in  extremo  vitae  viaticum  do- 
*'  minicum  et  usitatum  eccle- 
^*  sise  obsequum  sepulturie,  a 
**  presbyteris  uxoratis  acci- 
'*  pere  parvipendunt.  Decimas 
''  etiam  presbyteris  debitas, 
"  igne  cremant^  corpus  Domini 
*'  a  presbyteris  uxoratis  conse- 
"  cratum  pedibus  saepe  con- 
"  culcant,  et  sanguinem  Do- 
^^  mini  voluntarie  frequenter 
'^  in  terram  effundunt." 


CENT.  XII.  of  Britain,  67 

not  legal,  nor  rightly  celebrateth  the  mass;  nor  isA.D. noa. 
his  mass  to  be  heard  if  he  celebrate  it.  ^    ^' '' 

Tii.  That  none  be  admitted  to  the  order  of  sub- 
deacon,  or  upwards,  without  the  profession  of 
chastity. 

viii.  That  the  sons  of  priests  be  not  made  heirs  to 
the  church  of  their  fathers. 

ix.  That  no  clerks  be  provosts  or  proctors  of  secular 

matters,  or  judges  in  blood. 

This  is  the  reason,  saith  the  Appendix  to  Harpsfield^, 
(reporting  is  no  approving  of  his  judgment,)  why 
bishops  being  arraigned  for  their  lives,  are  not  to  be 
-  tried  by  their  peers,  but  by  a  jury  of  ordinary  men ; 
because  debarred  by  their  canons  to  be  judges  of  lay- 
peers  in  like  cases,  and  therefore  it  was  conceived  un- 
fitting that  they  should  receive  that  honour  which  they 
could  not  return. 

X.  That  priests  should  not  go  to  public  drinkings, 
nee  ad  pinnas  bihant,  nor  drink  at  pins. 

This  was  a  Dutch  trick  (but  now  used  in  England)  of 
artificial  drunkenness,  out  of  a  cup  marked  with  cer- 
tain pins,  and  he  accounted  the  man  who  could  nick 
the  pin,  drinking  even  unto  it ;  whereas  to  go  above  or 
beneath  it  was  a  forfeiture^. 

xi.  That  the  garments  of  clergymen  be  of  one 
colour,  and  their  shoes  according  to  order. 

xii.  That  monks  and  clerks  that  have  cast  off  their 
order,  either  return  thereto  or  be  excommunicated. 


^  Hist.  Ecd.  p.  746.  cessive    drinking    which    was 

^  Hence  prohably  the  pro-  common  in  his  days^  he  ordered 

verb^  He  is  in  a  merry  pin.   It  little  studs  of  gold  or  silver  to 

seems  to  me  that  this  custom  be  fastened  in   the   different 

was  of  an  earlier  date,  and  owed  drinking  vessels^  to  which^  and 

its  origin  to  an  order  of  St.  no  further,  the  monks  were  per- 

Danstan*     To  prevent  the  ex-  mitted  to  drink.  Malms,  f.  3 1  •] 


58  The  Church  History  book  hi. 

A.D.  iioa.  xiii.  That  clerks  have  crowns  patent,  so  that  their 
'—  shaving  be  conspicuous  to  the  beholder. 

xiv.  That  tithes  be  given  to  none  but  to  churches. 

XV.  That  churches  or  prebends  be  not  bought. 

xvi.  That  new  chapels  be  not  made  without  the 
consent  of  the  bishop. 

xvii.  That  no  church  be  consecrated  until  neces- 
saries be  provided  for  the  priest  and  church. 

xviii.  That  abbots  make  no  knights,  and  that  they 

eat  and  sleep  in  the  same  house  with  their  monks, 

except  some  necessity  forbid. 

It  appeareth  it  was  the  ancient  custom  of  abbots  in  this  age 
to  make  knights.  Thus  Brando^,  the  abbot  of  St.  Ed- 
round's-bury,  knighted  Hereward  his  nephew,  having 
first  confessed  his  sins,  and  received  absolution.  Indeed 
in  those  days  men^s  minds  were  so  possessed,  that  they 
thought  nothing  well  and  fortunately  done,  but  what 
came  from  churchmen.  Whereupon  he  that  was  to  be 
made  a  knight  first  o£Pered  his  sword  upon  the  altar, 
and  after  the  Gospel  read,  the  priest  put  the  sword  first 
hallowed  upon  the  knight'^s  neck  with  his  benedicium\ 
and  so  having  heard  mass  again,  and  received  the 
sacrament,  he  became  a  lawful  knight.  And  seeing 
the  holy  war  now  was  begun,  no  wonder  if  churchmen 
made  knights :  and  that  age  conceived  that  a  knight^s 
sword  dipped  in  holy  water  was  well  tempered,  and 
became  true  metal  indeed.  Why  abbots  were  now  pro- 
hibited to  confer  this  honour,  the  cause  is  not  ren- 
dered ;  whether  because  it  made  knighthood  too  con- 
mon,  or  that  this  privilege  was  reserved  only  for  higher 
prelates,  such  as  bishops  and  archbishops  were,  or  that 
it  was  an  encroachment  upon  the  royal  dignity,  it  being 
as  proper  for  kings  to  ordain  priests,  as  for  abbots  to 
dub  knights.     This  is  most  sure,  that  notwithstanding 

k  Inguifus,  f.  5 1 2.  b.  1  Camden's  Brit.  p.  1 26. 


CENT.  XII.  of  Britain.  69 

this  canon^  king  Henry  the  First  some  years  after  a.  D.  1 102. 
granted,  and  king  John  confirmed  to  the  abbot  of  ^  ^^-  '• 
Reading  the  power  of  knighting  persons,  with  some 
cautions  of  their  behaviour  therein"*. 

xix.  That  monks  enjoin  no  penance  to  any,  with- 
out pennission  of  their  abbot,  and  that  only  to  such 
persons  whereof  they  have  cure  of  souls. 

XX.  That  monks  and  nuns  be  not  godfathers  or 
godmothers. 

xxi.  That  monks  hold  no  lands  in  farm, 
xxii.  That  monks  take  no  churches  by  the  bishops, 
and  that  they  spoil  not  such  as  are  given  unto  them 
of  the  revenues,  but  so  that  the  priests  serving  in 
those  cures,  and  the  churches  might  be  provided 
with  necessaries^. 

xxiii.  That  faith  in  way  of  marriage,  pledged  se- 
cretly and  without  witness,  betwixt  man  and  woman, 
be  of  no  effect  if  either  party  do  deny  it. 

xxiv.  That  criniti,  such  as  wear  long  hair,  be  so 
shaven,  that  part  of  their  ears  may  appear,  and  their 
eyes  not  be  covered. 

Criniti  are  opposed  to  tonsi^  extended  to  all  lay-persons. 
If  any  demand  how  it  came  within  the  cognizance  of 
the  church  to  provide  about  their  trimming,  (which 
might  well  have  been  left  to  the  party's  pleasure,  and 
his  barber^s  skill,)  know  this  canon  was  built  on  the 
apostle'^s  words.  Doth  not  even  nature  itself  teach  you, 
that^  if  a  man  have  long  hair^  it  is  a  shame  unto 
him^f  And  the  church  forbad  whatsoever  was  a  tres- 
pass againt  Christian  decency.  Gildas  giveth  this 
character  of  the  Picts :  Furciferos  magis  vultus  pilis 

™  J.  Selden  ad  Eadmer.  Spi-  *'  exspolient  suis  redditibus  ut 

cilegiun],  p.  207.  ^'  presbyteri  ibi   servientes  in 

^  [These  are  the  words  of  "  iis  quae  sibi  et  ecclesiis  ne- 

the  canon :  *'  Ne  monachi  ec-  "  cessaria  sunt  penuriam   pa- 

*'  clesias  nisi  per  episcopos  ac-  *'  tiantur."] 
*'  cipiant,  neque  sibi  datas  ita         <>  1  Cor.  xi.  14. 


60  The  Church  History  book  hi. 

A. D.  I io«.         quam  carporum  pudenda vestibus  iegenfesP^  "  that 

3  ^^'  '•  "  they  covered  rather  their  thievish  eyes  with  their 

^^  hair,  than  their  shame  with  clothes;"  which  ruffian- 
like  custom  of  long  hair  now  used  by  the  Normans, 
was  here  justly  restrained. 

XXV.  That  parties  akin  to  the  seventh  generation 
be  not  coupled  in  marriage;  and  that  persons  so 
coupled  remain  not  in  marriage ;  and  if  any  be  privy 
to  this  incest,  and  not  declare  it,  let  him  know  him- 
self to  be  guilty  of  the  same  crime. 

This  brought  much  grist  to  the  pope's  mill  for  dispensa- 
tions. As  secular  princes  used  to  stop  travellers  on 
common  bridges,  or  at  the  entrance  of  gates,  not  with 
intent  finally  to  forbid  their  going  further,  but  to  re- 
ceive toll  or  custom  for  their  passing  by ;  so  the  pope 
prohibited  these  degrees  in  marriage,  not  absolutely  to 
hinder  such  matches,  but  to  receive  large  sums  of  money 
for  his  leave;  after  whose  faculties  obtained,  if  such 
marriage  were  against  the  law  of  God,  men  did  sin  not 
with  less  guiltiness,  but  more  expenses. 

xxvi.  That  the  bodies  of  the  dead  be  not  carried 
to  be  buried  out  of  their  own  parishes,  so  that  the 
parish  priest  should  lose  his  due  unto  him. 

xxvii.  That  none  out  of  a  rash  novelty  (which  we 
know  to  have  happened)  exhibit  reverence  of  holiness 
to  any  bodies  of  the  dead,  fountains  or  other  things, 
without  authority  from  the  bishop. 

xxviii.  That  none  presume  hereafter  (what  hitherto 
men  used  in  England)  to  sell  men  like  brute  beasts. 
This  constitution,  as  all  others  which  concerned  the  sub- 
ject's civil  right,  found  not  general  obedience  in  the 
kingdom.  For  the  proceedings  of  the  canon  law  were 
never  wholly  received  into  practice  in  the  land ;  but  so 
as  made  subject  in  whatsoever  touched  temporals,  to 

P  [Hist,  eh.  XV.] 


CENT.  xir.  of  Britain.  61 

secular  laws  and  national  customs.     And  the  laity,  at  a.d.  1102. 
pleasure,  limited  canons  in  this  behalf.    Nor  were  such  ^h^-'* 
sales  of  servants,  being  men's  proper  goods,  so  weak- 
ened with  this  prohibition,  but  that  long  after  they  re- 
mained legal  according  to  the  laws  of  the  land^. 

xxix.  That  the  sin  of  sodometry,  both  in  clergy 
and  laity,  should  be  punished  with  heavy  censures. 
Remarkable  that  the  same  synod  which  forbad  priests^ 
marriage,  found  it  needful  to  punish  sodometry,  an 
Italian  vice,  beginning  now  to  be  naturalized  in  Eng- 
land ^  For  those  who  endeavour  to  make  the  way  to 
heaven  narrower  than  God  hath  made  it,  by  prohibit- 
ing what  he  permits,  do  in  event  make  the  way  to  hell 
wider,  occasioning  the  committing  of  such  sins,  which 
God  hath  forbidden.  We  may  further  observe,  that 
the  plaister  now  applied  to  the  rotten  sore  of  sodometry, 
was  too  gentle,  too  narrow,  and  too  Uttle  time  laid  on. 
Too  gentle ;  for  whereas  the  sin  is  conceived  to  deserve 
death,  it  was  only  slubbered  over,  that  the  party  con- 
vict of  this  wickedness,  if  in  orders,  was  admitted  to  no 
higher  honour,  and  deposed  from  what  he  had,  till 
restored  again  on  his  repentance.  Too  narrow,  if  it 
be  true  what  one  observes,  that  monks  (as  neither 
merely  lay  nor  priests)  were  not  threatened  with  this 
curse,  where  all  was  hidden  in  cloisters^.  Lastly,  too 
little  time  laid  on ;  for  whereas  at  first  it  was  consti- 
tuted, that  such  excommunication  of  sodomites  con- 
victed, should  solemnly  be  renewed  every  Lord'*s  day ; 
this  short-lived  canon  did  die  in  the  birth  thereof,  and 
Ansel m  himself,  postponi  concessit  ^^  suflTered  it  to  be 
omitted,  on  pretence  that  it  put  beastly  thoughts  into 
many  men'^s  minds,  whose  corruption  abused  the  punish- 
ment of  sin  in  the  provocation  thereof;  whilst  others 

q  See  Mr.  Selden,  Spicileg.  H.  N.  p.  24.] 

ad  Eadmerum,  p.  208.  »  Bale's   Acts    of    English 

r  [See  Fuller's  remarks  on  Votaries,  part  11.  f.  63.  b.  [ed. 

the  fifth  rule  of  these  consti-  1551*] 

tutions.      And    see   Eadmer,  ^  Eadmerus  ut  prius. 


6^  The  Church  History  book  hi. 

A. D.I  102.         conceive  this  relaxation  indulged,  in  favour  to  some 
3^^"-  '•  great  oflTenders,  who,  hardened  in  conscience,  but  tender 

in  credit,  could  not  endure  to  be  so  solemnly,  publicly, 
and  frequently  grated  with  the  shame  of  the  sin  they 
had  committed. 

So  much  for  the  constitutions  of  that  synod, 
wherein  though  canons  were  provided  for  priests, 
cap  a  piS,  from  the  shaving  to  the  shoes,  yet  not  a 
syllable  of  their  instructing  the  people  and  preaching 
God's  word  unto  them.  We  must  not  forget,  that 
men  guilty  of  simony  in  the  first  canon,  are  not 
taken  in  the  vulgar  acception  for  such  as  were  pro- 
moted to  their  places  by  money,  but  in  a  new  coined 
sense  of  that  word ;  for  those  who  were  advanced  to 
their  dignities  by  investiture  from  the  king,  which 
gave  occasion  to  the  long  and  hot  broil,  happening 
betwixt  king  Henry  and  Anselm,  which  now  we 
come  to  relate. 
Anselm  re-      4.  The  kiuff  Commanded  him  to  consecrate  such 

fuseth  to  ^ 

consecrate  bishops  as  he  lately  had  invested ;  namely,  William 
bishops;  of  Winchester,  Roger  of  Hereford,  &c.,  which  An- 
selm refused,  because  flatly  against  the  canon  newly 
made  in  the  coimcil  of  Rome  by  pope  Urban,  that 
any  who  had  their  entrance  by  the  authority  of  tem- 
poral princes  should  be  admitted  to  bishoprics^. 
Hereupon  the  king  enjoined  Gerard  archbishop  of 
York  to  consecrate  them ;  who  out  of  opposition  to 
Anselm  his  competitor,  was  as  officious  to  comply 

▼  [Eadmer,  H.  N.    p.  69.  who  refused.     Reinelmus,  the 

Malm.  De  Pontif.  f.  128.  Ro-  queen's  chancellor,  succeeded 

ger  of  Hereford  had  been  in-  him,  and  was  at  this  time  bi- 

vested  by  the  king,  but  never  shop  of  Hereford.  See  Eadmer, 

consecrated  by  the  archbishop:  H.  N.  p.  68,  and  Mat.  Par.  a. 

on  his  deathbed  he  requested  1102.] 
Anselm  to  perform  that  office. 


CENT.  XII.  of  Britain,  63 

with  the  king,  as  the  other  was  backward,  hoping  a.  d.i  105. 

thereby  to  hitch  his  church  a  degree  the  higher,  by ^'''. 

help  of  the  royal  favour.  Here  happened  an  unex- 
pected accident :  for  William  bishop  of  Winchester 
refused  consecration  jfrom  the  archbishop  of  York, 
and  resigned  his  staff  and  ring  back  again  to  the 
king,  as  illegally  from  him^.  This  discomposed 
all  the  rest.  For  whereas  more  than  the  moiety  of 
ecclesiastical  persons  in  Ikigland  were  all  in  the 
same  condemnation,  as  invested  by  the  king,  the 
very  multitude  of  offenders  would  have  excused  the 
offence,  if  loyal  to  their  own  cause.  Whereas  now 
this  defection  of  the  bishop  of  Winchester  so  brake 
the  ranks,  and  maimed  their  entireness,  that  their 
cause  thereby  was  cast  by  their  own  confession,  and 
so  a  party  raised  among  them  against  themselves. 

5.  Soon  after,  the  king  was  contented  that  Anselm  Anseim 
should  go  to  Rome,  to  know  the  pope's  pleasure  ^^ 
herein*.  But  one,  none  of  the  conclave,  without  a 
prophetical  spirit,  might  easily  have  foretold  the  re- 
solution of  his  holiness  herein,  never  to  part  with 
power,  whereof  (how  injuriously  soever)  though  but 
pretendedly.  possessed.  Anselm.  for  his  compliance 
with  the  pope  herein,  is  forbidden  to  return  into 
England,  while  the  king  seizeth  on  his  temporalities  y. 

6.  However,  not  long  after,  by  mediation  of  friends,  a.d.  1107. 

they  are  reconciled ;  the  king  disclaiming  his  right  Jj^^^ 

of  investitures,  a  weak  and  timorous  act  of  so  wise  ?*^  invest- 
ing of 

and  valiant  a  prince,  whose  predecessors  before  theWshopa. 
conquest  held  this  power  (though  some  time  loosely) 
in  their  own  hands ;  and  his  predecessors  since  the 

^    [Reinelnius,    elected    to     staff.  Malmsb.  ib.] 
Hereford,   resigned    the    ring         *  [Joan.  Sarisbur.  p.  170.] 
and   staff;    William  only  the         7  [Eadmer,  H.  N.  p.  76.] 


61 


BOOK  III. 


A.D.  1 107.  eoDqiiefit  gneped  it  faR  in  their  fisC  in  defiance  of 
Iff^JLsach  pcfKS  »  voold  finccr  it  firom  them.  Wliereas 
now  he  let  it  go  <m  of  hk  hand,  whilst  his  snocessors 
in  Tain,  though  whh  a  long  aim.  readied  after  it  to 
leeoTer  it'.  And  now  Ansefan.  who  fonnerlv  re- 
fosedf  eonsemted  all  the  bishops  ^  Tacant  sees; 
amongst  whom.  Roger  of  Saltshmr  was  a  prime 
person,  first  pieferred  to  the  king*s  notice,  because 
he  began  prayeis  quickly,  and  ended  than  speedily ; 
for  which  qnalitr  he  was  cfmxmeaded  as  fittest  for  a 


X  [The  king  dudiiiiied  bis 
It  of  inrestitiire  on  eon- 
ditioQ  tint  DO  prdate  dwold 
be  deprired  for  doing  booage 
to  tbe  king.  Bat  be  it  re- 
corded to  tbe  bonoor  of  tbe 
Endiith  dergr,  tbat  tbej  seal- 
cNuTf  opposed  tbis  surrender 
<yf  tbe  rojBl  pririkge,  and 
tbroogb  tbe  entire  strng^  op- 
posed Anselm's  nnoonstita- 
tional  aggressions.  SeeEIadmery 
H.  N.  p«  91*  Flor.  Wigom.  et 
Mat.  Paris,  an.  1107.  We  owe 
tbe  sabjection  of  our  cborch,  to 
tbe  papal  nsorpatiocs,  cbieflj 
to  the  Normans  and  otber  fo- 
reigners wbo  were  promoted 
to  tbe  tee  of  Canterbuy. 
Landfranc  and  Ansebn,  both 
Italians  by  birth^  idolized  by 
the  pope^  were  eager  enough 
to  advance  the  power  of  tbe 
papal  see,  and  their  own  influ- 
ence with  it.  And  they  used 
these  opportunities  at  this  par- 
ticular time,  whilst  three  par- 
ties, the  king,  the  prelates^  and 
the  nobles,  were  contending  in 
the  state,  all  nearly  equal  in 
strength,  and  when  the  union 
o£  any  two  of  them  would  be 


more  tbaa  a  match    for  the 
third.  Had  Henry  then  at  this 
time  oppoecd  tbe  pope's  un- 
just aggrfSKionSt  be  would  have 
snbfected  himself  and  bis  land 
to  an  interdict,  and  so  have 
girem  immense  advantages  to 
bis  opponents,  particularly  his 
brother    Robert,   with    whom 
many  of  tbe  nobles  bad  already 
taken   part,  but  Anselm   and 
tbe  dogy,   and  tbe  English 
portion  of   bis  subjects,  had 
firmly  opposed.     Hence  Hen. 
ry's    constant    endeavour    to 
temporise  with  Anselm,   and 
to  gain  time  by  sending  fre- 
quently to  Rome.     He  dared 
not  openly  reject  Anselm,  who 
would  then  at  once  have  pro- 
nounced sentence  of  excom. 
munication  against  the   king. 
And  the  pope  and  the  prelates 
on  their  parts  would  not  pro- 
ceed to  such  lengths  against 
the  king  at  once,  through  fear 
of  his  power  and  determina- 
tion.    Therefore  both  parties 
avoided  as  long  as  they  could 
coming  to  an  open  teial    of 
strength.] 


OENT.Xil. 


4af  Britain. 


65 


chaplam  in  the  camp^  and  was  not  unwelcome  to  the  A.D.  1107. 
court  on  the  same  account*.  — ^lll 

7-  Ansehn  having  divested  the  king  of  investing  Anseim  for- 
bishops,  (one  of  the  fairest  robes  in  the  wardrobe,)  marri»ge. 
did  soon  after  deprive  the  clergy  of  one  half  of  them*- 
selves.  For,  in  a  solemn  synod  he  forbade  priests' 
marriage ;  wherein,  as  charitably  we  believe,  his  in- 
tentions pious  and  commendable,  and  patiently  be^ 
hold  his  pretences,  specious  and  plausible,  «o  we 
cannot  but  pronounce  his  performance  for  the  pr^ 
sent  injurious  and  culpable,  and  the  effects  thereof 
for  the  futia-e  pernicious  and  damnable.  And  here 
we  will  a  little  enlarge  ourselves  on  this  subject  of 
so  high  concernment. 

8.  It  is  confessed  on  all  sides,  that  there  is  no  Only  by  a 
express  in  scripture  to  prohibit  priests'  marriage.  ^^. 
Thomas*  «,nd  Scotus*,  commonly  cross,  (as  if  reason 
enough  for  the  latter  to  deny,  because  the  former 
affirmed  it,)  do  both  (such  the  strength  of  truth) 
agree  herein.  Only  ecclesiastical  constitutions  forbid 
them  marriage^  And,  though  many  popes  tampered 
hereat,  none  effectually  did  drive  the  nail  to  the 
head,  till  Hfldebrand,  <dias  Gregory  the  Seventh^ 
(the  better  man  the  better  deed,)  finally  interdicted 
priests'  marriage.  However,  his  constitutions,  though 
observed  in  Italy  and  Prance,  were  not  generally 
obeyed  in  England ;  till  Anseim  at  last  forbade 


*  [See  Oul.  Neubrigens.'^. 
6.  William  of  Malmsbury  is 
far  more  favourable  to  this  pre- 
late's  character;  ^ooimending 
him  greatly^  amongst  other 
things^  for  his  magnificence, 
his  restoring  and  adorning  the 
church  of  Salisbury,  f.  91.^ 

FULLER,  VOL.  II. 


a  In  2^*  2^.  qusest.  IxxxvSS. 
art.  II.  [p.  167.  ed.  1604.] 

^  Lib.  vii.  de  Justitia  quses^. 
6.  artic.  2^0. (?)  [For  an  account 
•x>f  the  proceedings  touching 
the  forbidding  of  the  clergy  to 
marry,  see  Eadmer,  H.  N.  p. 
67,  83,  85,  94,  105.] 


66  The  Church  History  book  hi. 

A.D.  1107.  married  priests  to  officiate,  or  any  lay-people,  under 

'—  pain  of  censure,  to  be  present  at  their  church-service. 

Grounded       9-  Herein  he  proceeded  on  two  erroneous  prin- 
enw.        ciples.     One,  that  all  men  have,  or  may  have,  (if 
using  the  means,)  the  gift  of  continency.     Wherein 
they  do  not  distinguish  betwixt, 

i.  Common  gifts,  which  God  bestoweth  on  all  his 
servants ;  Jude  ver.  3,  "common  salvation." 

ii.  Proper  gifts,  thus  the  apostle  ^  when  he  had 
wished  all  like  himself,  that  is,  able  to  contain,  he 
immediately  addeth,  But  every  man  hath  his  proper* 
gift  of  God^  one  after  this  manner^  and  another 
after  that. 

His  other  false  supposition  is,  that  marriage  is 
either  inconsistent  with,  or  at  least  impeditive  to  the 
purity  of  priestly  profession. 
Paramount      10.  The  felseucss  whereof  appeareth  by  the  prece- 
a  married  deut  of  Euoch,  in  whom  met  the  threefold  capacity 
^^"-      of  king,  priest,  and  prophet.     Yet  his  marriage  re- 
mitted not  the  reins  of  his  princely  power,  hindered 
not  the  performance  of  his  sacerdotal  function,  re- 
bated not  the  edge  of  his  prophetical  spirit ;  for,  He 
walked  with  God^  and  begat  sons  and  daughters  \  He 
made  not  a  prayer  the  less  for  having  a  child  the 
more :  and  let  us  be  but  alike  holy  with  Enoch,  and 
let  others  be  more  holy  with  Anselm. 
St.  Paul         11.  Wherefore  when  the  apostle  saith.  He  that  is 
erpoun     .  ^^^^^^  caretk  for  the  things  which  are  of  this  worlds 
how  he  may  please  his  wife%  therein  he  describeth, 
not  that  height   of  God-pleasing  which   marriage 
ought,  and  in  itself  may,  and  by  Enoch  was  im- 
proved, but  expresseth  such  faults  which  through 

«  I  Cor.  vii.  7.  d  Gen.  v.  22.  c  i  Cor.  vii.  33. 


CSNT*  XII.  of  Britain.  67 

human  coiruption  too    commonly  come  to    pass.  a.  d.  1107. 

Which  aire  vita  mariti^  f^on  matrimonii ;  tuvoris^  nan ^- 

u^oraius,  flowing  neither  from  the  essence,  nor  from 
the  exercise  of  marriage,  but  only  from  the  depraved 
use  thereof,  which  by  God's  assistance,  and  man's 
best  endeavours^  may  be  rectified  and  amended. 

Ifi.  It  is  therefore  falsely  charged  on  marriage.  And  mar. 
qtm  marriage^  that  it  is  an  hinderance  to  hospitality ;  fended, 
starving  the  poor  to  feed  a  family.  It  is  confessed  it 
would  break  marriage,  if,  cceteris  'paribus^  she  should 
oflfer  to  vie  bounty  with  virginity;  only  she  may 
equal  virginity  in  cheerfiilness  of  her  giving,  and  in 
the  discreet  choice  of  fit  objects  whereon  to  bestow 
it.  Yet  give  me  leave  to  say,  in  a  married  family 
there  be  commonly  most  mouths,  and  where  most 
mouths,  there  probably  most  bread  is  eaten,  and 
where  most  bread  is  eaten,  there  certainly  most 
crumbs  fall  beneath  the  table,  so  that  the  poor  are 
feasted  by  those  fragments.  If  any  rejoin,  that  single 
folk  bestow  their  alms  not  by  crumbs,  but  whole 
loaves,  the  worst  I  wish  is,  that  poor  people  may  find 
the  truth  thereof.  Nor  doth  the  having  of  children, 
qua  children,  make  men  covetous,  seeing  Solomon 
saw  a  man  who  had  neither  child  nor  brother^  yet  his 
eye  was  not  satisfied  with  riches^.  On  the  other  side, 
I  find  two  in  one  and  the  same  chapter^  professing 
they  had  enough,  viz.  Esau  and  Jacob,  both  of  them 
married,  both  of  them  parents  of  many  children. 

13.  And  here  well  may  we  wonder  at  the  partiality  a  monk's 

verses  mt 

of  the  papists,  over-exalting  marriage  in  the  laity  to  bald  u  his 
a  sacrament,  and  too  much  depressing  the  same  in  ^^^^^' 
priests,  as  no  better  than  refined  fornication.     Yea, 

f  Eccles.  IV.  8.  ?  Gen.  xxxiii.  9,  1 1. 

F  2 


68  The  Church  History  book  hi. 

A.D.  1 107.  some  have  made  virginity  the  com,  and  marriage  the 

^atlL  cockle ;  which  is  a  wonder  that  they  should  be  of 

several  kinds,  seeing  virginity  is  but  the  fruit,  and 
marriage  the  root  thereof.  But,  amongst  all  the  foul 
mouths  belibelling  marriage,  one  railing  rhythmer, 
of  Anselm*s  age,  bore  away  the  bell,  (drinking  surely 
of  Styx  instead  of  Helicon,)  and  I  am  confident  my 
translation  is  good  enough  for  his  bald  verses. 

O  male  viventes,  versus  audite  sequentes; 
Uxores  vestras,  quas  odit  summa  potestas, 
Linquite  propter  eum,  tenuit  qui  morte  trophanam. 
Quod  81  non  facitis,  infemi  claustra  petetis : 
Christi  sponsa  jubet  ne  presbyter  ille  ministret 
Qui  tenet  uxorem,  Domini  quia  perdit  amorem. 
Contradicentem  fore  dicimus  insipientem^ 
Non  ex  rancore  loquor  haec,  potius  sed  amore^^ 

O  je  that  ill  live»  attention  giye«  unto  my  following  rhythmes ; 

Your  wives^  those  dear  mates,  whom  the  highest  power  hates« 
see  that  ye  leave  them  betimes. 

Leave  them  for  his  sake,  who  a  conquest  did  make,  and  a  crown 
and  a  cross  did  acquire. 

If  any  say  no,  I  give  them  to  know^  they  must  all  unto  hell  for 
their  hire. 

The  spouse  of  Christ  forbids  that  priest  his  ministerial  function^ 

Because  he  did  part  with  Christ  in  his  hearty  at  his  marriage- 
conjunction. 

We  count  them  all  mad,  if  any  so  bad,  as  daring  herein  to 
contest ; 

N(H'  is  it  of  apite  that  this  I  indite,  but  out  of  pure  love^  I 
protest. 

Where  did  this  railing  monk  ever  read  that  God 
hated  the  wives  of  priests  ?  And  did  not  the  church 
of  Rome  at  this  time  come  under  the  character  of 

^  Found  in  Ramsey  abbey^     the   English   Votaries^   p.  11. 
in   a  treatise    De    Monicatu^     f.  6o^bu  ed.  1551.] 
cited  by -John  Bale,  [Acts  of 


CENT.  XII*  of  Britain.  69 

that  defection  described  by  the  apostle?  That  in  the  A.  D.iioj. 
latter  times  some  shotdd  depart  from  the  faith^  for" ^'' 


bidding  to  marry ^  &fc} 

14.  These   endeavour  (as  they  are   deeply  con-Anffl 
cemed)  to  wipe  off  from  themselves  this  badge  of 
antichrist,  by  pleading  that, 

i.  They  forbid  marriage  to  no  man. 

ii.  They  force  priesthood  on  no  man. 
Only  they  require  of  those  who  freely  enter  into  the 
priesthood  to  vow  virginity,  and  command  such  to 
part  with  their  wives  who  were  formerly  entered 
into  orders. 

15.  All  which  is  alleged  by  them  but  in  vain,  WeU  itop- 
seeing  marriage  may  be  forbidden,  either  directly  or^"^' 
consequentially.     For  the  first ;  none,  well  in  their 

wits,  consulting  their  credit,  did  ever  point-blank 
forbid  marriage  to  all  people.  Such  would  be  held 
as,  hostes  humani  generis,  "  enemies  of  mankind,"  in 
their  destructive  doctrines.  Nor  did  any  ever  abso- 
lutely (as  it  foUoweth  in  the  same  text)  command  all 
to  abstain  from  meats.  This  were  the  way  to  empty 
the  world  of  men,  as  the  simple  forbidding  of  mar- 
riage would  fill  it  with  bastards.  And,  although 
some  silly  heretics,  as  Tatian,  Marcion,  and  Mani- 
cheus,  are  said  absolutely  to  forbid  marriage,  yet 
they  never  mounted  high,  nor  spread  broad,  nor 
lasted  long.  Surely  some  more  considerable  mark 
is  the  aim  of  the  apostle's  reproof,  even  the  church 
of  Rome,  who  by  an  oblique  line,  and  consequen- 
tially, prohibit  marriage  to  the  priests,  a  most  con- 
siderable proportion  of  men  within  the  pale  of  the 
church. 

16.  Notwithstanding  the  premises,  it  is  fit  thatMwriage- 

bedmay  be 
J  i  Tim.  iv.  I. 

f3 


70  The  Church  History  book  hi. 

A. D.I  107. the  embraces  of  marriaire  should  on  some  occasion 

^-^for  a  time  be  forborne,  for  the  advance  of  piety; 

for  a  tune,  first,  when  private  dalliance  is  to  yield  to  public 
febiddSf  dolefulness :  Let  the  bridegroom  go  out  of  his  cham- 
ber^ and  the  bride  out  of  her  dosetK     For  though  by 
the  Levitical  law  one  might  not  be  forced  to  fight 
in  the  first  year  of  his  marriage,  yet  might  he  on 
just  occasion  be  pressed  to  fast  on  the  first   day 
thereof.     It  is  not  said.  Let  the  bridegroom  go  out 
of  his  bridegroom-ship,  but  only  out  of  his  chamber; 
and  that  also  with  intention  to  return  when  the 
solemnity  of  sorrow  is   overpast.     Secondly,  when 
such  absence  is  betwixt  them  mutually  agreed  on ; 
Defraud  ye  not  one  another^  ewcefpt  it  be  with  consent 
for  a  time^  that  ye  may  give  yourselves  to  fasting  and 
prayer,  and  come  together  again,  that  Satan  tempt  you 
not  for  your  incontinencyK     Here  indeed  is  an  inter- 
diction of  the  marriage  bed,  but  it  is  voluntary,  by 
mutual  consent  of  the  parties ;  and  temporary,  only 
durante  eorum  beneplacito,  not  as  the  popish  pro- 
hibition, impulsive,  by  the  power  of  others,  and  per- 
petual, to  continue  during  their  lives. 
H.  Hunt-       17.  Hear  what  Henry  of  Huntingdon™  expressly 
15otsw«  of  saith  of  Anselm's  carriage  herein.     "  He  prohibited 
Ansdm.     «  English  priests  to  have  vrives,  who  before  time 
"  were  not  prohibited ;  which  as  some  thought  to  be 
"  a  matter  of  greatest  purity,  so  others  again  took  it 
"  to  be  most  perilous,  lest  while  by  this  means  they 
"  aimed  at  cleanliness  above  their  power,  they  should 
"  fall  into  horrible  uncleanness,  to  the   exceeding 
"  great  shame  of  Christianity." 
Ansdm  18.  But  Ausclm  died  before  he  could  finish  his 

dieth  re  in- 

^  Joel  ii.  I  F.  1  I  Cor.  vii.  ^  [Hist.  f.  217,  a.] 


CENT.  XII. 


of  Britain. 


71 


project  of  priests'  divorces,  who  had  he  deceased  be-  a.  d.  i  109. 
fore  he  began  it,  his  memory  had   been  left  less  ^   ®^'* 


fecta  of 


stained  to  posterity".  His  two  next  successors,  Ra- pnests' di- 
dulphus  and  William  Curbuil,  went  on  vigorously  ^^"*^ 
with  the  design,  but  met  with  many  and  great  ob- 
structions. Other  bishops  found  the  like  opposition, 
but  chiefly  the  bishop  of  Norwich,  whose  obstinate 
clergy  would  keep  their  wives  in  defiance  of  his 
endeavours  against  them. 

19.  Indeed  Norfolk  men  are  charactered  in  Jure  The  numt- 
mumcipcUi  versatisstmt^  and  are  not  easily  ejected  Norwich 
out  of  that  whereof  they  had  long  prescription  and  ^*'^* 
present  possession  ;    no  wonder  therefore   if  they 
stickled  for  their  wives,  and  would  not  let  go   a 
moiety  of  themselves.     Besides,  Herbert  Losing  of 
Norwich  needed  not  to   be  so  fierce   and   furious 
against  them,  if  remembering  his  own  extraction, 
being  the  son  of  an  abbot.     These  married  priests 
traversed  their  cause  with  scripture  and  reason,  and 
desired  but  justice  to  be  done  unto  them.     But  jus- 
tice made  more  use  of  her  sword  than  of  her  balance 
in  this  case,  not  weighing  their  arguments,  but  pe- 
remptorily and  powerfully  enjoining  them  to  forego 
their  wives,  notwithstanding  that  there  were  in  Eng- 


^  [He  died  on  Wednesday, 
2 1  st  of  April,  1 1 09.  Flor. 
Wigom.,  Sym.  Dunelm.,  in 
an.  11 09.  After  his  death, 
the  see  of  Canterbury  re- 
mained vacant  for  five  years. 
When  the  king  was  admonish- 
ed not  to  leave  the  mother  of 
the  churches  so  long  a  widow; 
he  answered,  that  Landfranc 
and  Anselm  had  been  such  ex. 
cellent  archbishops,  that  he 
could  tind  no  successor  equal 


to  them,  and  felt  reluctant  to 
make  a  worse  choice  than  his 
father.  *'  Talia  responsa  vide- 
"  bantur  plura  juris  et  sequi  et 
*^  erant  plane,"  says  Malms- 
bury,  in  his  panegyric  upon 
Anselm.  De  Pontif.  f.  130,  b. 
The  honest  chronicler  seems 
not  to  have  penetrated  very 
deeply  into  the  king's  policy. 
Radulphus  de  Turbine  suc- 
ceeded in  II 15,  and  William 
in  1 1 23.] 

F  4 


1ft  The  Church  History  sook  hi. 

A.  D.I  1 15.  land  at  this  time  many  married  priests,  signal  for 

sanctity  and  abilities. 

Leuned         20.  Amongst  the  many  eminent  married  priests 
^^^^„,,  flourishing  for  learning  and  piety,  one  Ealphegus 
was  now  living,  or  but  netvly  dead.     His  residence 
was  at  Plymouth  in  Devonshire.   Mr.  Camden®  «aith 
he  was  ervditus  et  conjugatus^  but  the  word  conjugatus 
is  by  the  indea?  e^vpurgatorius^  commanded  to  be 
deleted^ 
A  virgin-       21.  To  ordor  the  refractory  married  clergy,  the 
^^^^^"  bishops  were  fain  to  call  in  the  aid  of  the  pope. 
John  de  Crema,  an  Italian  cardinal,  jolly  with  his 
youthful  blood  and  gallant  equipage,  came  over  into 
England  with  his  bigness  and  bravery  to  bluster  the 
clergy  out  of  theif  wives.     He  made  a  most  gaudy 
oration  in  the  commendation  of  virginity,  as  one  who 
in  his  own  person  knew  well  how  to  value  such  a 
jewel  by  the  loss  thereof.     Most  true  it  is  that  the 
same  night  at  London  he  was  caught  abed  with  an 
harlot,  whereat  he  may  be  presumed  to  blush  as  red 
as  his  cardinal's  hat,  if  any  remorse  of  conscience  re- 
mained in  him**.     What  saith  Deborah,  In  the  days 
of  Shamgar^  when  the  highways  were   unoccupied^ 
(obstructed    by  the^  Philistines,)   travellers   walked 
through  by-paths^.      The  stopping  the  way  of  mar- 
riage, God's  ordinances,  made  them  frequent  such 
base  by-paths,  that  my  pen   is    both    afraid   and 
ashamed  to  follow  them.     Cardinal  Crema  his  mis- 
chance (or  rather  misdeed)  not  a  little  advantaged 
the  reputation  of  married  priests. 

«  Brit,  in  Devon,  [p.  145.}  proceedings  of  the   synod   at 

P  Printed  an.  161 2v  p. 383. (?)  which    this   cardinal   presided 

q  Roger  Hoveden,  [f.  274,n.]  will  be  found  in  Flor.  Wigorn. 

and     Hen.^    Huntingdon,     [f.  an.  1125.  Wilkins,  I.^  406.] 
219,  a*     An   account  of  the         "^  Judges  v.  6. 


CENT.  xiT.  of  Britain.  73 

22.  Bishops,  archbishops,  and  cardinal,  all  of  them  a.  d.i  126. 
almost  tired  out  with  the  stubbornness  of  the  recu-  ^^ 
sant  clergy ;  the  king  at  last  took  his  turn  to  reduce  Sei>  own^ 
them.     William  Curbuil,  archbishop  of  Canterbury,  ^^^®'' 
willingly  resigned  the  work  into  the  king^s  hand, 
hoping  he  would  use  some  exemplary  severity  against 

them ;  but  all  ended  in  a  money  matter ;  the  king 
taking  a  fine  of  married  priests,  permitted  them  to 
enjoy  their  wives,  as  well  they  might,  who  bought 
that  which  was  their  own  before'. 

23.  About  this  time  the  old  abbey  of  Ely  wasEiy-abbey 
advanced  into  a  new  bishoprick,  and  Cambridgeshire  bishopric 
assigned  for  its  diocese,  taken  from  the  bishopric  of 
Lincoln ;  out  of  which  Henry  the  First  carved  one 
(Ely),  and  Henry  the  last  two  (Oxford  and  Peter- 
borough) bishoprics,  and  yet  left  Lincoln,  the  largest 
diocese  in  England.  Spaldwick  manor  in  Hunting, 
denshire  was  given  to  Lincoln,  in  reparation  of  the 
jurisdiction  taken  from  it  and  bestowed  on  Ely*. 

24.  One  Herveus  was  made  first  bishop  of  Ely:  And  en. 
one  who  had  been  undone,  if  not  undone,  banished  royalties! 
by  the  tumultuous  Welsh,  from  the  beggarly  bishop- 
ric of  Bangor ;  and  now  (in  pity  to  his  poverty  and 
patience)  made  the  rich  bishop  of  Ely.     It  is  given 

to  parents  to  be  most  fond  of  and  indulgent  to  their 
youngest,  which  some  perchance  may  render  bb  a 
reason  why  this  bishopric,  a^  last  bom,  wbs  best 
beloved  by  the  king.  Surely  he  bestowed  upon  it 
vast  privileges ;  and  his  successors  cockering  this  see 
for  their  darling,  conferred  some  of  their  own  royal- 
ties thereon. 

25.  Bernard,  chaplain  to  the  kinff,  and  chancellor  ^^  i>avid'g 

^  O'  contest 

^  [Malmsb.  f.  99.]  Ang.  Sac.  I.  615.   Mat.  Paris, 

t  [In  1 1 09.    See  Wharton's     an.  1 1 09.] 


74  The  Church  HUtary  book  hi* 

A.  D.  1 1 16.  to  the  queen,  was  the  first  Nonnan  made  bishop  of 
^^  ^'''  St.  David's.  Presuming  on  his  master's  favour  and 
JJ^j^'  his  own  merit,  he  denied  subjection  to  Canterbury, 
and  would  be  (as  anciently  had  been)  an  absolute 
archbishop  of  himself.  Indeed  St.  David's  was 
Christian  some  hundred  of  years,  whilst  Canterbury 
was  yet  pagan ;  and  could  shew  good  cards  (if  but 
permitted  fairly  to  play  them)  for  archiepiscopal 
jurisdiction,  even  in  some  respect  equal  to  Rome 
itself.  Witness  the  ancient  rhythming  verse  about 
the  proportions  of  pardons  given  to  pilgrims  for  their 
visiting  religious  places, 

Roma  semel  quantum  bis  dat  Menevia  tantum. 

Not  that  St.  David's  gives  a  peck  of  pardons  where 
Rome  gives  but  a  gallon  (as  the  words  at  the  first 
blush  may  seem  to  import),  but  that  two  pilgrimages 
to  St.  David's  should  be  equal  in  merit  to  one  pil- 
grimage to  Rome,  such  was  the  conceived  holiness 
of  that  place. 
imparcon^  26.  Giraldus  Cambrensis  states  the  case  truly  and 
briefly*.  That  Canterbury  hath  long  prescription, 
plenty  of  lawyers  to  plead  her  title,  and  store  of 
money  to  pay  them.  Whereas  St.  David's  is  poor, 
remote  out  of  the  road  of  preferment ;  intimating  no 
less,  that  if  equally  accommodated  she  could  set  on 
foot  as  good  an  archiepiscopal  title  as  Canterbury 
itself.  But  he  addeth,  that  except  some  great  alter- 
ation happeneth,  (understand  him,  except  Wales 
recover  again  into  an  absolute  principality,)  St.  Da- 
vid's is  not  likely  to  regain  her  ancient  dignity. 
William  archbishop  of  Canterbury,  aided  by  the 
pope,  at  last  humbled  the  bishop  of  St.  David's  into 

t  [De  jure  et  statu  Menevensis  eccU^iae,  p.  534.     Printed  in 
tlie  second  volume  of  Wharton's  Anglia  Sacra.] 


CENT.  XII.  of  Britak/n.  75 

a  submission;  who  vexed  hereat,  wreaked  his  spleen  a.  d.i  135. 

on  the  Welsh   clergy  ;    furiously  forcing  them   to '— 

forego  their  wives.  The  successors  of  this  bishop 
would  have  been  more  thankful  to  his  memory  had 
he  laboured  less  for  the  honour,  and  more  preserved 
the  profits  of  his  see,  whose  lands  he  dilapidated 
with  this  his  expensive  suit,  and  on  other  designs 
for  his  own  preferments 

27.  King  Henry  died  in  Normandy  of  a  surfeit  by  King  Hen- 
eating  lampreys^.  An  unwholesome  fish,  insomuch  dLth. 
that  Galen,  speaking  of  eels  in  general,  (whereto 
lampreys  may  be  reduced,)  expostulates  with  the 
gods  for  giving  them  so  delicious  a  taste,  and  so 
malignant  and  dangerous  an  operation.  But  grant 
them  never  so  good,  excess  is  a  venomous  string  in 
the  most  wholesome  flesh,  fish,  and  fowl,  and  it  was 
too  great  a  quantity  caused  a  surfeit.  I  find  him 
generally  commended  for  temperance  in  his  diet  ^; 
only  his  palate  (his  servant  in  all  other  meats)  was 
commonly  his  master  in  this  dish.  He  was  buried 
at  Reading^,  leaving  but  one  daughter  (the  sea 
having  swallowed  his  sons)  survivmg  him. 

u  [The  causes  of  St.  David's  suffragans  without  making  sub- 
losing  its  archiepiscopal  title  jection  to  any  other  church ; 
were  briefly  these  :  Samson,  and  thus  it  continued  till  the 
its  archbishop  during  the  raging  subjection  of  that  country  by 
of  a  yellow  pest  {ictericia),  at  Henry  I.  Girald.  Cambrensis^ 
the  solicitation  of  his  country-  p.  534.  ib.  Gul.  Neubrigens. 
men  passed  over  into  Britanny.  I.  3.  n.] 
The  see  of  Dole  being  then  ^  Mat.  Paris,  []ai  11 35.] 
vacant,  he  was  elected  to  it,  ^  [By  Malmsbury,  De  Gest. 
and  the  bishops  who  succeeded  f.  91,  b.  and  100.  A  short  ac- 
him  retained  his  pall.  But  count  of  his  sickness  is  given 
though  St.  David's  was  thus  by  Peter,  abbot  of  Cluny,  in  a 
deprived  of  its  ancient  dignity,  contemporary  letter  to  Adela. 
the  bishops  of  Wales  were  al-  Marrier  Bibliotheca  Cluniacen- 
ways  consecrated  by  the  arch-  sis,  p.  635.  ed.  16 14.] 
bishop  of  St.  David's,  as  he  *  [Where  he  erected  an  ab- 
was  always  consecrated  by  his  bey  of  Cluuiac  monks.     One 


76  The  Church  History  book  iit. 

A.D.  1135.     28.  Stephen  earl  of  Bologne  hearing  of  Henry  his 

death,  hasteth  over  into  England,  and  seizeth  on  the 

ufurpeth  cTown^.  All  his  title  unto  it  wag  this ;  first,  Maud, 
on  aS^  the  true  heir  thereof  was  a  female*  Secondly,  absent 
^^  beyond  the  seas.  Thirdly,  married  to  a  foreigner. 
Fourthly,  no  very  potent  prince,  viz.  Gfeoflfty  Planta- 
genet  earl  of  Anjou,  whose  land-lock-situation  ren- 
dered him  less  formidable  for  any  effectual  impression 
on  this  island.  Lastly,  he  was  son  to  Adela,  daughter 
to  king  William  the  Conqueror,  (though  a  male, 
deriving  his  title  from  a  female,)  conceiving  himself 
the  daughter's  son,  to  be  preferred  before  Maud,  the 
son's  daughter.  Indeed  Stephen  had  an  elder  bro- 
ther, Theobald  earl  of  Blois,  but  he  chose  a  quiet 
coimty  before  a  cumbersome  kingdom;  the  enjoy- 
ment of  his  own,  rather  than  invasion  of  another^s 
inheritance,  seeing  Maud  was  the  undoubted  heir  of 
the  English  crown*. 
Maud  the  28.  This  Maud  I  may  call  Maud  the  Fourth ;  yea, 
England  had  no  queen  of  another  name  since  the 
Conquest  which  left  any  issue. 

i.  Maud  the   First,  wife   to   king  William   the 
Conqueror. 

ii.  Maud  the  Second,  (daughter  to  Malcolm  king 
of  ScotSy)  wife  to  king  Henry  the  First, 
iii.  Maud  the  Third,  wife  to  king  Stephen, 
iv.  Maud  the  Fourth,  daughter  to  king  Henry  the 
First,  and  in  right  queen  of  England. 

of  the  first  establishments  of  *'  genii."  Upon  which  account 

that  order  in  England.  Malmsb.  his  mother  set  him  aside,  and 

ib.     See  however  the  Mona-  inspired  her  younger  son  Ste- 

sticon,  I.  417.]  phen  with  the  ambitious  hopes 

7  [Trivet.  I.  4.    Mat.  Paris,  of  succeeding  to    his  uncle's 

a.  1 135.]  throner  Trivet.  I.  4.,  and  Gul. 

»  [Rather  Theobald  was  of  Neubrig.  i.  4.] 
a  tame  spirit,  ^*  remissions  in- 


Fourth. 


€ENT.  Xil. 


of  Britain. 


n 


TTiis  last  Maud  was  first  married  to  Henry  theA.D.  1135. 
Fourth,  emperor  of  Grermany,  and  after  his  death -^ — Lf^ 
was  constantly  called  the  empress,  by  the  courtesy 
of  Christendom,  though  married  to  earl  Geof&y,  her 
second  husband.     To  her  all  the  clergy  and  nobility 
had  sworn  fealty  in  her  father's  lifetime*. 

29.  William  archbishop  of  Canterbury*',  notwith- The  per. 
standing  his  oath  to  Maud,  solenmly  crowned  Ste-SS^. 
phen,  and  in  the  same  act  shewed  himself  perjured 
to  his  God,  disloyal  to  his  princess,  and  ungrateful  to 
his  patroness,  by  whose  special  fiivour  he  had  been 
preferred.  The  rest  of  the  bishops  to  their  shame 
followed  his  example;  dealing  with  oaths  as  seamen 
with  the  points  in  the  compass,  saying  them  forwards 
and  backwards.  Indeed  covetousness  and  pride 
prompted  this  disloyalty  unto  them,  hoping  to  obtain 
of  an  usurper  what  they  despaired  to  get  from  a  lawful 
king.  For  their  modesty  (and  that  little  enough)  in 
askmg  was  all  Stephen's  measure  in  giving ;  resolving 
with  himsetlf  for  the  present  to  grant  what  should 
please  them,  and  at  leisure  to  perform  what  should 
please  himself.  Let  him  now  get  but  the  stump  of 
a  crown,  and  with  wise  watering  thereof,  it  would 
sprout  afterwards.  Hence  was  it  that  he  granted 
the  bishops  liberty  to  build  and  hold  many  castles; 
freedom  in  forests ;  investiture  from  the  pope^;  with 


A  [''Quam  [[Matildam]  quam- 
**  vis  esset  admodum  juvencula 
"  anno  gratise  MCX  uxorem 
"  duxit  Imperator  Henricus 
**  quintus>  quern  i][uidam  quar- 
'*  turn  dicunt  non  numerantes 
**  Henricum  primum^  eo  qaod 
^*  benedictionem  imperialem 
"  fuerit  minime  assecutus." 
Nic.  Trivet.  I.  3.     The  oath 


of  fealty  was  made  to  Maud  an 
the  27th  year  of  her  father's 
reign.  She  married  her  second 
husband^  Oeotfry  Plantagenet^ 
in  I  i  29,  three  years  after  the 
death  of  her  first.  Trivet,  ib.] 

*  [WiUiam  CurbuU.  See  Tri. 
vet.  I.  ^,  Gul.  Neubrig.  I.  4.] 

c  [His  title  was  confirmed 
by  pope  Innocent.    Symeonis 


78  The  Church  Historjf  Book  lit* 

A. D.I  135. many  other  immunities  which  hitherto  the  clergy 
1—^ — 1  never  obtained.     All  things  thus  seemingly  settled^ 
yet  great  was  the  difference  of  judgments  in  the 
English  concerning  king  Stephen,  which  afterwards 
discovered    themselves    in    the    variety    of   men's 
practices. 
Variety  of      SO.  Somo  actod  vigorously  for  Stephen,  conceiving 
^^s.    possession  of  a  crown  createth  a  right  unto  it.  Where 
shall  private  persons  (unable  of  themselves  to  trace 
the  intricacies  of  princes'  titles)  fix  their  loyalty 
more  safely  than  on  him  whom  success  tendereth 
unto  them  for  their  sovereign  ?  God  doth  not  now  (as 
anciently)  visibly  or  audibly  discover  himself;  we 
must  therefore  now  only  look  and  listen  to  what  he 
sheweth  and  saith  by  his  voice  in  the  success  of 
things,  whereby  alone  he  expresseth   his  pleasure 
what  he  owneth  or  disclaimeth.  This  their  judgment 
was  crossed  by  others,  who  distinguished  betwixt 
heaven's  permission  and  consent ;    God  sometimes 
suffering  them  to  have  power  to  compel,  to  whom  he 
never  gave  authority  to  command. 
Pn>and         31.  But  somo  uTgod,  that  Stephen  was  declared 
2^*ste.    lawful  king  by  popular  consent,  which  at  this  time 
i**^        could  alone  form  a  legal  right  to  any  in  this  island. 
For  Maud,  Stephen's  corrival,  in  vain  pretended  suc- 
cession, seeing  the  crown  since  the  conquest  never 
observed  a  regular,  but  an  imcertain  and  desultory 
motion.  Nor  was  it  directed  to  go  on  by  the  straight 
line  of  primogeniture,  which  leaped  over  the  Con- 
queror's eldest  to  his  second  son :  then  taking  a  new 

Dunehn.  Con  tin.  a.  1136.  Ste-  laity.  See  Malmsb.  f.  101.  He 

phen  was  not  joined   by  the  was  indebted  for  his  success  to 

clergy  until  he  had  been  acknow-  Henry  his  brother^  then  the 

ledged    by  the    nobility  and  pope's  legate  in  England.] 


CENT.  XII.  of  Britain.  79 

rise,  from  the  eldest  still  surviving,  to  Henry  his  a.  d.  1135. 

third  son.     Here  no  chain  of  succession  could  be ^ 

pleaded,  where  no  two  links  followed  in  order.  But 
others  answered,  that  such  popular  election  of  Ste- 
phen had  been  of  validity,  if  the  electors  had  been 
at  liberty ;  whereas  they  being  preengaged  to  Maud 
by  a  former  oath,  could  not  again  dispose  of  those 
their  votes,  which  formerly  they  had  passed  away. 

32.  Others  conceived  that  the  stain  of  Stephen  a  second 
his  usurpation  in  getting  the  crown  was  afterward  their  op- 
scoured  clean  out  by  his  long  (more  than  eighteen  ''^*^' 
years)  enjoying  thereof.     For,  suppose  Providence 

for  a  time  may  wink  and  connive,  yet  it  cannot  be 
conceived  in  so  long  a  slumber,  yea,  a  sleep,  yea,  a 
lethargy,  as  to  permit  one  peaceably  so  long  to 
possess  a  throne,  except  heaven  had  particularly 
designed  him  for  the  same.  To  this  others  answered, 
that  Stephen  all  that  time  rather  possessed  than 
enjoyed  the  crown,  (alarmed  all  his  life  long  by 
Maud  and  her  son,)  so  that  he  had  as  little  quiet  in, 
as  right  to  the  kingdom.  But  grant  his  possession 
thereof  never  so  peaceable,  what  at  first  was  found- 
ered in  the  foundation,  could  not  be  made  firm  by 
any  height  of  superstructure  thereupon.  An  error 
by  continuance  of  time  can  never  become  a  truth, 
but  the  more  inveterate  error. 

33.  A  third  sort  maintained,  that  sul^ecte'  loyalty  a  third 
is  founded  on  their  sovereign's  protection,  so  that 
both  sink  together.  Seeing  therefore  Maud  was 
unable  to  afford  her  people  protection,  hep  people 
were  bound  to  no  longer  allegiance.  But  this  position 
was  disproved  by  such,  who  bottoming  allegiance 
only  on  conscience,  make  protection  but  the  encou- 
ragement, not  the  cause  thereof.   They  distinguished 


80  The  Church  History  book  iii. 

A.D.  1135.  also  betwixt  a  prince's  wilfiil  desertmff  his  people, 

I  Stephen.         ,    ,^.      .      ,.,.  i  1         ^    \. 

and  nis  mability  to  protect  them ;  not  through  his 

own  default,  but  the  forcible  prevailing  of  others. 
Thus  the  conjugal  tie  is  only  dissolved  by  the  parties* 
voluntary  uncleanness,  and  not  by  his  or  her  adven- 
titious impotency  to  render  due  benevolence. 

A  fourth        34,.  A  fourth  party  avouched  that  Maud,  though 

with  theirs.  ,  r       J  'a 

not  actually  and  openly,  yet  tacitly  and  interpre- 
tatively,  released  the  English  from  their  allegiimce 
unto  her.  For  what  prince  can  be  presumed  so 
tyrannical,  as  to  tie  up  people  to  the  strict  terms  of 
loyalty  unto  him,  when  the  same  is  apparently  de- 
structive unto  them,  and  no  whit  advantageous  to 
himself?  But  others  disliked  this  position ;  for  where 
did  any  such  relaxation  appear?  It  cancelleth  not 
the  obligation  of  a  debtor  to  £EUicy  to  himself  an 
acquittance  from  his  creditor,  which  cannot  be  pro- 
duced. 
Some  act  ^^'  Somo  actod  at  the  commands,  though  not  for 
Sn^^s^^*^  the  commands,  of  king  Stephen,  namely,  in  such 
phen's  things  whcreiu  his  injunctions  concurred  with  equity, 
charity,  and  order,  consistent  with  the  principles  of 
public  utiUty  and  self  preservation.  These,  havmg 
the  happiness  to  be  commanded  by  an  usurper  to  do 
that  which  otherwise  they  would  have  dene  of  them- 
selves, did  not  discover  themselves  to  act  out  of 
their  own  inclinations,  w^hilst  it  passed  unsuspected 
in  the  notion  of  their  obedience  to  king  Stejdien. 
Thus  many  thousands,  under  the  happy  conduct  (or 
at  leastwise  contrivance)  of  Thurstan,  archbishop  of 
York,  though  in  their  hearts  well  affected  to  Maud 
her  title,  unanimously  resisted  David  king  of  Scots^^ 

^  [Trivet  I.  6.    Gul.  J^eub.  i.  5^  Sym.  Cont.  J 137-8.] 


CENT.  XII.  of  Britain.  81 

though  he  pretended   recuperative  arms  in   queen  a. p.  1 135. 

Maud  her  behalf;  under  which  specious  title  he  bar- 

barously  committed  abominable  cruelties,  till  nettled 
therewith,  both  Stephanists  and  Maudists  jointly  bad 
him  battle,  and  overthrew  him  nigh  Alerton  in 
Yorkshire®. 

SQ.  All  generally  bare  the  burdens,  and  no  less  Politic 

1..11  .1  •111  .  -I  patience. 

pohticly  than  patiently,  paid  all  taxes  imposed  upon 
them.  Recusancy  in  this  kind  had  but  armed  king 
Stephen  with  a  specious  pretence  to  take  all  from 
them  for  refusing  to  give  a  part.  Nor  scrupled  they 
hereat,  because  thereby  they  strengthened  his  usurpa- 
tion against  the  rightful  heir,  because  done  against 
their  wills,  and  to  prevent  a  greater  mischief:  mean- 
time they  had  a  reservation  of  their  loyalty,  and, 
erecting  a  throne  in  their  hearts,  with  their  prayers 
and  tears  mounted  queen  Maud  on  the  same. 

37.  Robert  earl  of  Gloucester  (the  queen's  half-  Robert  eari 
brother)  may  even   make  up   a   form   by  himself,  cester  sin- 
finding  none  other  before  or  after  him  of  the  same  ^^' 
opinion.     Who  conditionally  did  homage  to   king 
Stephen,  scilicet  si  dignitatem  suam  sibi  servaret  illi- 
datam^,  namely,  "So  long  as  he  preserved  this  Robert's 

dignity  (for  so  I  understand  the  pronoun's  recipro- 
cation) to  be  inviolated." 

38.  A  few  there  were  whose  relucting  consciences  Highiycon- 

scientious. 

remonstrated  against  the  least  compliance  with  king 
Stephen;  whose  high  loyalty  to  Maud  interpreted 
all  passiveness  under  an  usurper  to  be  activity  against 

e  [The  cause  of  Maud  was  cruelty,  as  quickly  to  estrange 
chiefly  espoused  by  the  Lon-  from  her  the  hearts  of  her  par- 
doners, but  when  upon  the  tisans.  See  Symeon  Dunelm. 
capture  of  Stepen  in  1 142,  she  cont.  p.  270.  Gul.  Neubrig. 
was  raised  to  the  throne,  she  i.  9.] 
showed   so    much    pride   and  ^  [M.Paris,  p.  75.  an.  1 136.] 

FULLER,  VOL,  II.  G 


82  The  Church  History  book  hi. 

A.D.  ii36the  right  heir.     These  even  quitted  their  lands  in 
^  '  England  to  the  temi)est  of  times,  and  secretly  con- 

veyed themselves,  with  the  most  incorporeal  of  their 
estates,  (as  occupying  the  least  room  in  their  waftage 
over,)  into  Normandy. 
An  honest       39.  Tlic  clcrgy,  percciviug  that  king  Stephen  per- 
the  d«Tjy.  formed  little  of  his  large  promises  unto  them,  were 
not  formerly  so  forward  in  setting  him  up,  but  now 
more  fierce  in  plucking  him  down,  and  sided  effectu- 
ally with  Maud  against  him.     An  act  which  the  ju- 
dicious behold,  not  as  a  crooked  deed,  bowing  them 
from  their  last,  but  as  an  upright  one,  straightening 
them  to  their  first  and  best  oath,  made  to  this  Maud 
in  the  lifetime  of  her  father.    But  Stephen  (resolved 
to  hold  with  a  strong  what  he  had  got  with  a  wrong 
hand)  fell  violently  on  the  bishops,  who  then  were 
most  powerful  in  the  land,  (every  prime  one  having, 
as  a  cathedral  for  his  devotion,  so  many  manors  for 
his  profit,  parks  for  his  pleasure,  and  castles  for  his 
protection,)  and  he   uncastled  Roger  of  Salisbury, 
Alexander  of  Lincoln,  and  Nigellus  of  Ely,  taking 
also  a  great  mass  of  treasure  from  them^f. 
A.  D.I  1 37.     40.  Most  fiercely  fell  the  fury  of  king  Stephen 
Pau?" *      on  the  dean  and  canons  of  Paul's,  for  crossing  him  in 
^j^^^     the  choice  of  their  bishop.     For  he  sent  and  took 
their  Focarias^,  and  cast  them  into  London  Tower; 
where  they  continued  many  days,  not  without  much 
scorn  and  disgrace,  till  at  last  those  canons  ransomed 
their  liberty  at  a  great  rate. 
What  Fo-       41.  What  these  Focariae  were,  we  conceive  it  no 
'•  disgrace  to  confess  our  ignorance,  the  word  not  ap- 


g  [Mat.  Paris,  a.  1139.  Trivet,  I.  7.  Gul.  Neub.  i.  6.] 
h  Rad.  de  Diceto,  [p.  506.] 


cariae  were. 


CENT.  XII. 


of  Britain, 


88 


pearing  in  any  classical   author,  and  we  must  byA.D.  1137. 
degrees  screw  ourselves  into  the  sense  thereof.  '- 

i.  It  signifieth  some  female  persons,  the  gender  of 
the  word  discovering  so  much. 

ii.  They  were  near  to  the  canons,  who  had  an  high 
courtesy  for  them,  as  appears  by  procuring  their 
liberty  at  so  dear  a  price. 

iii.  Yet  the  word  speaks  not  the  least  relation  of 
affinity  or  consanguinity  unto  them. 

iv.  All  the  light  we  can  get  in  this  Focariae,  is 
from  some  sparks  of  fire  which  we  behold  in  the 
word,  so  as  if  these  shes  were  nymphs  of  the  chim- 
ney, or  fire-makers  to  these  canons. 

If  so,  surely  they  had  their  holyday  clothes  on 
when  sent  to  the  Tower,  (kitchen-stuflF  doth  not  use 
to  be  tried  in  that  place,)  and  were  considerable  (if 
not  in  themselves)  in  the  affections  of  others.  And 
now,  well  fare  the  heart  of  Roger  Hoveden,  who 
plainly  tells  us  that  these  Focariae  were  these  canons* 
concubines*.  See  here  the  fruit  of  forbidding  mar- 
riage to  the  clergy,  against  the  law  of  God  and 
nature.  What  saith  the  apostle?  It  is  better  to 
marry  than  to  burn^^;  or,  which  is  the  same  in  effect. 
It  is  better  to  have  a  wife  than  a  fire-maker. 


i  [Hist.  f.  430.  The  term 
focarice  occurs  in  the  Chro- 
nicon  de  Lanercost^  in  con- 
nection with  others,  as  to  leave 
its  meaning  no  longer  doubt- 
ful. "  Praecepit  etiam  rex  mi- 
nistris  suis  quod  concubinas 
et  focarias  et  amasias  pres- 
byterorum  et  clericorum  in- 
ventas  comprehenderent.*' 
p.  4.  For  the  use  of  tliis  work 
I  am  indebted  to  its  editor, 
Joseph  Stevenson,  esq.,  lately 


«« 


e€ 


t€ 


*€ 


one  of  the  sub-commissioners 
of  records.  The  manner  in 
which  he  has  executed  his  task 
is  as  creditable  to  his  talents 
and  industry,  as  the  publication 
of  the  MS.  is  to  the  liberality 
and  judgment  of  the  Bannatyne 
and  Maitland  clubs.  It  is  one 
of  the  most  valuable  modern 
contributions  to  English  his- 
tory.] 

i*  I  Cor.  vii.  9. 

G  2 


84  The  Church  History  book  hi. 

A.  D.I  1 36.  42.  Albericus  bishop,  of  Hostia  came  post  from 
l!^Rome,  sent  by  pope  Innocent  the  Second  mto  Eng- 
WeiLnZ  land ;  called  a  synod  at  Westminster,  where  eighteen 


«tt»r, 


bishops  and  thirty  abbots  met  together^.  Here  was 
concluded;  That  no  priest,  deacon,  or  sub-deacon 
should  hold  a  wife  or  woman  within  his  house, 
under  pain  of  degrading  from  his  Christendom,  and 
plain  sending  to  hell.  That  no  priests'  son  should 
claim  any  spiritual  living  by  heritage.  That  none 
should  take  a  benefice  of  any  layman.  That  none 
were  admitted  to  cure  which  had  not  the  letters  of 
his  orders.  That  priests  should  do  no  bodily  labour : 
and  that  their  transubstantiated  god  should  dwell 
but  eight  days  in  the  box,  for  fear  of  worm-eating, 
moulding,  or  stinking,  with  such  like.  In  this  synod 
Theobald  abbot  of  Becco  was  chosen  archbishop  of 
Canterbury  in  the  place  of  William  lately  deceased. 
A. D.  1139.  43.  The  most  considerable  clergyman  of  England 
wSttterin  this  age  for  birth,  wealth,  and  learning,  was 
w^^iate.  Henry  of  Blois,  bishop  of  Winchester,  and  brother 
to  king  Stephen^.  He  was  by  the  pope  made  his 
legate  for  Britain,  and  outshined  Theobald  the  arch- 
bishop of  Canterbury.  For  although  Theobald  just 
at  this  time  was  augmented  with  the  title  of  legatus 
natus^  (which  from  him  was  entailed  on  his  successors 

J  [Symeonis  Dunelm.  cont.  1143*  at  which   Stephen  was 

p.  264.  327.    Wilkins,  I.  416.  present.  Trivet,  12] 
Trivet.  I.  7.    The  first  council         ^    [This    Henry    was     the 

was  assembled  by  Albericus  at  fourth^   as    Stephen   was   the 

London  in  1138,  when  Theo-  third  son  of  Adela^  daughter 

dore  abbot  of  Bee  was  conse-  of    William    the    Conqueror, 

crated  archbishop   of  Canter-  He  was  originally  a  Cluniac 

bury  (Trivet.  7,).     The  second  monk,  and  abbot  of  Glasten- 

in  1 139,  by  Henry  bishop  of  bury,   the    rich    revenues    of 

Winton,  at  Winchester  (Malm,  which  place  he  was  allowed  to 

f.   103.),  and   a  third  in  the  hold  in  conjunction  with  the 

same  place  in  1142  (Malm.  f.  see  of  Winchester.    Trivet.  I. 

106,  b.)  Another  at  London  in  4,  5.  Gul.  Neubrigens.  i.  4.] 


CENT.  XII.  of  Britain.  86 

in  that  see,)  yet  this  Henry  of  Blois,  beinff  for  theA.D.  1136. 

.    7  >•  ,  ,     .  ,  ^4  Stephen. 

present  kgatus  facttts^  out-lustered  the  other  as  far 

as  an  extraordinary  ambassador  doth  a  leger  of  the 
same  nation.  In  this  Henry  two  interests  did  meet 
and  contend ;  that  of  a  brother,  and  that  of  a  bishop ; 
but  the  latter  clearly  got  the  conquest,  as  may  appear 
by  the  council  he  called  at  Winchester,  wherein  the 
king  himself  was  summoned  to  appear^.  Yea,  some 
make  Stephen  personally  appearing  therein,  (a  dan- 
gerous precedent,  to  plead  the  cause  of  the  crown 
before  a  conventicle  of  his  own  subjects,)  so  that  to 
secure  Rome  of  supremacy  in  appeals,  he  suffered  a 
recovery  thereof  against  his  own  person  in  a  court  of 
record,  losing  of  himself  to  save  the  crown  thereby 
unto  himself.  But  William  of  Malmsbury,  present 
at  the  council,  (and  therefore  his  testimony  is  to  be 
preferred  before  others,)  mentions  only  three  parties 
in  the  place  present  there  with  their  attendance : 

i.  Roger  of  Salisbury,  with  the  rest  of  the  bishops, 
grievously  complaining  of  their  castles  taken  from 
them. 

ii.  Henry  bishop  of  Winchester,  the  pope's  legate, 
and  president  of  the  council ;  with  Theobald  arch- 
bishop of  Canterbury  pretending  to  umpire  matters 
in  a  moderate  way. 

iii.  Hugh  archbishop  of  Rouen,  and  Aubery  de 
Vere,  (ancestor  to  the  earl  of  Oxford,)  as  advocate 
for  king  Stephen. 

This  Aubery  de  Vere  seems  learned  in  the  laws,  • 
being   charactered   by  my  author,  homo   camarum 

1  [Stephen  was  present  at  a  tion  or  compulsion ;  '*  benigne 

synod  held  in  London  in  1 143,  '*  interfuit  et  favoris  regii  suf- 

which  probably  Fuller  has  mis-  *'  fragium  non  negavit."    Gul. 

taken  for  Winchester ;  not  ap-  Neubrigens.  i.   10.     See  also 

parently  on  account  of  any  cita-  Wilkins'  Cone.  I.  421.  sq.] 

G  3 


86  The  Church  History  book  hi. 

A.v.iisg,varietatibu8  e^ercitatusj  "a  man  well  versed  in  the 

^^""^  "  windings  of  causes- " 

The  itme-      44.  Jn  this  svnod,  first  the  commission  of  pope 

lets  issue  , 

of  the  synod  Innocent  the  Second  was  read,  empowering  the  said 
Chester.'  Hemj  bishop  of  Winchester  with  a  legative  au- 
thority. Then  the  legate  made  a  sermon;  Latia- 
riter^  which  is,  as  I  conceive,  "  in  the  Latin  tongue." 
We  find  not  his  text ;  but  know  this  was  the  subject 
of  his  discourse,  to  inveigh  against  king  Stephen 
depriving  those  bishops  of  their  castles.  Sermon 
ended,  the  king's  advocates,  or  true  sulgects  rather, 
(many  making  them  to  speak  only  out  of  the  dictates 
of  their  own  loyalty,  and  not  plead  by  deputation 
from  the  king,)  made  his  defence,  that  bishops  could 
not  canonically  hold  castles,  and  that  the  king  had 
despoiled  them  of  their  treasure,  not  as  episcopal 
persons,  but  as  they  were  his  lay-offices,  advised 
thereto  by  his  own  security.  The  bishops  returned 
much  for  themselves,  and  in  fine,  the  synod  brake 
A. D.I  140  up  without  any  extraordinary  matter  effected.  For 
soon  after  came  queen  Maud  with  her  navy  and 
army  out  of  Normandy,  which  turned  debates  into 
deeds,  and  consultations  into  actions :  but  we  leave 
the  readers  to  be  satisfied  about  the  alternation  of 
success  betwixt  king  Stephen  and  Maud  to  the 
historians  of  our  state.  There  may  they  read  of 
Maud  her  strange  escapes,  when  avoiding  death,  by 
being  believed  dead,  (otherwise  she  had  proved  in 
her  grave,  if  not  pretended  in  a  coffin,)  when  getting 
out  in  white  linen,  under  the  protection  of  snow  ° :  I 
say,  how  afterwards  both  king  Stephen  and  Robert 


m  Willielm.  Malms,  f.  103.      Paris,  an.  11 39.  sq.  Gul.  Neu- 
n  [Trivet.  I.  9,  10,  11.  Mat.     brig.  i.  9, 10.] 


CENT.  XII.  of  Britain.  87 

earl  of  Gloucester  were  taken  prisoners,  and  given  in  a.d.  1141. 
exchange,  the  one  for  the  liberty  of  the  other ;  with  — ^ — 1 
many  such  memorable  passages  the  reader  may  stock 
himself  from  the  pens  of  the  civil  historians,  the 
proper  relators  thereof. 

45.  It  is  strange  to  conceive  how  men  could  be  at  Why 
leisure  in  the  troublesome  reign  of  king  ^Stephen  to  ^^L*8 
build   and   endow   so   many   religious   foundations,  jj^'^^*®"* 
Except  any  will  say,  that  men  being  (as  mortal  in  ^^^^^ 
peace)  most  dying  in  war,  the  devotions  of  those 

days  (maintaining  such  deeds  meritorious  for  their 
souls)  made  all  in  that  martial  age  most  active 
in  such  employments.  Not  to  speak  of  the  mona- 
stery of  St.  Mary  de  Pratis,  founded  by  Robert  earl  a.d.  1144. 
of  LeicesterP,  and  many  others  of  this  time:  the 
goodly  hospital  of  St.  Katharine's  nigh  London  was 
founded  by  Maud  wife  to  king  Stephen,  though  others 
assign  the  same  to  Robert  bishop  of  Lincoln,  as 
founder  thereof.  So  stately  was  the  choir  of  this 
hospital,  that  it  was  not  much  inferior  to  that  of  St. 
Paul's  in  London,  when  taken  down  in  the  days  of 
queen  Elizabeth  by  Dr.  Thomas  Wilson,  the  master 
thereof,  and  secretary  of  state'. 

46.  Yea,  king  Stephen  himself  was  a  very  great  Religious 
founder.    St.  Stephen  was  his  tutelary  saint,  (though  founded  by 
he  never  learned  his  usurpation  from  the  patient  p^gn.  ^" 
example  of  that  martyr,)  whose  name  he  bore,  on 
whose   day  he  was  crowned,  to  whose  honour  he 
erected  St.  Stephen's  chapel  in  Westminster,  near 

the  place  where  lately  the  court  of  request  was  kept. 
He  built  also  the  Cistercian's  monastery  in  Fever- 

P  [R.  de  B08SU.]  brig.  i.  14,  15,  16.] 

q  [Robert  de  Chesney.     See         ^  Stow's  Survey  of  London, 
other  instances  in  Gul.  Neu-     p.  117. 

G  4 


88 


The  Church  History 


BOOK  III. 


A.D.  ii44«8ham ;  with  an  hospital  near  the  west  gate  in  York. 

And  whereas  formerly  there  were  paid  out  of  every 

plough-land  in  England,  betwixt  Trent  and  Edin- 

burgh-Frith,  twenty-four  oat  sheaves  for  the  king's 

hounds';  Stejihen  converted  this  rent-charge  to  his 

new  built  liosi)ital  in  York.   A  good  deed  no  doubt ; 

for  though  it  bo  unlawful  to  take  the  children's  bread 

and  to  cast  it  unto  the  dogs\  it  is  lawful  to  take  the 

dog's  bread,  and  to  give  it  unto  the  children. 

A.D.  1 150.      47.  The  king  being  desirous  to  settle  sovereignty 

utoncy  of    ou  liis  SOU  Eustace,  earnestly  urged  Theobald  arch- 

archhihop  bishop  of  Canterbury  to  crown  him^.     For  Stephen 

cf  Canter-  g^^^^  ^^mt  fcalty,  barely  sworn  to  Maud  in  her  father's 

lifetime,  was  afterwards  broken :  and  therefore,  (his 

own  guilt  making  him  the  more  suspicious,)  for  the 

better  assurance  of  his  son's  succession,  he  would  go 

one  step  further,  endeavouring  to  make  him  actual 

king  in  his  own  lifetime.  But  the  archbishop  stoutly 

refused,  though  proscribed  for  the  same,  and  forced 

to  fly  the  land,  till  after  some  time  he  was  reconciled 

to  the  king. 

The  sea-        ^g  Eustaco  the  kiuff's  son  died  of  a  phrensy,  as 

sonahle  o  r  j-f 


8  Stow's  Chron.  p.  146,  148. 
Of  the  foundation  of  Fever- 
sham,  see  the  Monasticon^  I. 

687.] 

t  Mark  vii.  27. 

V  [Eustace  was  not  Stephen's 
only  son,  as  our  author  ap- 
pears to  think.  He  had  an- 
other named  William,  who  did 
homage  to  Henry  by  his  fa- 
ther's order,  and  to  whom,  in 
1 157,  Henry  II.  gave  the 
same  lands  which  Stephen  his 
father  held  under  Henry  I., 
in  return  for  the  castles  of  Pe- 
vensey   and    Norwich,   which 


this  William  possessed.  See 
Trivet.  I.  34.  Besides  this 
son,  he  had  a  daughter,  named 
Mary,  abbess  of  Romsey,  who 
was  in  1 1 60  married  to  Mat- 
thew son  of  the  earl  of  Flan- 
ders, ib.  39.  The  alliance  of 
Eustace  with  France,  he 
having  married  Constance,  a 
sister  of  that  king,  and  his 
own  high  spirit  and  courage, 
prevented  Stephen  from  enter- 
ing into  any  agreement  with 
Henry.  Gul.  Neubrig.  i.  30. 
ii.  10.] 


CENT.  XII.  of  Britain,  89 

going  to  plunder  the  lands  of  Bury-abbey^.  A  death  a.  d.  1152. 
untimely  in   reference   to  his  youthful  years,  but'^  ^  ^' 
timely  and  seasonably  in  relation  to  the  good  of  the  p^n^e  Eu- 
land.    If  conjecture  may  be  made  from  his  turbulent  ***^ 
spirit,  coming  to  the  crown  he  would  have  added 
tyranny  to  his  usurpation.  His  father  Stephen  begins 
now  to  consider,  how  he  himself  was  old,  his  son 
deceased,  his  subjects  wearied,  his  land  wasted  with 
war :  which  considerations,  improved  by  the  endea- 
vours of  Theobald  archbishop  of  Canterbury,  and 
God's   blessing   on   both,   produced    an   agreement 
between  king   Stephen  and  Henry  duke  of  Nor-A.D.  1153. 
mandy,  the  former  holding  the  crown  for  his  life, 
and  after  his  death  settling  the  same  on  Henry,  his 
adopted  son  and  successor*. 

49.  We  have  now  gotten,  (to  our  great  credit  and  An  Eng- 
comfort  no  doubt,)  an  Englishman  pope;  namely. p^^'* 
Nicholas  Breakspeare,  alias  Adrian  the  Fourth. 
Bom,  saith  my  author y,  nigh  Uxbridge  in  Middlesex, 
of  the  ancient  and  martial  family  of  the  Break- 
speares ;  though  others  make  him  no  better  than  a 
bastard  of  an  abbot  of  St.  Alban's^.     The  abbot  of 


"^  Mat.  Paris,  s.  a.    [Trivet,  a  monk  of  St.  Alban's,  in  his 

I.  22.]  history  of  the  abbots  of  that 

*  [See  the  charter  of  their  church,  this  Nicholas  was  bom 

convention   in  Rymer's  Feed,  at  Langley*  not  far  from  the 

I.  18.  (ed.  1816.)  abbey  of  St.  Alban's,  and  was 

y  Camden  in  Middlesex,  [p.  the  son  of  Robert  de  Camera, 

302.]  who  retired  from  the  world  in 

2  Bale*s  Acts  of  the  English  the  infancy  of  his  son,  and  be- 
Votaries,  [part  11.  f.  85,  ed.  came  a  monk  of  St.  Alban's, 
155 1.  Nicholas  Breakspeare  (qui  honeste  vivens,  in  saeculo 
was  elected  to  the  popedom  literatus  aliquantulum,  habi- 
1 7  Dec.  1 1 54,  in  the  first  year  tum  religionis  in  domo  S.  Al- 
of  the  reign  of  Henry  II.,  ac-  bani  suscepit,  p.  70.)  The  fa- 
cording  to  Gul.  Neubrig.  ii.  6.  ther,  desirous  that  Nicholas 
(See  also  Trivet.  I.  24.)  Ac  should  be  admitted  into  the 
cording  to  Mat.  Paris,  himself  cloister,  addressed  himself  to 


90 


The  Church  History 


BOOK  III. 


A.D.  1 155.  which  convent  he  confirmed  the  first,  in  place  of  all 
L—L—in  England.  If  I  miscount  not,  we  never  had  but 
four  popes  and  a  half  (I  mean  cardinal  Pool,  pope 
elect)  of  our  nation.  And  yet  of  them,  one  too 
manj,  will  the  papists  say,  if  pope  Joan,  as  some 
esteem  her,  were  an  Englishwoman.  Yea,  lately 
(the  elected  following  the  plurality  of  the  electors) 
they  have  almost  engrossed  the  papacy  to  the  Ita- 
lians. Our  Adrian  had  but  bad  success,  choked  to 
death  with  a  fly  in  his  throat\  Thus  any  thing  next 
nothing,  be  it  but  advantageously  planted,  is  big 
enough  to  batter  man's  life  down  to  the  ground. 
Oeftejr  50.  GeflS^y  ap  Arthur  (commonly  called  from  his 

defended,   native  place,  Geffrey  of  Monmouth)  was  now  bishop 
of  St.  Asaph  ^.     He  is  the  Welsh  Herodotus,  the 


his  superior  for  that  purpose, 
who  granted  his  request,  on 
condition  that  his  son  should 
be  found  competent.  ''Qui 
'^  cum  examinatus  et  insuf- 
"  ficiens  inveniretur,  dixit  ei 
'*  abbas  satis  civiliter ;  *  Ex- 
'*  pecta,  fill,  et  adhuc  scholam 
**  exerce ;  ut  aptior  habearis.' 
"  Unde  ipse  clericus  verecun- 
dus  reputans  talem  dilatio- 
nem  repulsam^  abiit ;  et  Pa- 
"  risios  adiens,  ibique  scholaris 
'*  vigilantissimus  effectus  om- 
**  nes  socios  discendo  supera- 
'*  vit."  ib.  p.  66.  He  was  after- 
wards made  canon^  and  subse- 
quently abbot  of  St.  Rufus 
near  Valence.  Afterwards  ob- 
taining a  great  reputation  for 
prudence  and  learning  in  three 
several  embassies  upon  which 
he  was  sent  to  Rome^  and  for 
his  missionary  labours  in  con- 
verting the  Norwegians,  he  was 
made  bishop  of  Albania  upon 


€t 


<« 


the  vacancy  of  that  see  (Mat. 
Paris,  ib.  70.),  and  a  cardinal 
by  Eugenius  III.  Upon  the 
death  of  Anastasius  IV.  he  was 
raised  to  the  popedom,  and 
died  1 1 60.  Gul.  Neubrig.  ii.  9. 
See  also  Hist.  Maj.  9I9  and 
Trivet.  I.  25.  John  of  Salis- 
bury has  detailed  a  very  in- 
teresting conversation  which 
he  held  with  this  pope,  (when 
he  resided  three  months  with 
him  at  Beneventum,)  upon  the 
abuses  of  the  popes  and  the 
church  of  Rome.  Policraticus, 
vi.  24.] 

A  [But  according  to  Mat. 
Paris,  ib.  p.  74,  he  was  poi- 
soned because  he  refused,  from 
conscientious  motives,  to  give  a 
bishopric  to  the  son  of  a  power- 
ful  Roman  citizen.] 

^  [He  was  elected  a.  1151. 
For  some  account  of  him,  see 
M.  Paris,  in  an.,  and  GuL  Neu- 
brigens.  in  prsef.  Hist.] 


CENT.  XII.  of  Britain.  91 

father  of  ancient  history  and  fahles ;  for,  he  who  will  a.  d.  115^. 
have  the  first,  must  have  the  latter.  Polydore  Virgil  I — 3_ 
accuseth  him  of  many  falsehoods,  (so  hard  it  is  to 
halt  before  a  cripple,)  who,  notwithstanding,  by 
others  is  defended,  because  but  a  translator,  and  not 
the  original  reporter.  For  a  translator  tells  a  lie  in 
telling  no  lie,  if  wilfiilly  varying  from  that  copy 
which  he  promiseth  faithfully  to  render.  And  if  he 
truly  translates  what  he  finds,  his  duty  is  done,  and 
is  to  be  charged  no  further.  Otherwise  the  credit  of 
the  best  translator  may  be  cracked,  if  himself  become 
security  for  the  truth  of  all  that  he  takes  on  trust 
from  the  pens  of  others. 

51.  King  Stephen  ended  his  troublesome  life®.   AA.D.1154. 
prince,  who  if  he  had  come  in  by  the  door,  the  best  of  king 
room  in  the  house  had  not  been  too  good  to  enter-  ^'^p^®'** 
tain  him.     Whereas  now  the  addition  Usurper  (af- 
fixed generally  to  his  name)  corrupts  his  valour  into 
cruelty,  devotion  into  hypocrisy,  bounty  into  flattery 

and  design.  Yet,  be  it  known  to  all,  though  he 
lived  an  usurper,  he  died  a  lawful  king ;  for  what 
formerly  he  held  from  the  rightful  heir  by  violence, 
at  his  death  he  held  under  him  by  a  mutual  compo- 
sition. He  was  buried  with  his  son  and  wife  at 
Feversham  in  Kent,  in  a  monastery  of  his  own  build- 
ing^. At  the  demolishing  whereof,  in  the  reign  of 
king  Henry  the  Eighth,  some,  to  gain  the  lead 
wherein  he  was  wrapped,  cast  his  corpse  into  the  sea*. 
Thus  sacrilege  will  not  only  feast  on  gold  and  silver, 
but  (when  sharp  set)  will  feed  on  meaner  metals. 

52.  Henry  the  Second  succeeded  him,  known  bywiwtlK^ 

c  [Mat.  Paris,  and  Trivet,  meon.  ib.  280,  but  by  Stephen,  ^**'^®* 

in  an.]  according  to  Qui.  Neubrigens. 

<J  [Built  by  his  wife  Maud^  i«  32.] 
according  to  Trivet.  I.  24.  Sy-         «  Stow's  Chron.  148. 


9i  The  Church  History  book  hi. 

A.D.I  155. a  triple  surname,  two  personal  and  ending  bj  him- 
1-1  self,  Fitz-empress  and  Shortmantle ;  the  other  here- 
ditary, fetched  from  Geffrey  his  father,  and  trans- 
mitted to  his  posterity,  Plantagenet,  or  Plantaga- 
nest'.  This  name  was  one  of  the  sobriquets  or 
{penitential  nick-names  which  great  persons  about 
this  time,  posting  to  the  holy  war  in  Palestine,  either 
assumed  to  themselves,  or  had  by  the  pope  or  their 
confessors  imposed  upon  them,  purposely  to  disguise 
and  obscure  their  lustre  therewith.  See  more  of  the 
same  kind : 

i.  Berger,  a  shepherd. 

ii.  Grise-GoncUe,  greycoat. 

iii.  Teste  d'  Estoupe,  head  of  tow. 

iv.  Arbust,  a  shrub. 

V.  Martel,  a  hammer. 

vi.  Grand-Boeufe,  ox-face. 

vii.  La-Zouch,  a  branch  upon  a  stem. 

viii.  Iloulet,  a  sheephook. 

ix.  Hapkin,  a  hatchet. 

X.  Chapell,  a  hood. 

xi.  Sans-terr,  lack-land. 

xii.  Malduit,  ill-taught. 

xiii.  Juvencas,  Geffard,  or  heifer. 

xiv.  Fitz  de  Flaw,  son  of  a  flail. 

XV.  Plantagenist,  stalk  of  a  broom. 
Thus  these  great  persons  accoimted  the  penance 
of  their  pilgrimage,  with  the  merit  thereof,  doubled, 
when  passing  for  poor  inconsiderable  fellows,  they 
denied  their  own  places  and  persons.  But  be  it 
reported  to  others,  whether  this  be  proper,  and 
kindly  evangelical  self-denial,  so  often  commended 
to  the  practice  of  Christians.     However  some  of 

^  Alias  Plantagenist. 


CENT.  XII. 


of  Britain. 


9S 


these  by-names,  assumed  by  their  fancifii]  devotion,  a.  0.1155. 
remained  many  years   after  to  them   and   theirs ;      ^ 
amongst  which,  Plantagenist  was   entailed  on  the 
royal  blood  of  England. 

53.  This  king  Henry  was  wise,  valiant,  and  gene-  KingHemy 
rally  forturiatefi^.    His  faults  were  such  as  speak  himr^. 
man,  rather  than  a  vicious  one.    Wisdom  enough  he 

had  for  his  work,  and  work  enough  for  his  wisdom, 
being  troubled  in  all  his  relations.  His  wife  queen 
Eleanor  brought  a  great  portion,  (fair  provinces  in 
France,)  and  a  great  stomach  with  her ;  so  that  it  is 
questionable,  whether  her  froward  spirit  more  drove 
her  husband  from  her  chaste,  or  Rosamond's  fair 
face  more  drew  him  to  her  wanton  embraces.  His 
sons  (having  much  of  the  mother  in  them)  grew  up, 
as  in  age,  in  obstinacy  against  him.  His  subjects, 
but  especially  the  bishops,  (being  the  greatest  castle- 
mongers  in  that  age,)  very  stubborn,  and  not  easily 
to  be  ordered^. 

54.  Meantime  one   may  justly  admire,  that  no  what  be- 
mention  in  authors  is  made  of,  nor  provisions  for^®/^^ 
Maud  the  king's  mother,  (surviving  some  years  after  ®™p^***- 
her  son's  coronation,)  in  whom  during  her  life  lay 

the  real  right  to  the  crown.  Yet  say  not  king 
Henry's  policy  was  little  in  preferring  to  take  his 
title  from  an  usurper  by  adoption,  rather  than  from 
his  own  mother  (the  rightful  heir)  by  succession, 


S  QSee  a  description  of  his 
person  and  character  by  Peter 
of  Blois,  archdeacon  of  Bath^ 
who  was  personally  acquainted 
with  the  king,  in  his  letter  to 
Walter  archbishop  of  Palermo, 
(Petri  Blesens.  Op.  epist.  66.), 
quoted  also  by  Trivet.  I.  25. 
See  also  Neubrigens.  iii.  26.] 


^  [The  building  of  castles 
had  grown  to  a  great  excess 
during  the  disturbances  of  Ste- 
phen's reign ;  after  that  prince 
had  made  a  composition  with 
Henry,  he  destroyed  great 
part  of  them.  Their  number 
was  eleven  hundred  and  fifteen, 
according  to  M.  Paris,  a.  1 1 53.] 


94  The  Church  History  book  hi. 

A.D.  ii55.and  his  piety  less,  in  not  attending  his  mother's 

1—1  death;  but  snatching  the  sceptre  out  of  her  hand, 

seeing  no  writer  ever  chargeth  him  with  the  least 
degree  of  undutifulness  unto  her.  Which  leadeth 
us  to  believe  that  this  Maud,  worn  out  with  age  and 
afflictions,  willingly  waved  the  crown,  and  reigned 
in  her  own  contentment,  in  seeing  her  son  reign 
before  her^ 
The  body  55.  Thoso  who  wero  most  able  to  advise  them- 
oommon  sclves,  are  most  willing  to  be  advised  by  others,  as 
pned!**""  appeared  by  this  politic  prince.  Presently  he  chooseth 
a  privy  council  of  clergy  and  temporalty,  and  refineth 
the  common  law ;  yea,  towards  the  end  of  his  reign 
began  the  use  of  our  itinerant  judges^.  The  plat- 
form hereof  he  fetched  from  France,  where  he  had 
his  education,  and  where  Charles  the  Bald,  some 
hundreds  of  years  before,  had  divided  his  land  into 
twelve  parts,  assigning  several  judges  for  administra- 
tion of  justice  therein.  Our  Henry  parcelled  England 
into  six  divisions,  and  appointed  three  judges  to 

i  [Yet  Maud  certainly  en-  proved  from  records  in  the  ex- 
joyed  some  degree  of  authority,  chequer  (Mad.  96.),  that  there 
For  in  the  year  1 1 55  the  ex-  had  been  justices  itinerant  to 

Sedition  for  the  conquest  of  hear  causes  in  18  Hen.  I.  The 

reland  was  put   off  because  first  appointment  of  them  was 

she  was  not  agreeable  to  it.  probably  made  by  Hen.  I.,  in 

See  Trivet.  I.  31.     It  is  pro-  imitation  of  a  similar  institu- 

bable  from  the  words  of  the  tion   introduced   by  Louis  le 

same  author,  p.  24,  that  Maud  Gros ;  that  it  fell  into  disuse 

waved  her  right  in  favour  of  in  the  troublous  reign  of  Ste- 

her  son.     She  did  not  die  till  phen,   and  was    revived    and 

Sept.  109 1 1 67.    See  Trivet.  I.  fixed  by  Hen.  II.  See  Reeve's 

50.]  Hist,  of  English  Law,  I.  54. 

^    [It  has  been  a  general  Gul.   Neubrigens.   also  seems 

opinion,  that  Justices  itinerant  by  his  language  to  attribute 

were   first  appointed    in    the  the  revival  only,  and  not  the 

great   council  at  Nottingham  origin  of  these  institutions  to 

or  Northampton,  held  22  Hen.  Henry.  Hist.  Angl.  ii*  i«] 
IL  an.  1176.     It  is  however 


CEKT.XII. 


of  Britain. 


95 


every  circuit,  annuallj  to  visit  the  same.  Succeeding  a.  ix  1155. 

kings  (though  changing  the  limits)  have  kept  the 1 

same  number  of  circuits;  and  let  the  skilful  in 
arithmetic  cast  it  up,  whether  our  nation  receiveth 
any  loss,  by  the  change  of  three  judges  every  year, 
according  to  Henry  the  Second's  institution,  into 
two  judges  twice  a  year,  as  long  since  hath  been 
accustomed. 

56.  The  laws  thus   settled,  king  Henry  cast  his  a.  0.1156. 

I'-niTA  i  Castles  de- 

eye  on  the  numerous  castles  m  England.    As  a  good  moUshed. 

reason  of  state  formerly  persuaded  the  building,  so  a 

better  pleaded  now  for  the  demolishing  of  them^ 

William  the  Conqueror  built  most  of  them,  and  then 

put  them  hito  the  custody  of  his   Norman  lords, 

thereby  to  awe  the  Emglish  into   obedience.     But 

these   Norman  lords  in  the   next  generation,   by 

breathing  in  English  air,  and  wedding  with  English 

wives,  became  so  perfectly  Anglized,  and  lovers  of 

liberty,  that  they  would  stand  on  their  guard  against 

the  king  on  any  petty  discontentment.     If  their 

castles  (which  were  of  proof  against  bows  and  arrows, 

the  artillery  of  that  age)  could  but  bear  the  brunt  of 

a  sudden  assault,  they  were  privileged  from  any 

solemn  siege,  by  their  meanness  and  multitude,  as 

whose  several  beleaguerings  would  not  compensate 

the  cost  thereof.     Thus  as  in  foul  bodies,  the  physic 

in  process  of  time  groweth  so  friendly  and  familiar 


1  [Trivet.  I.  28.  Among 
other  means  employed  by 
Henry  to  reduce  these  castles 
and  strongholds^  he  command- 
ed all  who  held  any  of  the 
royal  domains  to  produce  their 
charters  which  they  had  pro- 
cured from    his    predecessor^ 


and  then  seized  them  into  his 
own  hands  on  the  plea  that 
grants  made  by  an  invader 
were  null  and  void :  '*  quoniam 
*'  chartee  invasoris  juri  l^timi 
**  principis  praejudicium  ^Eu^re 
"  minime  debuerunt."  Gul. 
Neubrig.  ii.  2.] 


96  The  Church  History  book  hi. 

A. D.I  156.  with  the  disease,  that  they  at  last  side  together,  and 
^^^•"'  both  take  part  against  nature  in  the  patient ;  so  here 
it  came  to  pass,  that  these  castles,  intended  for  the 
quenching,  in  continuance  of  time  occasioned  the 
kindling  of  rebellion.     To  prevent  further  mischief, 
king  Henry  razed  most  of  them  to  the  ground,  and 
secured  the  rest  of  greater  consequence   into   the 
hands  of  his  confidents.  If  any  ask  how  these  castles 
belong  to  our  Church-history,  know  that  bishops  of 
all  in  that  age  were  the  greatest  traders  in  such 
fortifications. 
Thomas         57.  Thomas  Becket,  bom  in  London,  and  (though 
dS^Uor^^  yet  but  a  deacon)  archdeacon   of  Canterbury, 
of  England,  doctor  of  cauou  law,  bred   in  the  imiversities  of 
Oxford,  Paris,  Bononia,  was  by  the  king  made  lord 
A.D.  1 157.  chancellor  of  England.     During  which   his   oflSce, 
who  braver  than  Becket?  None  in  the  court  wore 
more  costly  clothes,  mounted  more  stately  steeds, 
made  more  sumptuous  feasts,  kept  more  jovial  com- 
pany, brake  more  merry  jests,  used  more  pleasant 
pastimes™.     In  a  word,  he  was  so  perfect  a  layman, 
that  his  parsonages  of  Bromfield,  and  St.  Mary-hill 
in  London,  with  other  ecclesiastical  cures,  whereof 
he  was  pastor,  might  even  look  all  to  themselves,  he 
A.  D.  1158.*^''^^^?  no  care  to   discharge  them.     This   is  that 
Becket  whose  mention  is  so  much  in  English,  and 
miracles  so  many  in  popish  writers.     We  will  con- 
tract his  acts  in  proportion  to  our  history,  remitting 
the  reader  to  be  satisfied  in  the  rest  from  other 
authors. 
His  great        58.  Four  years  after,  upon  the  death  of  Theobald, 
^^made  Bccket  was  made  by  the  king  archbishop  of  Canter- 

™  [Trivet.  I.  34.  Gul.  Neubrig.  ii.  16.  He  had  also  a  prebend 
in  St.  Paul's^  and  at  Lincoln.  Stephanides,  p.  12,  14.3 


CENT.  XII. 


of  Jiriiain, 


97 


bury".     The  first  Enfflishman  since  the   Conquest  a.  d.  1162. 

8  Hen  II 

(and  he  but  a  mongrel,  for  his  mother  was  a  Syrian**, !_1 

the  intercourse  of  the  holy  war  in  that  age  making  ^cant»? 
matches  betwixt  many  strangers)  who  was  preferred  **"'^- 
to  that  place.  And  now  (if  the  monks  their  writing 
his  life  may  be  believed)  followed  in  him  a  great 
and  strange  metamorphosis  p.  Instantly  his  clothes 
were  reformed  to  gravity,  his  diet  reduced  to  neces- 
sity, his  company  confined  to  the  clergy,  his  expenses 
contracted  to  frugality,  his  mirth  retrenched  to 
austerity ;  all  his  pastimes  so  devoured  by  his  piety, 
that  none  could  see  the  former  chancellor  Becket  in 
the  present  archbishop  Becket.  Yea,  they  report, 
that  his  clothes  were  built  three  stories  high ;  next 
his  skin  he  was  a  hermit,  and  wore  sackcloth ;  in  the 
mid  he  had  the  habit  of  a  monk ;  and  above  all  wore 
the  garments  of  an  archbishop.  Now,  that  he  might 
the  more  effectually  attend  his  archiepiscopal  charge, 
he  resigned  his  chancellor's  place,  whereat  the  king 
was  not  a  little  offended.  It  added  to  his  anger, 
that  his  patience  was  daily  pressed  with  the  impor- 
tunate petitions  of  people  complaining  that  Becket 
injured  them.  Though  generally,  he  did  but  recover 
to  his  church  such  possessions  as  by  their  covetous- 
ness,  and  his  predecessors'  connivance,  had  formerly 
been  detained  from  it. 


^  [Theobald  died  April  18. 
I  161,  according  to  Trivet.  I. 
41.  Thomas  a  Becket  was 
elected  to  Canterbury  1162. 
ib.  42.  See  Gul.  Neubrigens. 
H.  12  and  16.   M.  Paris,  in  an.] 

o  [A  very  romantic  account  of 
his  mother  is  told  in  theQuadri- 
Iogus,chap.  2.  Yet  William  Ste- 
phanides  describes  Becket  him- 
self (in  his  Epist.  p.  167.)  and 
his  parents  as  respectable  citi- 

FULLER,  VOL.  II. 


zens  of  London.  VitaS.Thomae, 
p.  I  o,  and  this  writer  deserves 
much  credit ;  being,  as  he  says, 
concivis,  clericus,  et  convictor 
of  Thomas  a  Becket ;  his  ail- 
viser  when  chancellor,  sub- 
deacon  of  his  chapel^  his  reader 
and  an\anuensis,  the  advocate 
in  his  causes,  and  an  eye-wit- 
ness of  his  passion.  Ib.  p.  i .] 

P  [Stephanides,  p.  24.   Mat. 
Paris,  a.  1 162.   Trivet.  I.  42.] 

H 


98  The  Church  History  book  hi. 

A. D.  1 163.  59*  But  the  main  matter  incensing  the  king  against 
'  him  was,  his  stubborn  defending  the  clergy  from  the 
5^,^^!^ secular  power:  and  particularly  (what  a  great  fire 
^^J^'*™  doth  a  small  spark  kindle !)  that  a  clerk,  having 
■gBintt      killed  and  stolen  a  deer,  ought  not  to  be  brought 

wcular  ma*  r>*      t 

giitratef.  boforc  the  civil  magistrate  for  his  punishment.  Such 
impunities  breeding  impieties,  turned  the  hotise  of 
God  into  a  den  of  thieves :  many  rapes,  riots,  rob- 
beries, murders,  were  then  committed  by  the  clergy. 
If  it  be  rendered  as  a  reason  of  the  viciousness  of 
Adonijah,  that  his  father  never  said  unto  him.  Why 
dost  thou  so  ^f  No  wonder  if  the  clergy  of  this  age 
were  guilty  of  great  crimes,  whom  neither  the  king 
nor  his  judges  durst  call  to  an  account.  And  seeing 
ecclesiastical  censures  extend  not  to  the  taking  away 
of  life  or  limb,  such  clerks  as  were  guilty  of  capital 
faults  were  eithw  altogether  acquitted,  or  had  only 
penance  inflicted  upon  them  ;  a  punishment  far 
lighter  than  the  offence  did  deserve.  Indeed,  it  is 
most  meet  in  matters  merely  ecclesiastical,  (touching 
the  word  and  sacraments,)  clergymen  be  only  answer- 
able for  their  faults  to  their  spiritual  superiors,  as 
most  proper,  and  best  able  to  discern  and  censure 
the  same.  And  in  cases  criminal,  it  is  unfit  that 
ministers  should  be  summoned  before  each  proud, 
pettish,  petulant,  pragmatical,  secular  under  officer. 
However,  in  such  causes  to  be  wholly  exempted  from 
civil  power,  is  a  privilege  which  with  reason  cannot 
be  desired  of  them,  nor  with  justice  indulged  unto 
them.  Sure  I  am,  Abiathar  (though  high-priest) 
was  convented  before,  and  deposed  by  Solomon  for 
his  practising  of  treason.  And  St.  Paul  saith.  Let 
evert/  soul  be  subject  to  the  higher*  powers^. 

4  1  Kings  ].  6.  produced  by  the  dissensions  in 

r  Rom.  xiii.  1 ,     [The  evils     Stephen's   time   had    not  yet 


CENT.  XII. 


of  Britain. 


99 


60.  To  retrench  these  enormities  of  the  clergy,  a.  d.i  165. 
the  king  called  a  parliament  at  Clarendon  near  Sa- 


He  incurs 


lisbury,  (and  not  in  Normandy,  as  Mr.  Fox  will  have  the  king's 
it,)  intending,  with  the  consent  of  his  great  council,  ^"^^^^^^^ 
to  confirm  some  severe  laws  of  his  grandfather  king 
Henry  the  First.  To  these  laws,  sixteen  in  number*, 
Becket,  with  the  rest  of  the  bishops,  consented  and 
subscribed  them.  But  afterwards  recanting  his  own 
act,  renounced  the  same.  Let  not  therefore  the 
crime  of  inconstancy  be  laid  too  heavily  to  the 
charge  of  archbishop  Cranmer,  first  subscribing,  then 
revoking  popish  articles  presented  unto  him :  seeing 
this  his  namesake  Thomas,  and  predecessor  Becket, 
without  any  stain  to  his  saintship,  retracted  his  own 
act,  upon  pretence  of  better  information.     But  so 


ceased;  they  had  secularized 
the  clergy ;  and  the  licentious- 
ness of  the  late  reign  which 
had  diffused  itself  among  all 
classes^  though  now  checked  in 
the  laity  by  the  severity  and 
judicial  enactments  of  Henry, 
was  still  fatally  spreading  un- 
controlled among  the  clergy. 
The  bishops,  according  to  Gul. 
Neubrigens.  (a  writer  whose 
judgment  and  candour  are  un- 
questionable), were  more  in- 
dustrious in  defending  the  pri- 
vileges,  than  in  correcting  the 
vices  of  the  clergy,  conceiving 
that  they  did  their  duty  to  God 
and  the  church  by  supporting 
their  order  against  the  secular 
arm,  whilst  they  neglected  to 
restrain  their  vices  with  the  ri- 
gour of  ecclesiastical  discipline. 
The  picture  this  writer  draws 
of  the  time«  is  appalling :  '*Regi 
"  circa  curam  regni  satagenti 
*'  et  malefactores  sine  delectu 
**  exterminari  jubenti  a  judi- 


<t 


K 


<( 


tC 


**  cibus  intimatum  est,  quod 
"  multa  contra  disciplinam 
**  publicam,  scilicet  furta,  ra- 
pinse,  homicidia,  a  clericis 
ssepius  committerentur,  ad 
**  quos  scilicet  laicx  non  pos- 
**  set  jurisdictionis  vigor  ex- 
"  tendi.  Denique  ipso  audi- 
'*  ente  declaratura  dicitur,  plus- 
*'  quam  centum  homicidia  intra 
fines  Anglise  a  clericis  sub 
regno  ejus  commissa."  Hist. 
Ang.  ii.  16.  See  also  Stepha. 
nides,  p.  28.  Although  the  zeal 
of  the  king  in  correcting  these 
abuses^  in  which  he  was  en- 
couraged by  Becket,  may  have 
exceeded  the  bounds  of  mode- 
ration, it  was  hardly  befitting 
in  Becket,  however  upright  his 
intentions,  to  screen  from  civil 
punishment  offences  committed 
by  the  clergy  against  the  civil 
power.] 

8  See  them  at  large  in  Mat. 
Paris,   in    an.       [Wilkins,    I. 

435-] 
H  2 


100  The  Church  History  book  hi. 

A.  D.  1 165.  highly  was  Becket  offended  with  himself  for  his  sub- 

Uscription,  that,  in   revenge,   for  some  months    he 

suspended  himself  from  all  divine  service,  (his  pride 
and  laziness  both  before  and  after  suspended  him 
from  ever  preaching,)  and  would  not  be  present 
thereat.  Hereafter  let  none  hope  for  more  favour  from 
this  archbishop  than  their  fact  may  deserve ;  seeing 
he  cannot  rationally  be  expected  to  be  courteous  to 
others  who  was  so  severe  unto  himself  The  best 
was,  in  this  his  suspension  the  knot  was  not  tied  so 
hard  as  to  hurt  him ;  who,  in  case  of  necessity,  as 
he  had  bound,  so  he  could  loose  himself :  though,  for 
the  more  state  of  the  matter,  pope  Alexander  himself 
was  pleased  solemnly  to  assoil  him  from  his  sus- 
pension ^  Meantime  Becket,  both  in  his  suspension 
and  absolution,  most  highly  offended  king  Henry, 
who  every  day  the  more  was  alienated  from,  and  in- 
censed against  him. 
The  vanity      61.  During  Bocket's  abode  about  Clarendon,  he 

of  Becket*8 

path.  is  reported  every  morning  to  have  walked  from  his 
lodging  some  miles  to  the  king's  palace.  Where 
the  ground,  say  they,  called  Becket's  path,  at  this 
day  presenteth  itself  to  the  eyes  of  the  beholders,  (but 
most  quick-sighted,  if  looking  through  popish  spec- 
tacles,) with  the  grass  and  grain  growing  thereon  in 
a  different  hue  and  colour  from  the  rest.  A  thing 
having  in  it  more  of  report  than  truth ;  yet  more  of 
truth  than  wonder :  the  discolorations  of  such  veins 
of  earth  being  common  in  grounds  elsewhere,  which 
never  had  the  happiness  of  Becket  his  feet  to  go 
upon  them. 

He  flieth         62.  But  oh  !  if  Becket's  feet  had  left  but  the  like 


beyond  sea 


*   Fox  his   Mon.,   see   the  letter  at  large^   I.   269.     [Mat. 
Paris,  a.  1 1 64.] 


CENT.  XII.  of  Britain.  101 

impresmon  in  all  the  ways  he  went,  how  easy  had  itA.D.1165. 
b0en  for  all  men's  eyes,  and  particularly  for  our  pen,  i! — — — '• 
to  have  tracked  him  in  all  his  travels!   Who,  notk?ngWn* 
long  after,  without  the  consent  of  the  king,  took"®"** 
ship,  sailed  into  Flanders,  thence  travelled  into  the 
southern  parts  of  France,  thence  to  Pontiniac,  thence 
to  Senes,  abiding  seven  years  in  banishment.     But 
though  he   served   an   apprenticeship   in   exile,  he 
learned   little   humility   thereby,    only  altering   his 
name  (for  his  more  safety)  from  Becket  to  Derman ; 
but  retaining  all  his  old  nature,  remitting  nothing  of 
his  rigid  resolutions. 

63.  Now,  to  avoid  idleness,  Becket,  in  his  banish-  How  em- 
ment  variously  employed  himself.  First,  in  making  his  banish. 
and  widening  breaches  between  Henry  his  native  ""*"** 
sovereign,  and  Lewis  the  French  king.  Secondly, 
in  writing  many  voluminous  letters  of  expostulation 
to  princes  and  prelates  ^  Thirdly,  in  letting  fly  his 
heavy  excommunications  against  the  English  clergy ; 
namely,  against  Roger  archbishop  of  York ;  Gilbert 
Foliot  bishop  of  London  (a  leameder  man  than  him- 
self) ;  Joceline  bishop  of  Salisbury,  and  others.  His 
chief  quarrel  with  them  was  their  adherence  to  the 
king ;  and  particularly,  because  the  archbishop  pre- 
sumed to  crown  Henry  the  king's  son  (made  joint 
king  in  the  life  of  his  father),  a  privilege  which 
Becket  claimed,  as  proper  to  himself  alone.  Fourthly, 
in  receiving  comfort  from,  and  returning  it  to  pope 
Alexander  at  Beneventum  in  Italy.  Sameness  of 
affliction  bred  sympathy  of  affection  betwixt  them, 
both  being  banished ;  the  pope  by  Frederic  Barba- 


V  See  them  exemplified  at  large  in    Stapleton,   De  Tribusi 
Thomis,  [p.  61.  sq.  ed.  1612.] 

H  3 


lOS 


The  Church  Hiitory 


BOOK  III. 


A.D.ii67.rossa  the  emperor,  for  his  pride  and  insolency^:  as 

'^    "*' .'our  Becket  smarted  for  the  same  fault  from  king 

Henry.  Here  also  Becket  solemnly  resigned  his 
archbishopric  to  the  pope,  as  troubled  in  conscience 
that  he  had  formerly  took  it  as  illegally  from  the 
king,  and  the  pope  again  restored  it  to  him,  whereby 
all  scruples  in  his  mind  were  fully  satisfied^. 
A.  D.  1 1 70.  64.  But  afterwards  by  mediation  of  friends  Becket's 
died  to  the  reconciliation  was  wrought,  and  leave  given  him  to 
^^'  return  into  England  y.  However,  the  king  still  re- 
tained his  temporals  in  his  hand,  on  weighty  consi- 
derations. Namely,  to  show  their  distinct  nature 
from  the  spirituals  of  the  archbishopric,  to  which 
alone  the  pope  could  restore  him:  lay-lands  being 
separable  from  the  same,  as  the  favour  of  secular 
princes:  and  Becket's  bowed  knee  must  own  the 
king's  bountiful  hand  before  he  could  receive  them. 
Besides,  it  would  be  a  caution  for  his  good  be- 
haviour. 


^  [The  emperor  supported 
the  claims  of  Victor  the  anti- 
pope.  See  Gul.  Neubrigens. 
ii.  9.] 

X  [This  also  he  appears  to 
have  done,  though  secretly, 
when  present  at  the  council  of 
Tours  in  1 163.  See  Gul.  Neu- 
brigens.  ii.  16.] 

y  [Trivet.  I.  55.  This  re- 
conciliation  took  place  at  the 
instance  of  the  pope  and  the 
king  of  France  in  1 1 70,  seven 
years  after  Becket's  exile^  Gul. 
Neubrigens,  ii.  25.  The  arch- 
bishop's conduct  was  most  un- 
generous.  In  his  absence,  Ro. 
ger  archbishop  of  York,  at- 
tended by  others  of  the  bishops> 
consecrated^  at  the  king*s  de- 
sire,   his    eldest    son    prince 


Henry.  Enraged  at  this  breach 
of  privilege,  Becket  secretly 
procured  letters  from  the  pope^ 
suspending  the  bishops  from 
their  function  who  had  assisted 
at  the  ceremony.  Immediately 
after  his  reconciliation  with 
the  king,  which  took  place  at 
Gisors  in  Normandy,  before 
the  archbishop  could  reach 
England  he  sent  forward  those 
letters,  which  were  instantly 
put  in  execution,  and  the  bi- 
shops suspended.  Disgusted  at 
this  stubbornness  and  want  of 
temper  on  Becket's  part,  the 
king  uttered  some  hasty  words, 
which  led  to  the  catastrophe 
mentioned  in  the  text.  See 
Gul.  Neubrigens.  ii.  25.] 


CBVT.  XII.  of  Britain.  103 

65.  Ccelum  non  animum.    Travellers  change  cli-A.D.1170. 

mates,  not  conditions.  Witness  our  Becket,  stubborn '— 

he  went  over,  stubborn  he  stayed,  stubborn  he  re-obsti^^t 
turned.  Amongst  many  things  which  the  kingJ^^JT®"* 
desired  and  he  denied,  he  refused  to  restore  the 
excommunicated  bishops,  pretending  he  had  no 
power,  (indeed  he  had  no  will,)  and  that  they  were 
excommunicate  by  his  holiness.  Yea  he,  instead  of 
recalling  his  old,  added  new  excommunications ;  and 

that  thunder  which  long  before  rumbled  in  his 
threatenings,  now  gave  the  crack  upon  all  those  that 
detained  his  temporal  revenues.  Roger  Hoveden 
reports',  that  upon  Christmas-day  (the  better  day 
the  better  deed)  he  excommunicated  Robert  de 
Broc,  because  the  day  before  he  had  cut  off  one  of  his 
horses'  tails.  Yea  he  continued  and  increased  his 
insolence  against  the  king  and  all  his  subjects. 

66.  Here  the  kinff  let  fell  some  discontented  words,  I*  ^^^  *»y 
which  instantly  were  catched  up  in  the  ears  of  some  in  his  own 
courtiers  attending  him®.  He  complained  that  never 
sovereign  kept   such   lazy  subjects    and    servants, 
neither  concerned  in  their  king's  credit,  nor  sensible 

of  his  favours  conferred  on  them,  to  suffer  a  proud 
prelate  so  saucily  to  affront  him.  Now  a  low  hollow, 
and  a  less  clap  with  the  hand,  will  set  fierce  dogs  on 
wonying  their  prey.  A  quaternion  of  courtiers 
being  present ;  namely, 

i.  Sir  Richard  Breton,  of  which  name  (as  I  take 
it)  a  good  family  at  this  day  is  extant  in  North- 
amptonshire. 

ii.  Sir  Hugh  Morvile  of  Kirk-Oswald  in  Cumber- 
land, where  his  sword  wherewith  he  slew  Becket 

z  [Annales,  f.  298.]  »  [Trivet,  ib.     Stephanides,  78.5 

H  4 


104  The  Church  History  book  hi. 

/i.D.  1170.  was  kept  a  long  time  in  memorial  of  his  fact**.     His 

family  at  this  day  extmct, 

iii.  Sir  William  Tracey,  whose  heirs  at  this  day 
flourish  in  a  worthy  and  worshipful  equipage  at  To- 
dington  in  Gloucestershire. 

iv.  Sir  Reginald  Fitz-Urse,  or,  Bear's-43on<^.  His 
posterity  was  afterwards  men  of  great  lands  and 
command  in  the  county  of  Monaghan  in  Ireland, 
being  there  called  Mac-mahon,  which  in  Irish  signi- 
fieth  the  "  son  of  a  bear^." 

These  four  knights,  applying  the  king's  general 
reproof  to  themselves,  in  their  preproperous  passions 
misinteri)reted  his  complaint,  not  only  for  Becket's 
legal  condemnation,  but  also  for  their  warrant  for 
his  execution.     Presently  they  post  to  Canterbury, 
where  they  find  Becket  in  a  part  of .  his  church, 
(since  called  the  martyrdom,)  who,  though  warned  of 
their  coming,  and  advised  to  avoid  them,  would  not 
decline  them,  so  that  he  may  seem  to  have  more 
mind  to  be  killed  than  they  had  to  kill  him.     Here 
happened  high  expostulation,  they  requiring  restitu- 
tion of  the  excommunicated  bishops®;  whose  per- 
emptory demands  met  with  his  pertinacious  denials, 
as  then  not  willing  to  take  notice  of  Solomon  his 
counsel,   A   soft   answer  pacifieth  wrath  ^.     Brawls 
breed  blows,  and  all  four  falling  upon  him,  with  the 
help  of  the  fifth,  an  officer   of  the  church    called 
Hugh,  the  ill-clerk,  each  gave  him  a  wound,  though 
that  with  the  sword  dispatched  him,  which  cut  off  his 
crown  from  the  rest  of  his  head  8^. 

b  Camd.  Brit,   in    Cumber-  ^  [^Camden,  ibid.] 

land,  p.  640.  e  [Gul.  Neubrigens,  ii.  25.] 

c  Others   call   him    Walter.  ^  Prov.  xv.  i. 

See    Camd.   Brit,   in    Ireland,  e  [Their  intention    at    first 

p.  764.  was   not   to    have   killed    the 


CEKT.  XII. 


of  Britain. 


105 


67.  A  barbarous  murder,  and  which  none  will  goA.D.i.,o. 

ill  Hon   TT 

about  to  excuse,  but  much  heightened  both  by  the 1—1 

prose  aiid  poetry  (good  and  bad)  of  popish  writers  in^lJ^J^on 
that  age.     Of  the  last  and  worst  sort,  I  account  that^^'  ^^^ 
distich  (not  worthy  the  translating)  one  verse  whereof, 
on  each  leaf  of  the  door  of  Canterbury  choir,  is  yet 
legible  in  part ; 

Est  sacer  intra  locus,  venerabilis  atque  beatus^ 
Prsesul  ubi  sanctus  Thomas  est  martyrizatus  ^. 

But  if  he  were  no  truer  a  martyr  than  martyrizatus 
is  true  position,  his  memory  might  be  much  sus- 
pected. More  did  the  muses  smile  on  the  author  of 
the  following  verses. 

Pro  Christi  spoiisa,  Christi  sub  tempore,  Christi 

In  templo,  Christi  verus  amator  obit. 
Quis  moritur  ?  Praesul.     Cur  ?  Pro  grege.     Qualiter  ?  Ense. 

Quando  ?  Natali.     Quis  locus  ?  Ara  Dei. 

For  Christ  his  spouse,  in  Christ's  church,  at  the  tide 

Of  Christ  his  birth,  Christ  his  true  lover  died. 
Who  dies .^  A  priest.  Why?  For's  flock.  How?  By  the  sword. 

When  ?  At  Christ's  birth.  Where  ?     Altar  of  the  Lord. 

Here  I  understand  not  how  properly  it  can  be  said, 


archbishop,  evidently,  as  they 
entered  without  arms,  but  to 
compel  him  by  threats  and  ex- 
postulations to  remove  the 
sentence  of  excommunication 
which  he  had  laid  upon  the 
bishops,  as  a  punishment  un- 
deserved  by  them,  and  a  great 
indignity  to  the  king.  Their 
persuasions  were  vain,  and 
served  only  to  heighten  their 
passion,  upon  which  they  rush- 
ed out^  resolved  to  And  arms, 
and  to  slay  the  prelate.  In  the 
interval  Becket  was  carried  by 
his   friends   into   the    church, 


with  the  hope  that  the  sanctity 
of  the  place  would  protect 
him.  It  was  the  time  when 
the  monks  were  chanting  the 
evening  service,  and  just  before 
the  archbishop  was  preparing 
to  celebrate  vespers  (sacrificium 
vespertinum),  when  they  fell 
upon  him,  and  murdered  him 
before  the  altar.  This  hap- 
pened upon  Christmas  day  (in 
ipsis  Christi  natalitiis).  Gul. 
Neubrigens.  ii.  25.] 

h  William  Somner  in  his 
Antiquities  of  Canterbury,  p. 
166. 


106 


The  Church  HUtary 


BOOK  ni. 


A.D.  117a  that  Becket  died  pro  grege, "  for  his  flock.**     He  did 

^not  die  for  feeding  his  flock,  for  any  fundamental 

point  of  religion,  or  for  defending  his  flock  against 
the  wolf  of  any  dangerous  doctrine ;  but  merely  he 
died  for  his  flock;  namely,  that  the  sheep  thereof 
(though  ever  so  scabbed)  might  not  be  dressed  with 
tar  and  other  proper  (but  sharp  and  smarting)  medi- 
cines. I  mean,  that  the  clergy  might  not  be  punished 
by  the  secular  power  for  their  criminal  enormities. 
Sure  I  am,  a  learned  and  moderate  writer  of  that 
age  passeth  this  character  upon  him :  Q^{B  ah  ipso 
acta  sunt — Umdanda  7iequaqtiam  censuerinij  licet  ea 
laudabili  zelo  processerint '.  "  Such  things  as  were 
"  done  by  him,  I  conceive  not  at  all  to  be  praised, 
"  though  they  proceeded  from  a  laudable  zeal."  But 
Stapleton  calls  this  his  judgment :  Audacis  monachi 
censura  non  tarn  politica^  quam  plane  ethnica^  "  The 
"  censure  of  a  bold  monk,  not  so  much  politic  as 
"  heathenisW."  Should  another  add  of  Stapleton, 
that  this  his  verdict  is  the  unchristian  censure  of  a 
proud  and  partial  Jesuit,  railing  would  but  beget 
railing,  and  so  it  is  better  to  remit  all  to  the  day  of 
the  revelation  of  the  righteous  judgment  of  God^. 
The  heavy  68.  Now  king  Henry,  though  unable  to  revive 
performed  Bcckct,  shcwcd  as  much  sorrow  himself  for  his 
j^eniTf  death  as  a  living  man  could  express;  and  did  the 
other  as  much  honour  as  a  dead  man  could  receive^. 


i  Gulielmus  Neubrigensis^ 
[ii.  15.] 

J  In  tribus  Thomis,  [p.  37.] 

^  Rom.  ii.  5. 

I  [The  king  was  acquitted 
of  aU  guilt  by  the  two  legates 
of  the  pope,  who  in  1172  ar- 
rived at  Caen  in  Normandy 
with  a  commission  to  investi- 


gate this  murder.  *'  Et  ideo 
**  de  mandato  summi  pontificis 
^*  post  purgationem  canon icam 
'*  acceptam,  publice  sententia- 
**  verunt  regem  ab  hoc  cri- 
'*  mine  innoxium  esse  coram 
**  Deo  £t  hominibus."  Trivet. 
I.  58.  "See  also  Gul.  Neubrig. 
ii.  25.] 


CENT.  xu.  cf  Britain.  107 

First,  searching  after  all  his  kindred,  (as  most  capable  a.  d.  1170. 
of  his  kindness,)  he  found  out  his  two  sisters.  One ! — — — \ 
Mary,  a  virgin,  not  inclinable  to  marry,  whom  he 
preferred  abbess  of  the  rich  nimnery  of  Berking. 
His  other  nameless  sister,  being  married  to  one  of 
the  Le  Botelers,  or  Butlers,  he  transplanted,  with 
her  husband  and  children,  into  Ireland  n^,  conferring 
upon  them  high  honours  and  rich  revenues;  from 
whom  the  earls  of  Ormond  are  at  this  day  descended. 
He  founded  also  the  magnificent  abbey  called 
Thomas-Court  in  Dublin",  (in  memory  of  the  said  a. d.  1174. 
Thomas  Becket,  and  expiation  of  his  murder,)  beau- 
tifying the  same  with  fair  buildings,  and  enriching  it 
with  large  possessions.  Nor  did  only  the  purse,  but 
the  person  of  king  Henry  do  penance.  Who  walking 
some  miles  barefoot,  suffered  himself  to  be  whipped 
on  the  naked  back  by  the  monks  of  Canterbury^ 
As  for  the  four  knights  who  murdered  him,  the  pope 
pardoned  them,  but  conditionally,  to  spend  the  rest 
of  their  lives  in  the  holy  war,  (where  the  king,  as 
part  of  his  penance  enjoined  by  the  pope,  main- 
tained two  hundred  men  for  one  year  on  his  proper 
charges,)  to  try  whether  they  could  be  as  courageous 
in  killing  of  Turks,  as  they  had  been  cruel  in  murder- 
ing a  Christian. 

69.  And   now,   being   on  this   subject,  once   to  Becket 
dispatch  Becket  out  of  our  way,  just  a  jubilee  ofyea^enf 

shrinecL 

^  Camden's  Brit,  in  Ireland^  cares    and    difficulties    which 

p.  743.  then  surrounded  him,  from  the 

Ti  Idem,  p.  75 1 .  disobedience  of  his  sons  and 

o  [Trivet.  I.  65.    Henry  did  rebellions  of  his  nobles,  to  his 

penance  at  the  shrine  of  Becket  participation  in  Becket's  death, 

about   1174,  apparently  trou-  See  an  amusing  account  of  this 

bled  by  a  scruple  of  conscience,  penance,  and  the  effect  which 

or    desirous   to   attribute    (in  it  produced,  in  Gul.  Neubri. 

order  to   remove  odium)  the  gens.  ii.  34.] 


\. 


108  The  Church  History  book  hi. 

A.  D.I  1 74.  years  after  his  death,  Stephen  Langton,  his  mediate 

successor,  removed  his  body  from  the  imder-croft  in 

Christ  Church,  where  first  he  was  buried,  and  laid  him 
at  his  own  charge  in  a  most  sumptuous  shrine  at  the 
east  end  of  the  church.  Here  the  rust  of  the  sword 
that  killed  him  was  after\i'ards  tended  to  pilgrims  to 
kiss  P.  Here  many  miracles  were  pretended  to  be 
wrought  by  this  saint,  in  number  two  hundred  and 
seventyn.  They  might  well  have  been  brought  up  to 
four  hundred,  and  made  as  many  as  Baal's  lying 
prophets :  though  even  then,  one  prophet  of  the 
Lord,  one  Micaiah,  one  true  miracle  were  worth 
them  all. 
The  blind  70.  It  is  almost  incredible  what  multitudes  of 
of  people,  people  flocked  yearly  to  Canterbury,  (which  city 
lived  by  Becket's  death,)  especially  on  his  jubilee,  or 
each  fifty  years  after  his  enshrining.  No  fewer  than 
an  hundred  thousand  (we  find  it  at  words  in  length, 
and  therefore  a  cipher  is  not  mistaken)  of  English 
and  foreigners  repaired  thither'.  And,  though  great 
the  odds  in  hardness  between  stones  and  flesh,  there 
remains  at  this  day  in  the  marble  the  prints  of  their 
superstition  who  crept  and  kneeled  to  his  shrine. 
The  revenues  whereof  by  people's  offerings  amounted 
to  more  than  six  hundred  pounds  a  year.  And  the 
same  accomptant,  when  coming  to  set  down  what 
then  and  there  was  offered  to  Christ's,  or  the  high 
• 

P  Erasmi  Colloquia  in  Dia-  had  witnessed.] 

log.  1 .  Religionis  ergo,  [p.  330.  ^  Fox,  Acts  and  Mon.  p.  493 . 

ed.i668.  This  dialogue  contains  [An  account  of  his  miracles  is 

a  most  amusing  description  of  prefixed  to  his  Epistolse,  &c., 

the  shrine  of  Thomas  a  Becket,  p.  143,  by  Ch,  Lupus.    Brux- 

and  the   ceremonies    used  by  ellis,  1682.] 

those  who  went  upon   a  j)il-  r  Wil.  Somner  ut  prius,  p. 

grlmage  to  it.  Erasmus  doubt-  249. 
less  narrates  what  he  himself 


CENT.  XII.  of  Britain.  109 

altar,  dispatcheth  all  with  a  blank,  siimmo  altan  m/.A.D.  1174. 

Yea,  whereas  before  Becket's  death  the  cathedral  in '—^ 

Canterbury  was  called  Christ's  Church,  it  passed 
afterwards  for  the  church  of  St.  Thomas ;  verifying 
therein  the  complaint  of  Mary  Magdalene,  "  sustu- 
"  lerunt  Dominum,"  Thet/  have  taken  away  theLord^. 
Though  since,  by  the  demolishing  of  Becket's  shrine, 
the  church  (and  that  justly)  hath  recovered  its  true 
and  ancient  name. 

8  John  xii.  13. 


SECT.    IL 


DOMINO 
JOANNI  WYRLEY, 

DE  WYRLEY-HALL, 
IN  COM.  STAFFORD,  EQUITI  AURATO.* 

Lex  Mahometica  jubefy  tit  Tnrcarum  quisque  mechanioB 
arti  incumbat.  Hinc  esty  qnod^  vel  inter  Ottomanicos 
imperatores,  hie  faber^  ille  sartor^  hie  totus  est  in  haU 
theorum  bullisy  ille  in  sagittarum  pennis  concinnandisj 
proiit  quisque  sua  indole  trahaturK 

hex  mihi  partim  placet ^  partim  displicet.  Placet  industrial 
ne  animi  otii  rubigine  obducti  sensim  torpescerent.  Dis- 
plicet ingenuas  mentes  servili  operi  damnari^  cum  hu- 
mile  nimis  sit  et  abjectum. 

At  utinam  vel  leXj  vel  legis  cemula  consuetudo,  inter  An- 
glos ohtinerety  ut  nostrates  nobiles,  ad  unum.  omnes, 
meliori  literatures  litarent.  Hoc  si  fiat  uberrimos 
fructns  respublica  perceptura  esset  ab  illisy  qui  nunc 
absque  musarum  cultu  penifus  sterilescunt. 

Tu  vero,  doctissime  milesy  es  perpaucorum  hominum^  qui 
ingenium  tuum  nobilitate  premi  non  sinis^  sed  artes 


a  [Arms.  Argent,  three 
bugle  horns  sab.  stringed  vert, 
two  and  one.  Sir  John  Wyrley 
of  Wyrley-hall,  Hampstead, 
county  Suffolk,  was  the  four- 
teenth in  lineal  descent  of  an 
ancient  family  seated  there  as 
early  as  the  reign  of  Edward 
the  First.  He  was  son  and 
heir  to  Humphry  Wyrley,  esq., 
and,  according  to  a  memoran- 
dum  certified   by   himself  in 


the  county  visitation,  1663, 
was  born  on  the  1 2th  of  April 
1607.  H®  received  the  honour 
of  knighthood  from  king 
Charles  the  First  at  Whitehall 
June  4,  1 641,  and  married 
Mary,  daughter  of  sir  Francis 
Wolley  of  Preston,  county 
Surrey,  knight.] 

^  Edw.  Sandys  in  suis  pere- 
grinationibus. 


CENT.  XII.       The  Church  Htstary  of  Britain. 


Ill 


ingenncLSy  quas  Oxonii  dididsti  juvenisj  vir  assidue 
colis,  Gestit  itaque  liber  noster  te  patrono ;  quo  non 
alter  aut  in  notandis  inendis  oculatior^  out  in  condo- 

nandts  clementior, 

— ) 

VEN  among8t  all  the  stripes  given  him  a.d.  1174. 

since  the  death  of  Becket,  none  made '—^ 

deeper  impression  in  king  Henry  s  soul,  tifuineM  of 
than  the  undutifulness  of  Heniy  his^^.  ^ 
eldest  son,  whom  he  made  (the  foolish 
act  of  a  wise  king)  joint  king  with  himself  in  his 
lifetime^.  And,  as  the  father  was  indiscreet  to  put 
off  so  much  of  his  apparel  before  he  went  to  bed,  so 
the  son  was  more  unnatural,  in  endeavouring  to  rend 
the  rest  from  his  back,  and  utterly  to  disrobe  him  of 
all  regal  power.  The  clergy  were  not  wanting  in 
their  plentiful  censures,  to  impute  this  mischance  to 
the  king,  as  a  Divine  punishment  on  Becket's  death ; 
that  his  natural  son  should  prove  so  undutifiil  to  him, 
who  himself  had  been  so  unmerciful  to  his  spiritual 
father^.  But  this  rebellious  child  passed  not  un- 
punished. For  as  he  honoured  not  his  father,  so  his 
days  were  few  in  the  land  which  the  Lord  gave  him. 
And  as  he  made  little  account  of  his  own  father,  so 
English  authors  make  no  reckoning  of  him  in  the 
catalogue  of  kings.     This  Henry  the  Third   being 


<*  [The  disobedience  of  Hen- 
ry's sons  was  a  just  judgment 
upon  himself  for  breaking  the 
oath  imposed  upon  him  by  his 
father  in  reference  to  his  bro- 
thers.  See  Gul.  Neubrigens. 
ii.  7.  For  an  account  of  the 
rebellions  of  Henry's  sons,  see 
Gul.  Neubrigens.  ii.  27.  sq. 
The  nobles,  and  among  the 
first,  Thomas  Becket,  then 
chancellor,  swore  fealty  to  him^ 


a.  1 162.  M.  Paris,  s.  a.  He 
was  consecrated  and  crowned 
at  London,  during  his  father's 
lifetime,  in  1 1 70,  by  Roger 
archbishop  of  York,  Thomas  a 
Becket  the  archbishop  of  Can- 
terbury being  at  that  time  in 
France,  and  not  yet  reconciled 
to  the  king.  Gul.  Neubrigens. 
ii.  25.] 

**  [See  Gul.  Neubrigens.  iii. 


112 


The  Churtk  Hisionf 


III. 


A.i>.fi;4.  whollv  omitted,  because  dring  during  the  life  of  his 

to  Hen.  If.  r  ^L    * 

father. 


UiAmM 
nude  an 

Canter- 
kary. 


2.  But  before  this  Ilenrv's  death.  Richard  prior  of 
Dover,  who  divided  Kent  into  three  archdeaconries, 
was  made  arch1>isho|>  of  Canterbury^  Indeed  the 
place  was  fir^t  proffered  to  Robert,  abbot  of  Becco 
in  Normandy,  (8ec{uents  of  three,  if  he  had  accepted 
it,  Anselm,  Theobald,  and  this  Robert,  who  in  the 
compass  of  seventy  years  out  of  the  same  abbey 
were  made  archbishops  of  Canterbury,)  but  he  refused 
it,  as  ominous  to  succeed  Becket  in  his  chair,  lest  he 
should  succeed  him  in  his  coffin;  and  preferred  a 
whole  skin  before  an  holy  pall.  But  Richard  accept- 
ing the  place,  is  commended  for  a  mild  and  moderate 
man,  being  all  for  accommodation,  and  his  temper 
the  best  exi>edient  betwixt  the  iK)pe  and  king; 
pleasing  the  former  with  presents,  the  latter  with 
cx>mpliancc^.  This  made  him  connive  at  GeflBrey 
i^lantagenet  his  holding  the  bishopric  of  Lincoln, 
though  uncanonicalness  on  imcanonicalness  met  in 
his  person.     For  first,  he  was  a  bastard.     Secondly, 


e  [Trivet.  I.  59.] 

'  [He  was  of  so  easy  a  tem- 

I)cr,  that  Peter  of  Blois  wrote 
liin  a  letter  expostulating  with 
him  for  his  remissness,  as  he 
terms  it^  but  praising  his  inno- 
cence and  humility.  See  Epist. 
Blesen.  ep.  5.  Trivet  gives 
him  this  character :  **  Fuit  iste 
'*  llicardus  vir  magnse  religio- 
"  nis  et  in  exteriorum  admini- 
"  stratione  industrius ;  sed  in 
*'  corrigendis  excessibus  defen- 
'*  dendisque  ecclesise  libertati- 
"  bus  de  nimia  remissione  no- 
*'  tatus:  in  tantum  quod  rex 
*'  qui  eum  specialiter  diligebat 
*'  Gt  contra  turbatores  ejus  in 
"  curia  Romana  se  pro  eo  op- 


"  ponebat  ipsius  incuriam  ac 
*'  desidiam  secreta  tamen  cor- 
**  reptione  dicitur  arguisse." 
I.  64.  According  to  the  same 
author,  he  was  the  first  person 
who  procured  the  abolition  of 
a  custom  which  up  to  his  time 
prevailed  in  England.  If  any 
one  killed  a  person  in  holy 
orders,  the  church  was  satisfied 
merely  with  excommunicating 
the  offender,  and  did  not  have 
recourse  to  the  arm  of  the  law 
(*•  materialis  opem  gladii  non 
'*  quaesivit.")  ib.  I.  68.  He 
held  the  see  of  Canterbury 
nine  years,  forty-five  weeks, 
and  five  days.  ib.  85.] 


CENT.  XII. 


of  Britain, 


118 


he  was  never  in  orders.     Thirdly,  he  was  under  age ;  a.  d.  1 174. 

all  which  irregularities  were  answered  in  three  words, -' 

The  king's  son.  This  was  that  Jeffery  who  used  to 
protest  by  the  royalty  of  the  king  his  father,  when  a 
stander  by  minded  him  to  remember  the  honesty  of 
his  mothers^. 

3,  A  synod  was  called  at  Westminster,  the  pope's  a.  d.i  176. 
legate  being  present  thereat;  on  whose  right  handtro^e«y' 
sat  Richard   archbishop   of  Canterbury,   as   in  Ws  ^^JJ^^^Jj^^j 
proper  place.     When  in  springs  Roger  of  York,  and^^<*  ^'o^'^' 
finding  Canterbury  so  seated,  fairly  sits  him  down  on  cedency. 
Canterbury's   lap,  (a  baby  too   big  to   be   danced 
thereon,)  yea,  Canterbury  his  servants  dandled  this 
lap-child  with  a  witness,  who  plucked  him  thence, 
and  buffeted  him  to  purpose^.     Hence  began  the 
brawl  which  often  happened  betwixt-  the  two  sees 
for  precedency;   though  hitherto  we   have  passed 
them  over  in  silence,  not  conceiving  ourselves  bound 
to  trouble  the  reader  every  time  these  archbishop's 
troubled  themselves.     And   though   it  matters  as 
little  to  the  reader  as  to  the  writer,  whether  Roger 
beat  Richard,  or  Richard  beat  Roger ;  yet  once  for 
all,  we  will  reckon  up  the  arguments  which  each  see 
alleged  for  its  precedency*. 


g  [Trivet.  I.  63.  This  Jef- 
frey»  though  elected,  appears 
never  to  have  been  consecrated 
Inshop  of  Lincoln.  After  he 
had  held  the  see  nine  years^ 
he  relinquished  it^  and  was 
made  chancellor  in  1182,  (See 
Trivet.  I.  82.  Gul.  Neubri- 
gens.  ii.  22.)  chiefly  for  taking 
part  with  the  king  when  his 
sons  rebelled  against  him.  Gi- 
rald.  Cambrensis  in  vit.  in  Ang. 
Sacr.  II.  380.  ibid.  418.  Gul. 

FULI^B,  VOL.  II. 


Neub.  ii.  27  and  32^  and  was 
afterwards  appointed  to  York 
in  the  first  year  of  his  brother 
Richard's  reign,  that  see  ha  v. 
ing  remained  vacant  for  ten 
years  from  the  avarice  of 
Henry,  Gul.  Neubrigens,  iv.  2, 
Hoveden  and  Gervasius  in  an.] 
^  [Gul.  Neubrigens.  iii.  i.] 
^  [The  arguments  for  botli 
sides  are  much  more  carefully 
and  explicitly  stated  by  Gul. 
Neub.  V.  12.] 


114 


The  Church  History 


BOOK  III. 


A.  D.  1176. 
ai  Hen.  II. 


Canterbury's  title. 

1.  No  catholic  person  will 
deny  but  that  the  pope  is  the 
fountain  of  spiritual  honour^ 
to  place  and  displace  at  plea- 
sure. He  first  gave  the  pri- 
macy to  Canterbury  :  yea, 
whereas  the  proper  place  of 
the  archbishop  of  Canterbury 
in  a  general  council  was  next 
the  bishop  of  St.  Ruffinus; 
Anselm  and  his  successors 
were  advanced  by  pope  Urban 
to  sit  at  the  pope's  right  foot^ 
as  aUerius  orbis  papa. 

2.  The  English  kings  have 
ever  allowed  the  priority  to 
Canterbury.  For  a  duarchy 
in  the  church  {vis.  two  arch- 
bishops equal  in  power)  being 
inconsistent  with  a  monarchy 
in  the.  state^  they  have  ever 
countenanced  the  superiority 
of  Canterbury,  that  the  church 
government  might  be  uniform 
with  the  commonwealth's. 

3.  Custom  hath  been  ac- 
counted  a  king  in  all  places, 
which  time  out  of  mind  hath 
dedded  the  precedency  to  Can- 
terbury. 


York's  title. 

1 .  When  Gr^ory  the  Great 
made  York  and  Canterbury  ar- 
chiepiscopal  sees,  he  affixed 
precedency  to  neither,  but  that 
the  archbishops  should  take 
place  according  to  the  seni- 
ority of  their  consecrations. 
Until  Landfranc,  chaplain  to 
king  William,  (thinking  good 
reason  he  should  conquer  the 
whole  clergy  of  England,  as 
his  master  had  vanquished  th-j 
nation,)  usurped  the  supe^ 
riority  above  the  see  of  York. 

2.  If  antiquity  be  to  be  re- 
spected, long  before  Gregory's 
time  York  was  the  see  of  an 
archbishop,  whilst  as  yet  pagan 
Canterbury  was  never  dreamed 
of  for  that  purpose.  Lucius 
the  first  Christian  Britain  king, 
founding  a  cathedral  therein, 
and  placing  Samson  in  the 
same,  who  had  Taurinus,  Py- 
rannus,  Tadiacus,  &c.,  his 
successors  in  that  place. 

3.  If  the  extent  of  jurisdic- 
tion be  measured,  York,  though 
the  lesser  in  England,  is  the 
larger  in  Britain,  as  which  at 
this  time  had  the  entire  king- 
dom of  Scotland  subject  there- 
unto ;  besides,  if  the  three 
bishoprics,  (viz.  Worcester, 
Lichfield,  Lincoln,)  formerly 
injuriously  taken  from  York, 
were  restored  unto  it,  it  would 
vie  English  latitude  vdth  Can- 
terbury itself. 


CENT.  XII.  of  Britain,  115 

This  controversy  lasted  for  many  years;  it  was  first  a.  d  T176. 

visibly  begun  (passing  by  former  private  grudges)  be- '■ — 

twixt  Landfranc  of  Canterbury,  and  Thomas  of  York, 
in  the  reign  of  the  Conqueror,  continued  betwixt 
William  of  Canterbury  and  Thurstan  of  York,  in  the 
days  of  king  Henry  the  First;  increased  betwixt 
Theobald  of  Canterbury  and  William  of  York  at  the 
coronation  of  Henry  the  Second,  and  now  revived 
betwixt  Richard  of  Canterbury  and  Roger  of  York 
with  more  than  ordinary  animosityj. 

4.  Some  will  wonder  that  such  spiritual  persons  How  much 
should  be  so  spiteful,  that  they,  who  should  rather  the  most 
have  contended  de  pascendis  ovibus^  "  which  of  them  *p*"^"*'  * 
"  shoidd  better  feed  their  flocks,"  should  fall  out  de 

lana  caprina^  about  a  toy  and  trifle,  only  for  priority. 
Yet  such  will  cease  to  wonder,  when  they  consider 
how  much  carnality  there  was  in  the  disciple's  them- 
selves :  witness  their  unseasonable  contest  just  before 
our  Saviour's  death,  quis  esset  major^y  "  which  of 
"  them  should  be  the  greater,"  when  then  the  ques- 
tion should  rather  have  been,  quis  esset  mcestior^  not 
who  should  be  the  highest,  but  who  should  be  the 
heaviest  for  their  departing  Master. 

5.  Here  the  pope  interposed,  and  to  end  old  divi-  The  pope's 

decision 

sions,  made  a  new  distinction,  primate  of  all  England,  gives  hnai 
and  primate  of  England,  giving  the  former  to  Can- ^^^"*  "^^ '***^' 
terbury,  the  latter  to  York.  Thus  when  two  children 
cry  for  the  same  apple,  the  indulgent  father  divides 
it  betwixt  them,  yet  so  that  he  giveth  the  bigger 
and  better  part  to  the  child  that  is  his  darling.  York 
is  fain  to  be  content  therewith,  though  full  ill  against 
his  will,  as  sensible  that  a  secondary  primacy  is  no 

J  [See  a  treatise  on  the  subject  in  the  Ang.  Sac.  I.  65.] 
^  Luke  xxii.  24. 

i2 


\ 


116  The  Church  History  book  hi. 

A.D.  1176. primacy;  and  as  one  stomaching  a  superior  as  much 
^  'qq  Canterbury  disdamed  an  equal.  Yea,  on  every 
little  occasion  this  controversy  brake  out  again.  The 
last  flash  which  I  find  of  this  flame  was  in  the  reign 
of  king  Edward  the  First,  when  William  Wickham, 
archbishop  of  York,  at  a  council  at  Lambeth  for 
reformation,  would  needs  have  his  cross  carried  before 
him,  which  John  Peckham  archbishop  of  Canterbury 
would  in  no  case  permit  to  be  done  in  his  province. 
Wherefore  the  said  Peckham  inhibited  all  fix)m  sell- 
ing victuals  to  him  or  his  family,  so  hoping  to  allay 
his  stomach  by  raising  his  hunger,  and  starve  him 
into  a  speedy  submission,  which  accordingly  came  to 
pass.  Since  York  was  rather  quiet  than  contented, 
pleasing  itself  that  as  stout  came  behind  as  went 
before  ^  But  at  this  day  the  clergy,  sensible  of  God's 
hand  upon  them  for  their  pride  and  other  offences, 
are  resolved  on  more  himiility,  and  will  let  it  alone 
to  the  laity  to  fall  out  about  precedency. 

The  far  6.  To  rctum  to  king  Henry,  never  did  the  branches 

extended         /•     t        t%      -,,  t  1  i.i  -i 

English     of  the  £inglish  monarchy  sprout  higher,  or  spread 

monarchy    i  j        i     /•  .  •      i-i  •  o  *i_  •     i  • 

in  this  broader  before  or  smce,  as  m  the  reign  of  this  king, 
1^£  8^  large  and  united  his  command,  though  in  several 
capacities  ;  for  by  right  of  inheritance  fix)m  his 
mother  Maud,  he  held  England  and  the  dukedom  of 
Normandy ;  by  the  same  title  from  his  father,  Jeffery 
Plantagenet,  he  possessed  fair  lands  in  Anjou  and 
Maine ;  by  match  in  right  of  queen  Eleanor  his  wife, 
he  enjoyed  the  dukedoms  of  Aquitane  and  Guienne, 
even  to  the  Pyrenean  mountains;  by  conquest  he 
lately  had  subdued  Ireland,  leaving  it  to  his  successors 
annexed  to  the  English  dominions ;  and  for  a  time 

1  Mr.  Isaacson  out  of  Florilegus,  [i.  e.  Mat.  Westmoi^.]  in 
his  Chronologie,  anno  1279.  [p.  454.  ed.  1633.] 


CEKT.Xfi.  of  Britain.  117 

was  the  effectual  king  of  Scotland,  whilst  keeping  a.  0.1177. 
William  their  king  a  prisoner,  and  acting  at  pleasure  ^^  ^' 
in  the  southern  parts  thereof.  The  rest  of  Christen- 
dom he  may  be  said  to  have  held  by  way  of  arbi- 
tration,  as  Christiani  orbis  arbiter^  so  deservedly  did 
foreign  princes  esteem  his  wisdom  and  integrity,  that 
in  all  difficult  controversies  he  was  made  umpire 
betwixt  them. 

7.  Yet  all  this  his  greatness  could  neither  preserve  Oouia  n«t 
him  from  death,  nor  make  him,  when  living,  happy  fortimate^in 
in  his  own  house ;  so  that  when  freest  from  foreign  ^^|™ 
foes,  he  was  most  molested  in  his  own  family,  his 
wife  and  sons  at  last  siding  with  the  king  of  France 
against  him,  the  sorrow  whereat  was  conceived  to 
send  him  the  sooner  to  his  grave™.     I  meet  with 
this  distich  as  parcel  of  his  epitaph. 


™  [See  liis  letter  to  the  pope,  "  runt  animam  meam." 

A.  D.  1 1 73,  imploring  his  as-  He  was  certainly  exposed  to 

sistance  against  the  malice  of  much  affliction.    He  was  sepa- 

his  sons.   Trivet.  I.  62.    Petri  rated  from  his  wife,  who  had 

Blesen.   epist.   136.      In   this  joined  his  sons  in  their  unna- 

letter  he  says, ''  Longe  lateque  tural  rebellion  ;  which  however 

'*  divulgata  est  meorum  iilio-  is  not  surprising^  since  he  neg- 

*'  rum  malitia,  quos  ita  in  exi-  lected  her  bed,  as  Gul.  Neu- 

*'  tium  patris  spiritus  iniquita-  brigens.  expresses  it :  **  regina 

"  tis  armavit  ut  gloriam  repu-  '*  pro  tempore  sufflcienter  usus 


«• 


tent  et  triumphum   patrem  '*  ad  sobolem,  ea  desinente  pa- 

•'  persequi   et  filiales  afFectus  "  rere,    sectando     voluptatem 

'^  in  omnibus   diffiteri. Et  '*  spurios  fecit."  iii.  26.    (Pet, 

'*  quod  sine  lachrymis  non  dico  Blesens.  ep.  1 54.)»  ^^^  detained 
'*  contra  sanguinem  meum  et  her  in  custody  for  ten  years 
**  viscera  mea  cogor  odium  (Trivet.  I.  75,  97.).  His  sons, 
'*  mortale  concipere  et  extra-  and  particularly  his  second- 
•*  neos  mihi  quaerere  succes-  bom,  Henry,  was  twice  in  re- 
sores,  ne  videam  de  semine  bellion  against  him,  and  died 
meo  sedentem  super  thronum  in  1183.  **  Mortem  vero  ejus 
meum.  lUud  prseterea  sub  ''  rex  pater  inconsolabiliter  di- 
'*  silentio  transire  non  possum,  "  citur  deplorasse."  ib.  85. 
*'  quod  amid  mei  recesserunt  Three  years  after  died  JefFry 
"  a  me  et  domestic!  mei  quse-  duke   of   Britanny,  his   tliird 

I  3 


4€ 


1 18  The  Cumh  Hisiwy  booe  ni 

A.  n.  1 1 j>9.         Cui  sads  ad  votum  non  essent  omnia  teme 
'  ^^^  '•  Climata,  terra  modo  suffidt  octo  pedum °. 

He  whom  alive  the  world  would  scarce  suffice. 
When  dead,  in  eight  foot  earth  contented  lies. 

He  died  at  Cbinon  in  Normandy,  and  was  buried 
with  very  great  solemnity  in  the  nmmery  of  Font- 
Everard  in  the  same  country.  A  religious  house  of 
his  own  foundation  and  endowments 
iwtwbedi-  8.  It  is  confidently  reported  p,  that  when  Richard, 
▼mired  to  SOU  and  succcssor  to  king  Henry,  approached  his 
byw'^^  father's  dead  corpse,  it  bled  afresh  at  the  nostrils ; 
•titioii.  whence  some  collected  him  the  cause  of  his  death. 
But  whilst  nature's  night  councillors  (treading  in  the 
dark  causes  of  hidden  qualities)  render  the  reason  of 
the  sallying  forth  of  the  blood  on  such  occasions,  let 
the  learned  in  the  laws  decide  how  far  such  an  acci- 
dent may  be  improved  for  a  legal  evidence.  For 
surely  that  judge  is  no  better  than  a  murderer,  who 
condemneth  one  for  murder  on  that  proof  alone. 
However,  on  the  bleeding  of  the  father's  nostrils,  the 
son's  heart  could  not  but  bleed,  as  meeting  there 
with  a  guilty  conscience.  And  therefore,  (according 
to  the  divinity  and  devotion  of  those  days,)  to  expiate 
his  disobedience,  he  undertook  with  Philip  Augustus, 
king  of  France,  a  long  voyage  against  Sultan  SaJadin, 
to  recover  Christ  his  grave,  and  the  city  of  Jeru- 
salem, from  the  Turks  in  Palestine. 

son  (ib.  87.),  Gul.  Neubrigens.  was  his   favourite.     See  Gul. 

iii.  7.     His  eldest  son  William  Neubrigens.  iii.  25.] 
died  ill  1 156.  ^  Mat.  Paris,  p.  151. 

In  the  end  the  king  died  of        o  [Trivet.  I.  95,  Gul.  Neu- 

a  fever   contracted  from  grief  brigens.  iii.  25.] 
and  vexation  at  the  rebellion         P  Mat.    Paris,    ut    prius. 

of  his  sons  Richard  and  John^  [Hoveden,  f.  372.] 
especially  of  the   latter,   who 


CENT.  XII.  of  Britain.  119 

9.  Having  formerly  written  an  whole  book  of  theA.D.noo. 
holy  war*!,  and  particularly  of  king  Richard's  achieve-  '    '   '  ' 
ments  therein,  I  intend  here  no  repetition ;  only  our  ^"  i^^**' 
design  is  to  give  a  catalogue  of  some  of  our  English  *****^- 
nobility  who  adventured  their  persons  in  the  holy 

war,  and  whose  male  posterity  is  eminently  extant 
at  this  day.  I  have  known  an  excellent  musician, 
whom  no  arguments  could  persuade  to  play,  until 
hearing  a  bungler  scrape  in  the  company,  he  snatched 
the  instrument  out  of  his  hand,  (in  indignation  that 
music  should  be  so  much  abused,)  then  tuned  and 
played  upon  it  himself.  My  project  herein  is,  that 
giving  in  an  imperfect  list  of  some  few  noble  families 
who  engaged  themselves  in  this  service,  it  will  so 
offend  some  eminent  artist,  (hitherto  silent  in  this 
kind,)  that  out  of  disdain  he  will  put  himself  upon 
so  honourable  a  work,  deserving  a  gentleman  who 
hath  lands,  learning,  and  leisure,  to  undertake  so 
costly,  intricate,  and  large  a  subject,  for  the  honour 
of  our  nation.  And  be  it  premised,  that  to  prevent 
all  cavils  about  precedency,  first  come,  first  served ; 
I  shall  marshal  them  in  no  other  method,  but  as 
in  my  studies  I  have  met  with  the  mention  of  them. 

10.  To  begin  with  the  place  of  my  present  habita- 
tion ;  one  Hugh  Nevil  attended  king  Richard  into  Nevii  Kii. 
the  holy  war,  and  anciently  lieth  buried  in  a  marble  perfr 


tcrm- 


nionument  in  the  church  of  Waltham  Abbey  inp'J^^*j^„g 
Essex,  whereof  no  remainders  at  this  day.  This 
Hugh  Nevil  being  one  of  the  king's  special  familis^rs, 
slew  a  lion  in  the  Holy  Land,  first  driving  an  arrow 
into  his  breast,  and  then  running  him  through  with 
his  sword,  on  whom  this  verse  was  made, 

[q  The  Historie  of  the  Holy  Warre.  Camb.  1639.] 

I  4 


\  ; 


ISO 


The  Church  History 


BOOK  IK. 


A.  l).  1190. 
I  Rich    1. 


Viribus  Hugonis  vires  periere  leonis. 

The  strength  of  Hugh 
A  lion  8lew<). 

If  Benaiah  the  son  of  Jehoiadah  was  recounted  the 

fifth  amongst  David's  worthies  for  killing  a  lion  in 

the  midst  of  a  pit  in  tlie  time  ofsnow^y  surely  on  the 

same  reason  this  bold  and  brave  baron  Hugh  ought 

to  be  entered  into  the  catalogue  of  the  heroes  of  his 

sovereign.     But  I  cannot  give  credit  to  his  report, 

who  conceiveth  that  the  achievement  of  the  man 

was  translated  to  his  master*;   and  that  on  this 

occasion  king  Richard  the  First  got  the  name  of 

Coeur  de  lion,  or  lion's  heart. 

Anomtort       11.  This  Hugh  Ncvil  gave  the  manor  of  Thomdon 

»id  nu-  *  to  Waltham  abbey,  and  was  ancestor  of  the  noble 

Ne^il'      ^^^  numerous  family  of  the  Nevils* ;  to  which  none 


4  Mat.  PariSi  an.  122a.  [p. 
315.  In  his  history  of  Wal- 
tham-abbey,  p.  20,  Fuller 
speaking  of  this  Hugh  Neville 
Rays  :  **  He  was  interred  in 
"  Waltham  abbey,  says  my  au- 
•'thor,  [Mat.  Paris,  p.  315.] 
"  '  in  nobili  sarcophago  mar- 
'*  moreo  et  insculpto/  in  a 
''  noble  coffin  of  marble  e»- 
**  graved.  If  a  coffin  be  called 
'*  sarcophagus  from  consuming 
**  the  corpse,  surely  sacrilege 
"  may  be  named  sarcophago^ 
"  phagus,  which  at  this  day 
'*  hath  devoured  that  coffin 
*'  and  all  belonging  thereunto." 
This  was  written  in  1655.] 

>*  2  Sam.  xxiii.  20. 

®  Weever's  Fun..  Mon.  p. 
644.  [ed.  163T.] 

t  Registrum  Cart.  Abbat.  de 
Waltham.  [Of  this  book  Fuller 


thus  speaks  in  his  Hist,  of 
Waltham -Abbey,  p.  7. "  Know, 
•*  reader,  that  whatever  here. 
''  after  I  allege  touching  the 
'*  lands  and  liberties  of  Wal- 
*'  tham,  if  not  otherwise  at- 
*'  tested  by  some  author  in  the 
'*  margin,  is  by  me  faithfully 
"  transcribed  out  of  Waltham 
"  Leger-book,  now  in  the  pos- 
'*  session  of  the  right  honour- 
•'  able  James  [Hay]  earl  of 
*•  Carlisle.  This  book  was 
"  collected  by  Robert  Fuller, 
"  the  last  abbot  of  Waltham, 
"  who  though  he  could  not 
*'  keep  his  abbey  from  disso- 
"  lution,  did  preserve  the  anti- 
"  quities  thereof  from  oblivion. 
"  The  book,  as  appears  by 
"  many  inscriptions  in  the  ini- 
"  tial  text-letters,  was  made 
'*  by  himself,  having  as  happy 


CENT.  xfi.  of  Britain,  121 

in  England  equal  for  honour,  wealth,  and  number,  A.D.itpo. 
in  the  latter  end  of  king  Henry  the  Sixth,  though  at  ' 


this  day  the  lord  Abergavenny  be  the  only  baron 
thereof.  He  gave  for  his  arms  a  cross  saltier,  or  the 
cross  of  St.  Andrew,  probably  assuming  it  in  the 
holy  war.  For  though  I  confess  this  is  not  the 
proper  cross  of  Jerusalem,  ret  was  it  highly  esteemed 
of  all  those  who  adventured  thither,  as  may  appear, 
in  that  all  knights-templars  made  such  saltier  cross, 
with  then-  thwarted  legs  upon  their  monuments. 

12.  Giralde  de  Talbote  succeeds  in  the  second  oiraide  de 
place;  when  articles  were  drawn  up  between  our  whence  the 
king  Richard,  in  his  passage  to  Palestine,  and  Tan-  swr^ 
cred  king  of  Sicily,  for  the  mutual  observation  oi^^^- 
many  conditions  betwixt*  them,  he  put  in  upon  their 
oaths  for  his  sureties,  a  grand  jury  of  his  principal 
subjects  then  present,   viz.   two   archbishops,   two 
bishops,  and  twenty  other  of  his  prime  nobility  ex- 
pressed in  his  letters  patents  ^ ;  besides  many  others 
whose  names  were  concealed.     Of  these  twenty,  the 
aforesaid  Giralde  de  Talbote  is  the  first ;  whose  male 

issue  and  name  is  extant  at  this  day,  flourishing  in 
the  right  honourable  femily  of  the  earls  of  Shrews- 
bury. 

1 3.  Next  amongst  the  royal  jurors  (as  I  may  term  Guarin 
them)  was  Guarin  Fitz-Gerald,  from  whom  are  de-  raw,  from 
scended  the   Fitz-Geralds  in  Ireland,  (where  their  ^|^/^®,^ 
name  is  in  some  places  provincial,)  of  whom  the  earl  ^«  *"^ 
of  Kildare  is  chief.     A  memorial  of  their  service  in  Windsor. 

**  a  hand  in  fair  and  fast  writ-  his  Fun.  Mon.  644,  under  the 

*•  ing,  as  some  of  his  surname  title  of  "  Registrum  Cartarum 

"  since   have    been    defective  "  Abbatiae  de  Waltham."] 
"  therein."     This   appears   to         u   R.    Hoveden,     [Annales, 

me  to  have  been  the  same  book  f.  385.]] 
as  that  quoted  by  Weever  in 


1S2  The  Church  History  book  hi. 

A.D.  1190.  Palestine  is  preserved  in  their  arms,  giving  argent,  a 

J LI  cross  saltier  gules.     Here  it  must  be  remembered, 

that  the  valiant  sprightly  gentleman  Hickman,  lord 
Windsor,  is  descended  from  the  same  male  ancestors 
with  the  Fitz-Geraldsv,  (as  Robert  Glover,  a  most 
exquisite  herald  doth  demonstrate,)  though  accord- 
ing to  the  fashion  of  that  age,  altering  his  old,  and 
assuming  a  new  name  from  Windsor,  the  place  df 
his  office  and  command.  This  lord  Windsor  carrieth 
the  badge  of  his  service  in  his  arms,  being  essentially 
the  same  with  the  earl  of  Kildare's,  save  that  the 
colours  are  varied ;  the  field  gules,  and  cross  saltier 
argent,  betwixt  twelve  crosses  crossed,  or:  which 
coat  seemingly  surfeited,  was  conceived  in  that  age, 
the  more  healthful  for  the  same ;  the  more  crossed 
the  more  blessed,  being  the  devotion  of  those  days. 
A  qiiater.        J 4,  FoMT  Other  ffeutlemcn  of  quality  remain  men- 

mon  more  °  *  "^ 

of  adven-   tioucd  in  that  patent,  William  de  Curcy,  father  to 

turcrs 

John,  the  valiant  champion  and  conqueror  of  Ire- 
land ;  Robert  de  Novo  Burgo,  Hugh  le  Bruin,  and 
Amaury  de  Mountfort ;  of  all  whom  formerly  in  our 
alphabetical  comment  on  abbey-roll. 
A.D.  1191.      15.  At  the  siege  of  Acres  or  Ptolemais,  (the  grave 
de^FleSnes  general  of  the  Christian  army,)  amongst  many  wor- 
hiB  poflte-   ^jjj^g  dying  there  within  the  compass  of  one  year ;  I 
find  Ingelram  de  Fiennes  to  be  slain  w,  from  whom  the 
lord  viscount  Say  and  Seal,  and  the  lord  Dacre  of 
the  south  derive  their  descent^.     But  most  visible 
are  the  remains  of  the  holy  war  in  the  achievement 
of  Theophilus  Fiennes,  alias  Clinton,  earl  of  Lincoln, 
giving  in  the  lower  parts  of  his  shield  (in  a  field 

V  See  Camd.  Brit,  in  Berk-     f.  390.] 
shire,  [p.  209.]  »  [Camd.   Brit,   in    Sussex, 

'^   R.    Hoveden,    [Annales,     p.  225.] 


CENT.  XII.  of  Britain.  123 

argent)  six  crosses  crossed  fitchee  sable,  denoting  a.  d.i  191. 
the  stability  and  firmness  of  his  ancestors  in  that  — !LLI 
service. 

16.  Also  at  the  aforesaid  siege  of  Acres,  Radul- Raduiphus 
phus  de  Alta  Bipa,  archdeacon  of  Colchester  ended  iSpa. 
his  life^.     Now  although  because  a  clergyman,  he 
could  not  then  leave  any  lawful  issue  behind  him, 

yet  we  may  be  confident  that  the  ancient  family  De 
Alta  Ripa  or  Dautry,  still  continuing  in  Sussex,  were 
of  his  allianceyy. 

17.  Before  we  leave  the  siege  of  Acres,  let  me  a  mistake 
refresh  the  reader  with  my  innocent  (and  give  me^."""' 
leave   to   say  provable)  mistake.     I  conceived  the 
noble  femily  of  the  lord  Dacres  took  their  surname 

from  some  service  there  performed,  confirmed  in  my 
conjecture:  1.  Because  the  name  is  written  with  a 
local  tmesis,  D' Acres.  2.  Joan  daughter  to  Edward 
the  First,  king  of  England,  is  called  D' Acres,  because 
bom  there.  3.  They  gave  their  arms,  gules,  three 
scallop-shells  argent;  which  scallop-shells  (I  mean 
the  nethermost  of  them,  because  most  concave  and 
capacious,)  smooth  within,  and  artificially  plated 
without,  was  ofttimes  cup  and  dish  to  the  pilgrims 
in  Palestine ;  and  thereupon  their  arms  often  charged 
therewith.  Since  suddenly  all  is  vanished,  when  I 
found  Dacor^  a  rivulet  in  Cumberland,  so  ancient, 
that  it  is  mentioned  by  Bede  himself  long  before  the 


y  [Galf.  Vines,  f,  279.  (ed.  sauf.  But  Trivet  quotes  se- 
Grale.)  Rather  Richard,  canon  veral  lines  from  the  Itinerary 
of  the  Holy  Trinity,  London,  as  written  by  Richard  the 
For  he  is  most  evidently  the  canon  (p.  97.),  which  passage 
author  of  the  Itinerary  of  king  is  found  in  Gale,  II.  302.] 
Richard  printed  by  Gale,  and  yy  Camd.  Brit.  ibid, 
attributed  by  him  and  most  <  Camd.  Brit,  in  Cumber- 
writers   since  to   Galf,  Vine-  land,  p.  639. 


1S4  The  Church  Huttm/  book  hi. 

A.D.  1 191- holy  war  was  once  dreamed  of,  which  gave  the  name 

-^ '-  to  Dacre's  castle,  as  that  (their  prime  seat)  to  that 

family. 
Craoent  18.  Before  we  go  further,  be  it  here  observed,  that 
^y  tbe  when  king  Richard  the  First  went  into  Palestine,  he 
^^Ru  ^^  up  f^^  ^8  device  in  his  ensign  a  crescent  and  a 
^^^  '• '"  star,  but  on  what  account  men  variously  conjecture, 
to  the  Holy  Somo  conccivo  it  done  in  afiront  to  the  sultan  Salar 

IjancL 

din,  the  Turk  giving  the  half  moon  for  his  arms. 
But  this  seems  unlikely,  both  because  a  crescent  is 
not  the  posture  of  the  Turkish  moon,  and  because 
this  was  a  preposterous  method  with  a  valiant  man 
at  his  bare  setting  forth,  who  would  rather  first  vdn 
before  wear  the  arms  of  his  enemies.  Others  make 
a  modest,  yea  religious  meaning  thereof,  interpreting 
himself  and  his  soldiers  by  the  crescent  and  star, 
expecting  to  be  enlightened  from  above  by  the 
beams  of  success  from  the  sun  of  divine  providence. 
Indeed  it  would  trouble  a  wise  man,  but  that  a  wise 
man  will  not  be  troubled  therewith,  to  give  a 
reason  of  king  Richard's  fancy ;  it  being  almost  as 
easy  for  him  to  foretell  ours,  as  for  us  infallibly  to 
interpret  his  design  herein.  However,  we  may  ob- 
serve many  of  the  principal  persons  which  attended 
the  king  in  this  war  had  their  shields  becrescented 
and  bestarred,  in  relation  to  this  the  royal  device. 
The  arms  19.  Thus  Michacl  Minshull,  of  Minshull  in  Cheshire, 
^ien^f^y  serving  king  Richard  in  this  war,  had  not  only  the 
ehuii!"  crescent  and  star  given  him  for  his  arms,  but  since 
also  that  £Mnily  hath  borne  for  their  crest,  two  lions' 
paws  holding  a  crescent.  And  I  have  seen  a  patent 
lately*,  granted  by  the  lord  marshal,  to  a  knight 

*  Viz.  July  4,  1642. 


C£NT.  XI  i.  of  Britain.  1S5 

denying  himself  from  a  yomiger  branch  of  thatA.D.npi. 

family,  assigning  him  for  distinction,  to  change  his '— 

crest    into    the    sultan    kneeling    and    holding    a 
crescent*, 

20.   And  thus  the  noble  family  of  Saint  John  As  aiao  of 

the  noble 

(whereof  the  earl  of  Bolingbroke,  &c.)  give  for  their  st.  John^i 
patemal  coat,  argent,  two  stars,  or,  on  a  chief  gules,  vuie^s. 
These  stars  first  give  us  a  dim  light  to  discover  their 
service  in  the  Holy  Land,  ^vLo  since  are  beholding 
for  perfecter  information  to  one  now  scarce  counted 
a  rhythmer,  formerly  admitted  for  a  poet,  acquainting 
us  with  this  and  another  noble  family  adventuring 
in  the  holy  war,  namely,  the  Sackvilles,  still  flou- 
rishing in  the  right  honourable  the  earl  of  Dorset. 

Sing  Slitl^atly  fogtb  gttl>  entent 

Co  sat  cite  of  ^afe^^  ^^x 

®tt  mom  |)e  0ent  aftut  Shit  ttobatt  jbaltebile 

Sbix  aOtiUiani  SSlatetuUe 

jbit  l^ttibatt  anl>  Shit  Uoiart  of  'Sutnl^am 

Skit  Vetttam  )9tanl»e0  anli  ^ojbn  l)e  Ski*  3)oi)nd. 

Yet  the  arms  or  crest  of  the  Sackvilles  give  us  not 
the  least  intimation  of  the  holy  war.  And  indeed  no 
rational  man  can  expect  an  universal  conformity  in 
so  much  variety  of  fimcies,  that  all  the  arms  of  the 
adventurers  thither  should  speak  the  same  language, 
or  make  some  sign  of  their  service  therein. 

21.  I  find  sir  Frederic  Tilney  knighted  at  Acres  in  a.d.  1192. 
the  Holy  Land  in  the  third  year  of  king  Richard  the  ghipfui  fa. 
First ^;  he  was  a  man  magruB  statures  et  potens  cor-^^^^^ 
pore ;  sixteen  knights  in  a  direct  line  of  that  name 

^  Sir  Richard   MinshuU  of  in  Heame's  copy,  though  pro- 
Burton  in  Bucks.  bably  in  a  MS.  used  by  him. 

c  Jafes,  that  is,  Joppa  in  Pa-  See  his  edition,  p.  487.  n.] 
lestine.  ^  Hackluit  in  his  first  volume 

^  Robert  of  Gloucester.  [Not  of  voyages. 


^ 


126  The  Church  History  book  hi. 

A.D.I  192. succeeded  in  that  inheritance:  whose  heir  general 
^    '   '  '  was  married  to  the  duke  of  Norfolk,  whilst  a  male 
branch   (if  not,  which  I  fear,  very  lately  extinct) 
flourished  since  at  Shilleigh  in  Suffolk. 
The  matt        22.  When  I  look  upon  the  ancient  arms  of  the 
a^J^JJ^ofiioWe  family  of  the  Villiers,  wherein  there  is  pilgrim 
the  vuiiei*  ^j^  pilgrim,  I  mean  five  scallops,  or,  on  the  cross  of 
St.  George ;  I  presently  concluded  one  of  that  family 
attended  king  Richard  in  the  Holy  Land :  but  on 
better  inquiry,  I  find  that  this  family  at  their  first 
coming  into  England,  bare  sable  three  cinque-foils 
argent;  and  that  sir  Nicholas  de  Villiers,  knight, 
changed  this  coat  in  the  reign  ^  not  of  Richard,  but 
Edward  the  First,  whom  he  valiantly  followed  in  his 
wars  in  the  Holy  Land  and  elsewhere. 
The  arms       23.   I  will   concludo   with   the  noble   family  of 
Berkeieys.  Berkeley,  than  which  none  of  England  now  emi- 
nently existing  was  more  redoubted  in  the  holy  war. 
All  know  their  descent  from  Harding  (son  to  the 
king  of  Denmark),  whose  arms  are  said  to  be,  gules, 
three  Danish  axes,   or,  or  as  others  suppose  with 
more  probability,  I  conceive  only  a  plain  chevron, 
though  some  three  hundred  years  since  they  have 
filled  their  coat  with  ten  crosses  patte,  or,  in  remem- 
brance of  the  achievements  of  their  ancestors  in  that 
service.     For  I  find  that  Harding  of  England  landed 
at  Joppa  July  the  third,  in  the  second  year  of  king 
Baldwin,  with  a  band  of  stout  soldiers,  where  he 
relieved  the  Christians  besieged  therein^. 

'  Burton  in  his  description  marks   upon    the  antiquity  of 

of  Leicestershire,  [p.  55.  From  this  family  in  Clarendon,  Re- 

whom   the   celebrated  George  bel.  I.  16.] 
Villiers  duke  of  Buckingham         S  Chronicon  Jerusalem,  ix. 

was  descended.      See  Frank*  11.     [In  the   Gesta   Dei   per 

land's  An.  29.    See  some  re-  Francos.] 


CENT.  XII. 


of  Britain. 


127 


24.  But  I  have  been  too  tedious,  intending  only  aA.D.1192. 

short  essay,  and  to  be  (let  me  call  it)  an  honest  i LI 

decoy,  by  entering  on  this  subject,  to  draw  others  chCi^hmen 
into  the  completing  thereof,  during  the  whole  extent  *^J]^!^**" 
of  the  holy  war.  The  best  is,  for  the  present  we^^»"«»** 
have  had  good  leisure,  these  martial  times  affording 

but  little  ecclesiastical  matter.  For  at  this  present 
much  of  the  English  church  was  in  Palestine,  where 
Baldwin,  archbishop  of  Canterbury,  ended  his  life 
before  the  siege  of  Acres ;  and  where  Hubert  Walter, 
bishop  of  Salisbury,  was  a  most  active  commander ; 
besides  many  more  of  the  eminent  clergy  engaged 
in  that  service.  Yet  many  did  wish  that  one  clergy- 
man moie  had  been  there,  (to  keep  him  from  doing 
mischief  at  home,)  namely,  William  Longcamp,  bishop 
of  Ely,  who  played  rex  in  the  king's  absence:  so 
intolerable  a  tyrant  was  he,  by  abusing  the  royal 
authority  committed  unto  him.  And  it  is  a  wonder, 
that  he,  being  indeed  a  Norman  bom,  but  holding  so 
many  and  great  offices  in  this  land,  should  not  be 
able  to  speak  one  word  of  good  English,  as  the 
English  were  not  willing  to  speak  one  good  word  of 
him^ 

25.  Such  as  draw  up  a  parallel  betwixt  this  Wil-  Longcamp 

^         ^  and  WoU 

Uam   Longcamp   and   Thomas   Wolsey,   (afterward  sey  pana. 

leled. 


^  Godwin  [de  Prsesul.  Angl. 
p.  251.  He  was  made  chan- 
cellor and  chief  justice  of  all 
England  (totius  justiciariusreg- 
ni).  Trivet,  I.  98.  When  John 
usurped  the  crown  in  the  ab- 
sence of  Richard,  Longcamp 
was  deprived  of  his  authority, 
and  fled  into  Normandy,  (ib. 
114.)  His  appointment  to  the 
chief  authority  in  the  kingdom 
during  the  king's  absence  gave 


great  offence  to  the  nobility, 
who  disliked  the  obscurity  of 
his  birth.  Gul.  Neubrigens. 
iv.  5.  The  same  writer,  who 
is  however  by  no  means  fa- 
vourable to  prelates  in  general, 
gives  him  no  favourable  cha- 
racter ;  see  iv.  14,  sq.,  but 
Newbury  is  also  more  favour- 
able to  John  the  professed 
enemy  of  the  bishop,  than  the 
rest  of  our  chroniclers.] 


ni. 


Ml  <  ttm    ^. 


^^qM^wBemammm^  m  1«k4  mtm  Xmemt  to  Meei  m  many 

Foes,  wl  eke  l»wws  of  their  birth, 
t&e  fOKL  4f  at  hmfiiw  !■■■■,  tiie  oilier  of  a 

Bttaes  of  their  power, 
bach  bcsnr  the  pipe »  |pgicr«L  and  Aeir  kings'  prin- 

ThirAj.  hn^  of  Aeir  pride,  Long- 

dailr  attendants,  Wol- 
eqnaliiiiig  that  nmnber 
Fomthlr,  suddenness 
of  their  &IL  and  it  if  hard  to  saj  which  of  the  two 
fircd  norehsted.  or  fied  les  pitied. 
]»*fc^t>»      96l  Yet  to  give  Wofecy  his  doe,  he  hr  exceeded 
d»opi^     the  other.     Longcamp  is  accoscd  of  coTetousness, 
prMDotni^  hs  base  kindred,  to  the  damage  ted  detri- 
ment oi  others :  no  snrii  thii^  charged  on  Wolsej. 
Longcamp's  actiiiti  moTed  in  the  narrow  sphere  of 
Ei^land's  dominicMis;  whilst  W<rfsej  might  be  said 
(in  some  sort)  to  hare  held  in  his  hand  the  scales  of 
Chiistendam.     Up  emperw,  down  France;  and  so 
aHematehv  as  he  was  jdeased  to  cast  in  his  grains. 
Wolsej  sat  at  the  stem  m<»e  than  twenty  years, 
whilst  Lcmgcamp's  impolitic  pride  outed  him  of  his 
place  in  less  than  a  quarter  of  the  time.     Lastly, 
nothing  remains  of  Longcamp,  but  the  memory  of 
his  pride  and  pcnnp :  whilst  Christ  Chnrch  in  Oxford, 
and  other  stately  edifices,  are  the  lasting  monuments 
of  Wolsey's  magnificence,  to  all  posterity. 
Vtfi  n  word     87*  But  seeing  it  is  just  to  settle  men's  memo- 
l1!2!!^iv  ries  on  their  true  bottom,  be  it  known,  that  one 
putteth  in  a  good  word  in  due  season,  in  the  excuse 
of  bishop  Longcamp,  haply  not  altogether  so  bad  as 
tho  pens  of  monks  would  persuade  us^     It  enraged 

i  Godwin  [De  Prsesul  p.  251.] 


C£1«T.  XII. 


of  Britain. 


1S9 


them  against  him,  becaiuie  Hugh  Nonant,  bishpp  ofA.D.  1193. 

GoTentry  and  Lichfield,  drove  out  monks  out  of  i '— 

Goventrj,  and  brought  in  secular  priests  in  the 
room ;  which  alteration  he  being  not  able  of  himself 
to  effect,  used  the  assistance  of  Longcamp  bishop  of 
.  Ely ;  ordering  the  same  in  a  synod  called  at  London. 
And  seeing  monks  have  no  medium  betwixt  not 
loving  and  bitter  hating,  no  wonder  if  for  this  cause 
they  paid  him  their  invectives.  But  we  have  done 
with  him,  and  are  glad  of  so  fair  a  riddance  of  him, 
on  this  account,  that  most  of  his  misdemeanors  were 
by  him  committed,  not  qiui  bishop,  but  qiia  viceroy, 
and  so  more  properly  belonging  to  the  civil  his- 
torian^. 

28.  King  Richard  in  his  return  from  Palestine  was 
taken  prisoner  by  Leopold  duke  of  Austria,  and 
detained  by  him  in  durance,  with  hard  and  unprince- 
like  usage  ^ ;  whilst  the  English  clergy  endeavoured 
the  utmost  for  his  enlargement.  And  at  last  when 
a  fine  certain  was  set  upon  him  to  be  paid  for  his 
ransom,  they  with  much  ado  in  two  years  time  dis- 
bursed the  same. 


^  [See  Neub.  iv.  43.  v.  28.] 
1  [He  was  transferred  by  the 
duke  to  the  custody  of  the 
emperor.  '^  Imperator  allegans 
'*  regem  non  debere  teneri  a 
"  duce,  nee  esse  indecens  si  ab 
**  imper.  celsitudine  decus  re- 
"  giumteneretur."  Neubrigens. 
iv.  33.  According  to  the  letter 
which  Richard  wrote  to  Elea. 
nor^  he  was  not  harshly  treat- 
ed :  '*  honeste  autem  circa  ip- 
sum  imperatorem  moram  fa- 
cimus,  donee  ipsius  et  nostra 
"  negotia  perficiantur  et  donee 
''  ei  70,000  marcarum  argenti 

FULLER,  70L.  II. 


€€ 


t( 


"  solverimus."  He  then  pro- 
ceeds ;  "  Universum  autem  au- 
"  rum  et  argentum  ecclesiarum 
"  diligenti  observatione  et 
*'  script!  testimonio  ab  ipsarum 
"  ecclesiarum  preelatis  accipia- 
'*  tis ;  eisque  per  sacramentum 
*'  vestrum  et  aliorum  baronum 
**  nostrorum  quos  volueritis 
"  affirmetis  quod  eis  plenarie 
"  restituentur."(Rymer*sFcBd. 
I.  60.  Hoveden,  f.  413.)  This 
letter  was  written  however 
while  he  was  in  the  emperor*s 
custody.] 


130 


The  Chtnrch  Hutory 


BOOK  III. 


AD.  1193.  29*  The  sum  was  an  hundred  and  fifty  thousand 
JL__.  marks",  to  be  paid,  part  to  the  duke  of  Austria, 
part  to  Henry  the  Sixth,  sumamed  the  Sharp,  (sure 
such  our  Richard  found  him,)  emperor  of  Grermany. 
Some  will  wonder  that  the  weight  of  such  a  sum 
should  then  sway  the  back  of  the  whole  kingdom, 
(putting  many  churches  to  the  sale  of  their  silver 
chalices  °,)  having  seen  in  our  age  one  city  in  a  few 


"»  [Trivet  says  200,000 
marks  (i.  T27.)  ;  Hoveden 
150^000  (Annales,  f.414.),  but 
according  to  Avesbury,  the 
sum  was  1 00^000  marks  of 
silver,  of  which  a  third  part 
was  to  be  paid  to  the  duke  of 
Austria  (iv.  27.)*  According 
to  an  anonymous  chronicler 
cited  in  the  margin  of  this 
last  author^  it  was  150,000 
marks  of  silver,  Cologne  weight, 
20,000  marks  of  this  money 
were  to  have  been  given  to 
the  duke  of  Austria,  but  were 
never  paid,  he  dying  just  at 
the  time  when  the  money  was 
about  to  be  sent  to  him,  and 
his  country  being  visited  with 
great  troubles,  which  the  Eng- 
lish historians  of  this  period 
considered  as  the  judgment  of 
God  upon  him  for  his  cruelty 
to  Richard.  Neubrigens,  v.  8. 
Hoveden,  f.  425. 

No  wonder  that  when  the 
monks  contemplated  the  fate 
of  this  man,  who  had  already 
been  anathematized  by  the  see 
of  Rome  for  his  avarice,  they 
should  have  looked  upon  it  as 
something  more  than  human. 
His  death  was  produced  by  a 
fall  from  his  horse,  which  frac- 
tured his  foot,  and  produced 
mortification.     The  physicians 


declared  that  amputation  was 
necessary,  yet  no  one  had  the 
hardihood  to  venture  upon 
such  an  operation,  but  one  of 
the  duke's  bed-chamber  men. 
While  the  duke  held  the  edge 
of  an  adze  across  his  foot,  his 
servant  struck  it  three  times 
with  a  mallet,  and  thus  ampu- 
tated  the  foot,  but  without  the 
desired  effect.  The  duke  find- 
ing he  was  dying  sent  for  the 
clergy,  and  desired  remission 
from  the  censures  of  the 
church,  but  they  refused  it, 
until  he  made  ^11  reparation 
for  the  injuries  which  he  had 
done  to  the  king  of  England. 
The  duke  accordingly  released 
the  hostages  which  Richard 
had  left  with  him  as  security 
for  the  money  due  to  him. 
But  the  duke's  son  and  suc- 
cessor refused  to  comply  with 
the  dying  requests  of  his  fa- 
ther, until  he  was  compelled 
to  do  so  by  his  clergy,  who  re- 
fused to  perform  the  funeral 
rites  over  his  father*s  body 
until  he  had  complied.] 

^  [See  "  The  History  of  the 
''  Holy  War,"  p.  130.  Our 
author  there  observes,  in  re- 
ference to  the  king*8  imprison, 
ment  and  ransom ;  ''  Not  long 
"  after  the  duke  sold  liim  to 


CENT.  X1T. 


of  Britain, 


ISl 


days   advance   a  larger  proportion;    but  let   such a.d.  1193. 

•  ,  4  Rich.  I. 

consider :  - 

i.  The  money  was  never  to  return,  not  made  over 
by  bills  of  exchange,  but  sent  over  in  specie,  which 
which  made  it  arise  the  more  heavily.  For  such 
sums  may  be  said  in  some  sort  to  be  but  lent,  not 
lost,  (as  to  the  commonwealth,)  which  are  not  ex- 
ported, but  spent  therein  in  the  circulation  of  trading. 


<< 

r< 
«< 
«< 
cc 
«i 
<< 

€« 

« 
•  < 

(« 

<€ 
<( 
€€ 
«« 

€e 

€t 

c« 

€t 
t€ 
€€ 

<r 

€€ 
ft 
<( 
<€ 
<* 
<t 
t€ 


Henry  the  emperor,  for  his 
harsh  nature  sumamed  As' 
per ;  and  it  might  have  been 
ScBvus,  being  but  one  degree 
from  a  tyrant.  He  kept  king 
Richard  in  bonds,  charging 
him  with  a  thousand  faults 
committed  by  him  in  Sicily, 
Cyprus,  and  Palestine.  The 
proofs  were  as  slender  as  the 
crimes  gross;  and  Richard 
having  an  eloquent  tongue, 
innocent  heart,  and  bold 
spirit,  acquitted  himself  in 
the  judgment  of  all  hearers. 
At  last  he  was  ransomed  for 
1 40,000  marks,  Cologne 
weight*.  A  sum  so  vast  in 
that  age,  before  the  Indies 
had  overflowed  all  Europe 
with  their  gold  and  silver, 
that  to  raise  it  in  England 
they  were  forced  to  sell  their 
church-plate,  to  their  very 
chalices.  Whereupon  out  of 
most  deep  divinity  it  was 
concluded  t,  that  they  should 
not  celebrate  the  Sacrament 
in  glass,  for  the  brittleness  of 
it  ;  nor  in  wood,  for  the 
sponginess  of  it,  which  would 
suck  up  the  blood;  nor  in 
alchymy,  because  it  was  sub- 


''  ject  to  rusting ;  nor  in  cop- 
"  per,  because  that  would  pro- 
"  voke  vomiting ;  but  in  cha- 
**  lices  of  latten,  which  belike 
"  was  a  metal  without  ex. 
"  ception.  And  such  were  used 
"  in  England  for  some  hun- 
*'  dred  years  after  J:  until  at 
'*  last  John  Stafford,  archbishop 
**  of  Canterbury,  when  the  land 
*'  was  more  replenished  with 
*'  silver,  inknotteth  that  priest 
"  in  the  greater  excommuni- 
"  cation  that  should  consecrate 
*'  poculum  stanneum."  '  Yet 
Trivet  says  that  in  1 194,  after 
the  king  had  returned  into 
England,  finding  some  of  the 
churches  thus  deprived  of  their 
chalices,  he  ordered  others  to 
be  made  and  given  to  them  in 
their  place.  ("Advertensetiam 
'*  nonnullas  ecclesiarum  cam- 
"  pestrium  argenteis  car  ere  ca- 
"  licibus,  cum  didicisset  eos 
"  suee  redemptionis  occasione 
**  sublatos,  sibi  tanquam  reo 
imputans  ad  culpam,  divina 
minus  digne  in  hac  parte  ce- 
lebrari,  jussit  fieri  per  loca 
''  di versa  calices  quamplurimos 
"  eosque  ecclesiis  indigentibus 
"  distribui  sine  mora.")  p.  1 29.] 


t( 


t€ 


« 


*  Mat.  Paris,  p.  1 75. 
i.  f.  6.  ed.  Paris,  1505. 


•f*  Lyndewode^s  Provincials,  De  Sum.  Trin. 
X  Fox,  I.  322. 

k2 


18S 


The  Church  History 


BOOK  III. 


A.  D.  1 194.     ii.  A  third  of  silver  went  then  more  to  make  a 

J !_  mark  than  nowadays,  witness  their  groats,  worth  our 

sixpence  in  the  intrinsic  value. 

iii.  Before  trading  to  the  East  and  West  Indies, 
some  hundred  and  fifty  years  since,  very  little  the 
silver  of  England,  in  comparison  to  the  banks  of 
modem  merchants^. 

However,  Hubert  archbishop  of  Canterbury,  with 
much  diligence  perfected  the  work,  and  on  his  ransom 
paid,  king  Richard  returned  into  England  p. 
King  Ri-  30.  Now  lest  his  majesty  should  suffer  any  dimi- 
for  af.  nution  by  his  long  late  imprisonment,  king  Richard 
was  crowned  again  by  Hubert  archbishop  of  Canter- 
bury, at  Winchester,  with  great  solemnity ;  and  one 
may  say  that  his  durance  was  well  bestowed  on  him, 
seeing  after  the  same  he  was  improved  in  all  his 
relations. 


«  [The  process  of  tliis  col- 
lection is  well  described  by 
Newbury,  employing  the  em- 
phatic words  of  the  prophet 
Joel:  thai  which  the  palmer- 
worm  hath  left  halh  the  loctisl 
eaten;  and  that  which  the  lo~ 
cust  hath  left  hath  the  canker- 
worm  eaten;  and  that  which 
the  carikerworm  hath  left  hath 
the  caterpillar  eaten.  He  ob- 
serves, that  after  three  several 
exactions,  the  collective  sums 
were  still  found  insufficient; 
and  this,  as  it  was  thought, 
was  occasioned  by  the  fraud  of 
the  coUectors,  who  made  this 
raising  of  the  king's  ransom  a 
cloak  for  all  kinds  of  disho- 
nesty and  extortion,  iv.  38. 

Richard  was  liberated  in  Ja- 
nuary, 1 1 95,  and  reached  Sand- 
wich in  the  March  following. 
Neub.  iv.  41.] 


P  [At  the  time  when  this 
collection  was  first  set  on  foot 
for  the  king,  Hubert  was  only 
bishop  of  Salisbury  (Neubrig. 
iv.  33.),  but  shortly  after,  and 
while  he  was  still  a  prisoner, 
Richard  wrote  from  Germany 
to  the  bishops  and  others  to 
fill  up  the  vacancy  of  the  me- 
tropolitan see,  and  recom. 
mended  to  them  Hubert,  who 
was  accordingly  elected.  Bald- 
win his  predecessor  had  died  in 
the  east  during  the  crusades. 
Neub.  iv.  36.  v.  i. 

He  exacted  from  the  Cister. 
cians  the  profits  of  all  their 
wool  for  two  years,  twenty 
shillings  on  every  knight's  fee, 
a  fourth  part  of  the  revenues 
of  the  clergy  and  laity,  and  all 
the  treasures  of  the  church. 
Neub.  V.  I.  Hoved.  f.  416.] 


CENT.  XII.  of  Britain,  1S8 

Son.  For  though  he  could  not  revive  his  deadA.D.  1194. 
fisitber,  yet  on  all  occasions  he  expressed  sorrow  for  ^ 
his  undutiftdiless. 

Husband.  Hereafter  prizing  the  company  of  Be- 
rengaria  his  queen,  daughter  to  Sanctius  king  of  Na- 
varre, whom  formerly  he  slighted  and  neglected  pp. 

Brother.  Freely  and  fiiUy  pardoning  the  practices 
of  his  brother  John  aspiring  to  the  crown  in  his 
absence ;  and  being  better  to  his  base  brother  Gef- 
frey, archbishop  of  York,  than  his  tumultuous  nature 
did  deserve*!. 

Man.  Being  more  strict  in  ordering  his  own  con- 
versation. 

King.  In  endeavouring  the  amendment  of  many 
things  in  the  land,  in  whose  days  a  council  was  kept 
at  York  for  reformation,  but  little  effected. 

31.  Hubert  Walter,  archbishop  of  Canterbury,  had  a.d.  1 198. 
almost  finished  a  fair  convent  for  monks  at  Lambeth,  convent, 
begun  by  Baldwin  his  predecessor  *".     But  instantly  ^^i^^J^ 
the  monks  of  Canterbury  are  all  up  in  anger  against 
him ;  they  feared  that  in  process  of  time  Lambeth 
would  prove  Canterbury,  (viz.  the  principal  place  of 
the  archbishop's  residence,)  to  the  great  impairing  of 
their  privileges  ;    the  vicinity  of  Lambeth  to  the 

PP  [Hoveden,  f.  428.  b.]  was  of  no  further  service,  by 
4  [John  was  condemned  by  the  mediation  of  his  mother 
the  solemn  judgment  of  his  was  taken  by  his  brother  into 
peers,  and  deprived  of  his  for-  favour :  "  a  quo  satis  fraterne 
mer  privileges.  Nftub.  iv.  42.  "  susceptus  ei  de  csetero  contra 
After  which  he  still  continued  "  regem  Francorum  fideliter  et 
in  hostility  against  his  brother,  **  fortiter  militavit,  priores  ex- 
and  served  against  him  under  *'  cessus  novis  ofiiciis  expians 
Philip  king  of  France,  till  the  **  et  fraternam  in  se  charitatem 
truce  between  that  prince  and  **  ad  plenum  reformans."  Neub. 
the  king  of  England ;  when  v.  5.  Hoved.  f.  248.] 
John  finding  no  longer  any  >■  [Xrivet.  I.  91,  134.  Hoved. 
countenance  from  the  king  of  f.  443.  This  church  was  found- 
France,  as  an  instrument  which  ed  in  honour  of  St.  Thomas.] 

k3 


134  The  Church  History  book  lu. 

A.  D.I  199.  court  increased  their  jealousy :  and  now  they  ply  the 

. ^pope  with  petitions,  and  with  what  makes  petitions 

to  take  effect  in  the  court  of  Rome ;  never  content 
till  they  had  obtained  (contrary  to  the  king's  and 
archbishop's  desire)  that  the  convent  at  Lambeth 
was  utterly  demolished;  many  bemoaning  the  un- 
timely end  thereof  before  it  was  ended,  murdered,  as 
one  may  say,  by  malicious  emulation. 
KingRi-  32.  The  death  of  king  Richard  is  variously  re- 
death,  ported,  but  this  relation  generally  received,  that  he 
lost  his  life  on  this  sad  occasion.  A  viscount  in 
France",  subject  to  king  Richard,  having  found  a  vast 
treasure,  (hid  probably  by  some  prince,  the  king's 
predecessor,)  sent  part  thereof  to  king  Richard,  re- 
serving the  rest  to  himself;  who,  could  he  have  con- 
cealed all,  had  made  no  discovery,  and  had  he  sent 
all,  had  got  no  displeasure;  whilst  hoping  by  this 
middle  way  to  pleasure  the  king,  and  profit  himself, 
he  did  neither.  King  Richard  disdains  to  take  part 
for  a  gift,  where  all  was  due ;  and  blame  him  not,  if 
having  lately  bled  so  much  money,  he  desired  to  fill 
his  empty  veins  again.  The  viscount  fled  into  Poictou, 
whither  the  king  following,  straitly  besieged  him. 
By  a  poi-  33.  The  castlo  beinff  reduced  to  distress,  a  soldier 
arrow.  shoots  a  poisoned  arrow,  contrary  to  the  law  of  arms, 
being  a  sharp  arrow  from  a  strong  bow  is  poison 
enough  of  itself,  without  any  other  addition.  But 
those  laws  of  arms  are  only  mutually  observed  in 
orderly  armies,  (if  such  to  be  found,)  and  such  laws 
outlawed  by  extremity ;  when  the  half-femished 
soldier,  rather  for  spite  than  hunger,  will  champ  a 

^  [Widomarus,  vicecomes  de  niclers  he  was  wounded  in  the 

Limoges.     Hoveden,    f.   449.  shoulder,  not  the  eye.  See  also 

Annales  Burton,  255.  Accord-  Hemingford,  ch.  93.] 
ing   to  these  and  other  chro- 


CENT.  XII.  of  Britain.  185 

bullet.   The  arrow  hits  king  Richard  in  the  eye,  who  a.d.  1199. 

died  some  days  after  on  the  anguish  thereof,  having '- 

first  forgiven  the  soldier  that  wounded  him. 

34.  By  will  he  made  a  tripartite  division  of  his  Jhe  thrw- 
body,  and  our  author  takes  upon  him  to  render  a  of  his 
reason  thereof*.     His  heart  he  bequeathed  to  Roan,"**^^ 
because   he   had   ever  found  that  city  hearty  and 
cordial  unto  him:  his  body  to  be  buried  at  Font- 
Evreux,  at  his  fether's  feet,  in  token  of  his  sorrow 

and  submission,  that  he  desired  to  be  as  it  were  his 
father^s  footstool :  his  bowels  to  be  buried  in  the  parish 
church  in  the  province  of  Poictou,  where  he  died, 
not  for  any  bowels  of  affection  he  bare  unto  them, 
but  because  he  would  leave  his  filth  and  excrements 
to  so  base  and  treacherous  a  place.  Others  more 
charitably  conceive  them  to  be  buried  there,  because 
conveniently  not  to  be  carried  thence,  whose  cor- 
ruption required  speedy  interment.  Another  monk 
telleth  us,  that  his  heart  was  grossitvdine  prcestans^^ 
"  gross  for  the  greatness  thereof;"  which  is  contrary 
to  the  received  opinion,  that  that  part  is  the  least  in 
a  valiant  man,  and  the  heart  of  a  lion  (this  Richard 
we  know  was  called  Coeur  de  lion,  or  lion-hearted) 
less  than  the  heart  of  an  hare. 

35.  I  find  two  epitaphs  made  upon  him,  the  first  hu  double 

epitaph  and 

(better  for  the  conceit  than  the  poetry  thereof)  thus  suooessor. 
concludeth : 

Sic  loca  per  trina  se  sparsit  tanta  ruina. 

Nee  fuit  hoc  fun  us  cui  sufBceret  locus  unus^. 

Three  places  thus  are  sharers  of  his  fall, 
Too  little,  one,  for  such  a  funeral. 

t  Mat.  Paris,  p- 195.  [Hove-     p.  1628.  QTwysden.] 
den  and  Hemingf.,  as  above.]  ^  Mille's  Catalogue  of  Ho- 

^  Gervasius   Dorobernensis,     nour,  p.  120. 

K  4 


186 


The  Church  History 


BOOIt  III. 


^•^'?'"*®  ^^^^  "*y  P^  ^'*'*  *  ^°^  P*®*®  **^  P°®**7 in 

lo  Ridi.  I. . ,     . 

that  age; 

Hie  Ricarde  jaoes,  sed  mors  si  cederet  armis 
Victa  timore  tui  oederet  ipsa  tuis*. 

Richard  thou  liest  here,  but  were  death  afraid 
Of  any  arms,  thy  arms  had  death  dismayed. 

Dying  issueless,  the  crown  after  his  death  should 
have  descended  to  Arthur,  duke  of  Bretagne,  as  son 
to  Geflfrey,  fourth  son  to  Henry  the  Second,  in  whose 
minority  John,  fifth  son  to  the  said  king,  seized  on 
the  crown,  keeping  his  nephew  Arthur  in  prison  till 
he  died  therein.  Thus  climbing  the  throne  against 
conscience,  no  wonder  if  he  sat  thereon  without 
comfort,  as  in  the  following  century,  God  willing, 
shall  appear  y. 


X  Camden's  Brit,  in  Oxford- 
shire, [p.  269.] 

y  [According  to  Trivet,  Ri- 
chard appointed  John  to  be 
his  heir,  Annal.  i.  135.  ("  Hae- 
res  legitimus^*'  R.  de  Diceto, 
p.  705.)  And  the  first  oc- 
casion of  animosity  between 
the  uncle  and  nephew  was  from 
Arthur's  aspiring  to  the  throne 
and  seizing  upon  the  country 
of  Anjou,  for  which  he  did 
fealty  to  Philip  king  of  France 
at  the  city  of  Le  Mans,  in 
1199.  ib.  139.  In  1201  a  dis- 
sension falling  between  the 
kings  of  France  and  England, 
Philip,  in  order  to  find  em- 
ployment for  his  opponent,  put 
Bretagne  into  the  hands  of 
Arthur,  exhorting  him  at  the 
same  time  to  seize  upon  Poic- 
tou  and  Anjou,  which  it  ap- 
pears he  had  lost;  for  the  pro- 
motion  of  which  object  Philip 


gave  him  two  hundred  men, 
and  a  large  sum  of  money. 
John  then  leavhfig  his  foreign 
enemies,  turned  his  arms 
against  Arthur  and  his  ad- 
herents, defeated  them,  and 
sent  Arthur  prisoner  to  Rouen, 
(ib.  143.)  where  he  died  in 
1203.  **  De  cujus  morte  regem 
"  Johannem  quidam  ejus  eemuli 
*'  infamarunt,"  such  are  the 
remarkable  words  of  Trivet. 
144.  Compare  also  Annales 
Burton,  p.  256. 

According  to  Matthew  Paris, 
in  the  vear  1200,  when  Ar- 
thur  was  thirteen  years  of  age, 
Philip  and  John  were  recon- 
ciled. John  is  permitted  to 
hold  without  disturbance  his 
Norman  possessions,  for  which 
he  does  homage  to  Philip, 
whilst  Arthur  does  homage  to 
John  for  his  lands  in  Bretagne 
and  elsewhere,  but  fearing  to 


CENT.  XII. 


of  Britain. 


137 


be  betrayed  by  John  remains  in 
the  custody  of  Philip  (Hist. 
Angl.  p.  200.) 

1 202.  The  friendship  is  but 
ill-patched  between  the  two 
kings.  At  a  conference  be- 
tween them  at  Guletnne, 
**  Rex  Francorum  contra  re- 
'*  gem  Anglorum  mortali  ar- 
<*  matus  odio/'  indignantly  or- 
dered (praecepit)  king  John 
to  restore  to  Arthur  earl  of 
Bretagne  all  the  lands  which 
he  held  (transmarinis  partibus), 
sc.  Normandy,  Touraine^  An- 
jou,  Poictou^  and  others,  and 
made  many  other  demands 
with  which  John  refused  to 
comply.  The  next  day  Philip 
attacks  Butavant  and  other 
castles  belonging  to  John,  and 
returning  to  Paris,  **  Arthurum 
''  sub  tutoribus  deputavit ;"  de- 
livers him  two  hundred  French 
soldiers^  to  make  an  attack  upon 
Poictou,  and  subjugate  that  and 
the  other  countries  to  his  own 
power.  The  nobility  of  Poic- 
tou  join  Arthur^  and  beleaguer 
queen  Eleanor  at  the  castle  of 
Mirabel.  Eleanor  sends  mes- 
sengers to  John  earnestly  re- 
questing assistance.    The  king 


goes  to  her  relief;  a  battle  A.  D.  1 199. 
takes  place ;  Arthur  and  the  i  John. 
French  are  defeated  and  taken ; 
Arthur  is  put  under  strict 
guard  at  Falaise.  At  Falaise 
the  king  has  an  interview  with 
his  nephew,  and  endeavours  by 
kind  words  and  promises  to 
induce  him  to  withdraw  from 
the  king  of  France  and  remain 
in  his  allegiance.  Arthur  fool- 
ishly (stulto  usus  consilio)  an- 
swered the  king  with  indigna- 
tion and  threats ;  demands  of 
John  that  he  should  restore  him 
the  kingdom  with  all  the  lands 
which  king  Richard  held  at  the 
day  of  his  death.  And  inasmuch 
as  all  these  things  were  his 
just  inheritance,  he  swore  that 
unless  he  speedily  restored 
them  the  king  should  never  en. 
joy  a  durable  peace.  At  these 
words  John  was  greatly  disturb- 
ed :  and  gave  orders  that  Arthur 
should  be  sent  to  Rouen, 
where  he  was  detained  in  closer 
custody.  "  Sed  non  multo 
"  post  idem  Arthurus  subito 
"  evanuit  modo  fere  omnibus 
*^  ignorato  :  utinam  non  ut 
"  fama  refert  invida."  207-8.] 


THE  THIRTEENTH  CENTURY. 


TO 


MR.  JOHN  ROBINSON 


OF 


MILK  STREET  IN  LONDON.  MERCHANT.a 

Divines  generaJly  excuse  the  dumb  man^  cured  by  Christy 
Jbr  publishing  the  same^  tJumgh  contrary  to  his  command, 
Theophylact  goes  Jkirther  in  his  comment  on  the  text, 
biba<rK6fjL€0a  ivT€vO€V^  Krjpi(r(r€iv  Koi  <prifJLt(€iv  tovs  iyaOo- 
TToirja^ivras  k&v  iK€ivot  jut^  OiktacriVj  '*  Hence  we  are  taught ^ 
saith  hCf  "  to  proclaim  and  spread  the  Jame  qfotir  bene- 


*  [Arms  vert,  on  a  chevron 
or  three  trefoils  of  the  first, 
between  three  bucks  passant  of 
the  second.  This  Mr.  Robin- 
son^ who  was  an  alderman^  was 
a  great  friend  to  the  loyal 
cl^rgj)  ^^^  befriended  the  ce- 
lebrated  Anthony  Farindon,  by 
procuring  him  the  living  of 
St.  Mary  Magdalen,  Milk- 
street»  Cheapside.  He  was 
afterwards  knighted,  accord- 
ing to  Wood,  (Athenae,!!.  226, 
who  calls  him  kinsman  to 
Dr.  Laud.)  There  was  a  John 
Robinson  alderman  and  lord 
mayor,  who  was  lieutenant  oi 
the  Tower  in  1660,  and  made 
a  baronet  the  same  year.     He 


was  the  son  of  Dr.  William 
Robinson,  prebendary  of  West- 
minster, half-brother  to  arch- 
bishop Laud  (Heylyn's  Life  of 
Laud,  p.  46.),  and  is  the  same 
person  to  whom  Heylyn  dedi- 
cated his  Life  of  Laud.  I  have 
little  doubt  but  that  these  two 
sir  John's  were  one  and  the 
same  person,  though  my  friend 
Mr.  Barham  informs  me  that 
the  coat  of  the  latter  was  en- 
tirely  different  from  the  former, 
viz.  Vert,  a  buck  at  gaze,  or; — ' 
the  coat  still  borne  by  my 
friend  Mr.  Robinson  of  Hart- 
street,  Bloomsbury.] 
^  Mark  vii,  36. 


CENT.  XIII.  of  Britain.  139 

"JactoTi,  though  they  themselves  be  unwilling^  On 
which  account  I  tafely  may,  and  Justly  must,  publicly 
acknowledge  your  bounty  to  me. 

IS  Chriatmas  king  John  kept  at  Guild- a.  d.  1199. 

ford,  where   he   bestowed   many  new^! ^L 

holyday-liverieB  on  his  guard,  and  Hu-i„dJ]|^ 
hert  the  archbishop  gave  the  like  to^^*^^ 
his  eervants  at  Canterbury ;  who  of- 
fended the  king  not  a  little,  that  the  mitre  should 
ape  the  crown,  and  the  chaplain  vie  gallantry  with 
his  patron.  To  make  some  amends,  when  the  king 
and  queen  the  Easter  following  were  crowned  at 
Canterbury,  Hubert  made  them  magnificent,  yea, 
superfluous  cheer''.  Yet  his  offence  herein  carried 
an  excuse  in  it ;  and  superfluity  at  that  time  seemed 
but  needful  to  do  penance  for  his  former  profuse- 
ness ;  and  to  shew  that  his  loyalty  in  entertaining  of 
the  king  should  surpass  his  late  vanity,  in  ostentation 
of  his  wealth.  However,  when  king  John  had  di- 
gested the  archbishop's  dainty  cheer,  the  memory  of 
his  servants'  coats  still  stuck  in  his  stomach.  Surely 
if  clergymen  had  left  all  emulation  with  the  laity  in 
outward  pomp,  and  applied  themselves  only  to  piety 
and  painAilness  in  their  calling,  they  had  found  as 
many  to  honour,  as  now  they  made  to  envy  them. 

2.  But  now  we  enter  on  one  of  the  saddest  tra-A.D.  1105. 
gedies  that  ever  was  acted  in  England,  occasioned  by  betwixt  the 
the  monks  of  Canterbury,  after  the  decease  of  Hu-  '^^,^-, 
bertS  about  the  election  of  a  new  archbishop.  O  thatT"*^"*^ 
their  monkish  controversies  had  been  confined  to  ad^ngmnu 
cloister,  or  else  so  enjoined  a  single  life,  that  their 


•i  Mat.  Parrs,  Hist.  Ang.  in         =  [He  died  this  year.  Chron. 
mno  1 201 .  Lanercost.  1  ] 


140  The  Church  History  book  hi. 

A.D.  1305.  local  discords  might  never  have  begotten  any  national 

^  dissensions.     Behold  (saith  the  apostle)  how  great  a 

matter  a  little  fire  kindleth\  especially  after  a  long 
drought,  when  every  thing  it  meets  is  tinder  for  it 
All  things  at  home  (besides  foreign  concurrences) 
conspired  to  inflame  the  difference :  king  John,  rather 
stubborn  than  valiant,  was  unwilling  to  lose,  yet 
unable  to  keep  his  right;  the  nobility  potent  and 
fitctious ;  the  clergy  looking  at  London,  but  rowing 
to  Rome :  carrying  Italian  hearts  in  English  bodies : 
the  commons  pressed  with  present  grievances,  gene- 
rally desirous  of  change;  conceiving  any  alteration 
must  be  for  their  advantage,  barely  because  an 
alteration.  All  improved  the  discord  so  long,  till 
Normandy  was  lost ;  England  embroiled ;  the  crown 
thereof  envassalled ;  the  king's  person  destroyed ;  his 
posterity  endangered ;  foreigners  fetched  in  to  insult, 
and  native  subjects  made  slaves  to  their  insolencies. 
Two  arch-  3.  The  youngcr  of  the  monks  of  Canterbury,  in 
chown^by  the  night  time,  without  the  king's  knowledge  or 
of  Canter!  couscut,  chosc  Reginald  their  sub-prior  to  be  arch- 
bury,  and  bishop®.     The  seniors  of  their  convent  solemnly,  at 

the  pope  ^  ^^ 

propound,  a  Canonical  hour,  with  the  approbation,  yea  commen- 
dation of  the  king,  chose  John  de  Gray  bishop  of 
Norwich  for  the  place ;  and  both  sides  post  to  Rome 
for  the  pope's  confirmation.  He  finding  them  violent 
in  their  ways,  to  prevent  further  faction,  advised 

A.D.  1207. them  to  pitch  on  a  third  man;  Stephen  Langton, 
bom  in  England,  but  bred  in  France,  lately  chan- 

d  James  iii.  5.  him  the  17th  of  June.     Upon 

«  [Trivet,  i.  149.  According  which  John^  who  favoured  the 

to   Trivet    the  pope  appoint-  bishop   of  Norwich,    expelled 

ed  Langton  to  the  see,  '*  pos-  the  monks   from   their    mon- 

"  tulantibus  monachis  ejusdem  astery,  and  forbade  Langton  to 

*' ecclesise/'    and    consecrated  enter  England,  151.] 


CENT.  XIII,  of  Britain.  141 

cellor  of  the  university  of  Paris,  and  sithence  made  a.  d.  1207. 
cardinal   of  St.  Chrysogone.     Which  expedient  or  "* 


middle  way,  though  carrying  a  plausible  pretence  of 
peace,  would  by  the  consequence  thereof  improve 
the  pope's  power,  by  invading  the  imdoubted  privi- 
leges of  king  John.  The  monks  soberly  excused 
themselves,  that  they  durst  not  proceed  to  an  election 
without  the  king's  consent,  but  affiighted  at  last 
with  the  high  threats  of  his  holiness  menacing  them 
with  excommunication,  Stephen  Langton  was  chosen 
accordingly.  One  that  wanted  not  ability  for  the 
place,  but  rather  had  too  much,  as  king  John  con- 
ceived, having  his  high  spirit  in  suspicion,  that  he 
would  be  hardly  managed. 

4.  Then  two  letters  were  dispatched  from  the  pope  The  pope 

sends  two 

to  the  king^.     The  first  had  nothing  of  business,  but  letters  of 
compliment,  and  four  gold  rings  with  several  stones ;  S^^^^to 
desiring  him  rather  to  mind  the  mystery,  than  value  ^^  ^^^' 
the  worth  of  the  present ;  wherein  the  round  form 
signified  eternity,  their  square   number  constancy, 
the  green  smaragd  faith,  the  clear  sapphire  hope,  the 
red  granite  charity,  the  bright  topaz  good  works. 
How  precious  these  stones  were  in  themselves  is 
imcertain ;  most  sure  it  is  they  proved  dear  to  king 
John,  who  might  beshrew  his  own  fingers  for  ever 
wearing  those  rings,  and,  a«  my  author  saith  soon 
after,  gemmce  commviatcB  in  gemittis^.     For  in  the 
second  letter  the  pope  recommended  Stephen  Lang- 
ton  to  the  king's  acceptance,  closely  couching  threats 
in  case  he  refused  him. 

5.  Banff  John  returned  an  answer  full  of  stomach  King 

®  John's 

and  animosity,  that  this  was  an  intolerable  encroach-  return, 

e  [See  the  Foedera,  I.  93.]     ^  Mat.  Paris  in  anno  1207.  p.  223. 


14ft  The  Church  HiMiary  book  hi. 

A.  D,  1 207.  meat  on  his  crown  and  dignity,  which  he  neither 

8  John* 


could  nor  would  digest,  to  have  a  stranger,  unknown 

roisioir  bis 

j^uu^ounto  him,  bred  in  foreign  parts,  fiimiliar  with  the 
uVIl  French  king  his  sworn  enemj,  obtruded  upon  him 
for  an  archbishop.  He  minded  the  pope  that  he 
had  plenty  of  prelates  in  the  kingdom  of  England 
sufficiently  provided  in  all  kind  of  knowledge,  and 
that  he  need  not  to  go  abroad  to  seek  for  judgment 
and  justice,  intimating  an  intended  defection  from 
Rome  in  case  he  was  wronged.  Other  passages 
were  in  his  letter  which  deserved  memory,  had  they 
been  as  vigorously  acted  as  valiantly  spoken.  Whereas 
now  (because  he  foully  failed  at  last)  judicious  ears 
hearken  to  his  words  no  otherwise,  than  to  the 
empty  brags  of  impotent  anger,  and  the  vain  evapo- 
rations of  his  discontentment.  However,  he  began 
high,  not  only  banishing  the  monks  of  Canterbury 
for  their  contempt  out  of  his  kingdom,  but  also 
forbidding  Stephen  Langton  from  once  entering  into 
England. 
A. D.  1208.  6.  Hereupon  pope  Innocent  the  Third  employed 
shops  by'  three  bishops,  William  of  London,  Eustace  of  Ely, 
J^^^°^^  and  Mauger  of  Worcester,  to  give  the  king  a  serious 
pope  inter-  admonition,  and  upon  his  denial  or  delaying  to 
whole  king- receive  Stephen  Langton  for  archbishop,  to  proceed 
to  interdict  the  kingdom  of  all  ecclesiastical  service, 
saving  baptism  of  children,  confession  and  the  eu- 
charist  to  the  djdng  in  case  of  necessity :  which  by 
them  was  performed  accordingly  8f.  No  sooner  had 
they  interdicted  the  kingdom,  but  with  Joceline 
bishop  of  Bath,  and  Giles  of  Hereford,  they  as 
speedily  as  secretly  got  them  out  of  the  land,  like 
adventurous  empirics,  imwilling  to  wait  the  working 

8f  [Ann.  de  Margan.  et  Ann.  Waverl.  in  an.  1208.] 


CENT.  XIII.  of  Britain,  143 

of  their  desperate  physic;  except  any  will  compare  a.  d.hos. 

them  to  fearful  hoys,  which  at  the  first  trial  set  fire 

to  their  squihs  with  their  fia^es  backwards,  and  make 
fiaust  away  from  them.  But  the  worst  was,  they 
must  leave  their  lands  and  considerable  moveables  in 
the  kingdom  behind  them. 

1.  See  now  on  a  sudden  the  sad  face  of  the  Eng-  England*! 
lish  church,  A  face  without  a  tongue ;  no  singing und»hi. 
of  service,  no  saying  of  mass,  no  reading  of  prayers ;  *®^*^®°- 
as  for  preaching  of  sermons,  the  laziness  and  igno- 
rance of  those  times  had  long  before  interdicted 
them.  None  need  pity  the  living,  (hearing  the  im- 
patient complaints  of  lovers,  for  whose  marriage  no 
license  could  be  procured,)  when  he  looks  on  the 
dead,  who  were  buried  in  ditches,  like  dogs,  without 
any  prayers  said  upon  them^.  True,  a  well  informed 
Christian  knows  ftdl  well  that  a  corpse,  though  cast 
in  a  bog,  shall  not  stick  there  at  the  day  of  judg- 
ment ;  thrown  into  a  wood,  shall  then  find  out  the 
way ;  buried  by  the  highway's  side,  is  in  the  ready 
road  to  the  resurrection.  In  a  word,  that  where- 
soever a  body  be  put  or  placed,  it  will  equally  take 
the  alarum  at  the  last  trumpet.  Yet  seeing  these 
people  believed  that  a  grave  in  consecrated  ground 
was  a  good  step  to  heaven,  and  were  taught  that 
prayers  after  their  death  were  essential  to  their  sal- 
vation, it  must  needs  put  strange  fears  into  the 
heads  and  hearts,  both  of  such  which  deceased,  and 
their  friends  which  survived  them.  And  although 
afterwards  at  the  entreaty  of  Stephen  Langton  the 

^  '*  Corpora  quoque  defiinc-  "  tionibus  et  sacerdotum  min- 

'•  torum  de  civitatibus  et  villis  "  isterio  sepeliebantur."    Mat. 

"  efferebantur,  et  more  canum  Paris,  p.  226. 
"  in  biviis  et  fossatis  sine  ora- 


144 


Tlie  Church  History 


BOOK  iir. 


A.D.  1 208.  pope  indulged  to  conventual  churches  to  have  service 

!ll«  once  a  w^eek,  yet  parish  churches,  where  the  people's 

need  was  as  much,  and  number  far  more,  of  fik>uls,  as 
dear  in  God's  sight,  were  debarred  of  that  benefit^ 
^o  grand     g.  Somo  pricsts  woro  well  pleased  that  the  inter- 
wrwight  by  dictiou  for  a  time  should  continue,  as  which  would 

thif  inter-  1         1     •  1       1  • 

diction,  render  then*  persons  and  places  m  more  reputation, 
and  procure  a  higher  valuation  of  holy  mysteries. 
Yea,  this  fasting  would  be  wholesome  to  some  souls, 
who  afterwards  would  feed  on  divine  service  with 
greater  appetite.  Hereby  two  grand  effects  were 
generally  produced  in  the  kingdom.  One,  a  terrible 
impression  made  in  men's  minds  of  the  pope's  power, 
which  they  had  often  heard  o^  and  now  saw  and 
felt,  whose  long  arm  could  reach  from  Bbme  all  over 
England,  and  lock  the  doors  of  all  churches  there ; 
an  emblem,  that  in  like  mann^  he  had,  or  might 
have  bolted  the  gates  of  heaven  against  them.  The 
second,  an  alienation  of  the  people's  hearts  from  king 
John,  all  behig  ready  to  complain ;  O  cruel  tyrant 
over  the  souls  of  his  subjects,  whose  wUftdness  ile- 
priveth  them  of  the  means  of  their  salvation ! 

KingJohn'8     Q.   Howcver,   if  things    be   well  weighed,   king 

innocence     t  i  •!!  1  •  •         v» 

and  the     Johu  Will  appear  merely  passive  m  this  matter, 

jiXjein"   suffering  unjustly,  because  he  would  not  willingly 

^^P"*-  part  with  his  undoubted  right.     Besides,   suppose 

him  guilty,  what  equity  was  it,  that  so  many  thou- 


i  [Parker;]  Antiq.  Brit.  p. 
237.  [But  the  Chronicon  de 
Lanercost  represents  it  some- 
what differently,  that  divine  ser- 
vice was  performed  only  once  a 
week  in  the  abbey-churches, 
all  laymen  being  religiously 
excluded.  "  Quo  anno  [sc. 
'*  1 209.]  ob  mitigatiouem  data 


"  est  licentia  a  domino  papa 
'*  in  abbatiis  per  Angliam  se- 
''  mel  in  hebdomada  divina  ce- 
*'  lebrare,  voce  submissa,  januis 
"  clausis,  exclusis  seculari- 
''  bus."  p.  5.  Shortly  after 
the  pope  also  permitted  the 
eucharist  to  be  administered  to 
persons  in  extremity.  lb.  6.] 


Sect.xiik  of  Britain.  145 

sands  in  England,  who  in  this  particular  case  might  a.  d.  1208. 
better  answer  to  the  name  of  Innocent  than  hi8_£-l^ 
holiness  himself,  should  be  involved  in  his  pimish- 
ment  ?  God  indeed  sometimes  most  justly  punisheth 
subjects  for  the  defaults  of  their  sovereigns,  as  in  the 
case  of  the  plague,  destroying  the  people  for  David's 
numbering  of  them.  But  it  appears  in  the  text^ 
that  formerly  they  had  been  offenders  and  guilty 
before  God,  as  all  men  at  all  times  are.  But  seeing 
the  English  at  this  present  had  not  injured  his  holi- 
ness by  any  personal  offence  against  him,  the  pope 
by  interdicting  the  whole  realm,  discovered  as  much 
emptiness  of  charity  as  plenitude  of  power.  But  some 
will  say,  his  bounty  is  to  be  praised  that  he  permitted 
the  people  some  sacraments,  who  might  have  denied 
them  all,  in  rigour,  and  with  as  much  right ;  yea,  it 
is  well  he  interdicted  not  Ireland  also,  as  a  country 
under  king  John's  dominion,  deserving  to  smart  for 
the  perverseness  of  their  prince  placed  over  it. 

10.  But  after  the  continuance  of  this  interdiction,  a.  d.  mo. 

-  -   -  King  John 

a  year  and  upwards,  the  horror  thereof  began  to  by  name 
abate.  Use  made  ease,  and  the  weight  was  the^|™S^^" 
lighter,  borne  by  many  shoulders.  Yea,  the  pope 
perceived  that  king  John  would  never  be  weary  with 
his  single  share  in  a  general  burden,  and  therefore 
proceeded  nominatim  to  excommunicate  him  I  For 
now  his  holiness  had  his  hand  in,  having  about  this 
time  excommunicated  Otho  the  German  emperor; 
and  if  the  imperial  cedar  had  so  lately  been  blasted 

k  Compare  the  2  Sam.  xxiv.  p.  5,  and   a  remarkable  dia- 

1.  with  the  I  Chron.  xxi.  i.  logue  between  the  king  and 

J  [Trivet.  I.   1 54.     See  an  Pandulphus,   in  the  Ann.  of 

account   of    this   excommuni.  Waverley     and     Burton,     a. 

cation  in  Chron.  de  Lanercost,  1 2 1 1 .] 

FULLER,  VOL.  II.  L 


146  The  Ckmwdk  MKaimy  book  hi. 

A.p.iito.wilh  his  thundetbcdtSs  no  wonder  if  the  TCngliali  oak 

.i^! f^lt  the  sune  fire.    He  mbo  asmled  sU  Kngliftli  gnb- 

jects  firom  their  lU^rimee  to  king  Jc^m,  and  gave 
not  onlT  liceifese  bat  eDeoungement  to  any  foreigners 
to  invade  the  land,  so  that  it  shoold  not  onlj  be  no 
sin  in  th^oo.  bnt  an  eiqpwting  of  all  th^  other  sins 
to  conquer  England.  Thus  the  ipcffe  gaye  them  a 
title;  and  let  their  own  swoids  by  knigfat-^ervice  get 
thMDi  a  tenuie**. 
Y«t  ^  11.  FiTe  ^neais  JSd  king  John  He  under  this  sen- 

fM4«w«M»ti»(ice  of  exrommnnieation.  in  which  time  we  find 
y^^  him  mcMt^  fortunate  in  hi$  nardal  afiirs  than  either 
'i***^  be&>w  or  after*  For  he  made  a  sacceasful  Toyage 
into  In4and^  as  gfeedy  a  giaTe  for  KngBrfi  corps  as 
a  K4tottik^  Va^  for  their  coin :  and  was  Tery  tri- 
AiVinuum)>ham  in  a  Wel$h  expedition,  and  stood  on 
koiiouiahle  tenagi  in  aU  forei^  leiations.  For  as  he 
k^^  In^lMid  under  hfe  foel;.  and  Wales  under  his 
^bow^  $ii>  he  ^^htaked  hauds^  in  &t  fiienddiip  with 
Sc^^laud.  and  kept  FVance  at  aims  end  witiioat 
^TU^  hiihcittL^  any  c\>Kideiahle  adrantage  against 
KiiUv  TW  w\w^  w;fe$w  wit  daring  to  rqiose  trust  in 
hi$  ^mt^ecf^  he  w;a$^  foire«l  lo  euiiHtain  fordgn^rs, 
which  0m^  hb  c\wi$tant  anxieCT:  as  those  n»ther 
$<aiiH)  $iif^  uikW  ^^  :$a£^  wW  nw^t  more  to  a  staff  than 
tW^v  k«u  vi«i  iImw  k^  IW^ale^  m  |hit  these  mer- 
<viKMy  ^4JKw^  he  impdisi^  umcon^ioiiible  taxes, 
KmK  vi«i  thi^  Ki9^:&h  v^^'^^^  e^pmalhr)  and  Jews  in 

«^    ^l^    %>^^  W  Wl    ittil    Imi  ^Baed  $sx    Teus»  three 
I^^MM^  ^MMK*  4(  MiMrjbi.  mtiii^ww    itoMtoi^  jflw  iCvealMs  days.] 
^"^  Wmnk^  ¥tk^  W^  i^(f«is        ^  \\»l  iKiwag^lt  die  wbole 

»Tt^y^.  I.  x>^.V  >*WA  ^«i«^    T»«^  " 


> 
% 


CSNT.  XIII. 


of  Britain. 


147 


the  kinirdom^  One  Jew  there  was  of  BristolP  vehe-A.D.  lan. 
mently  su£^>ected  for  wealth,  though  there  was  no  " 
clear  evidence  thereof  against  him,  of  whom  the 
king  demanded  ten  thousand  marks  of  silver,  and 
upon  his  refusal,  commanded  that  every  day  a  tooth 
with  intolerable  torture  should  be  drawn  out  of  his 
head;  which  being  done  seven  several  times,  on  the 
eighth  day  he  confessed  his  wealth,  and  payed  the 
fine  demanded ;  who  yielding  sooner,  had  saved  his 
teeth,  or  stubborn  longer,  had  spared  his  money; 
now  having  both  his  purse  and  his  jaw  empty  by  the 
bargain.  Condemn  we  here  man's  cruelty  and  ad- 
mire heaven's  justice;  for  all  these  sums  extorted 
from  the  Jews  by  temporal  kings  are  but  paying 
their  arrearages  to  God  for  a  debt  they  can  never 
satisfy,  namely,  the  crucifying  of  Christ<i. 

12.  About  the  same  time  one  Peter  of  Wakefield  a  d.  ma. 
in  Yorkshire,  a  hermit,  prophesied  that  John  should  phecy  of 
be  king  of  England  no  longer  than  next  Ascension-  w^efidd 
day,  after  which  solemn  festival,  on  which  Christ  ^^V^ 
mounted  on  his  glorious  throne  took  possession  of 
his  heavenly  kingdom,  this  opposer  of  Christ  should 
no  longer  enjoy  the  English  diadem.     And  as  some 
report;-  he  foretold  that  none  of  king  John's  lineage 
should  after  him  be  crowned  in  the  kingdom.    The 
king  called  this  prophet  an  idiot-knave"*;  which  de- 
scription of  him,  implying  a  contradiction,  the  king 
thu9  reconciled,  pardoning  him  as  an  idiot,  and 


o  [Ann.  Waverl.  in  1210. 
On  his  return  from  Ireland 
29th  of  August,  he  laid  a  heavy 
exfiction  on  the  abbeys  and  re- 
ligious houses,  particularly  the 
Cistercians.  Triv.  I.  154.] 
'  P  Mat.  Paris^  in  anno  1 2 1  o. 


q  pn  1 210  all  the  Jews 
were  apprehended,  their  goods 
confiscated,  and  they  them- 
selves by  a  public  edict  banish- 
ed from  England.  Trivet.  154.] 

'  Fox,  Acts,  &c.  I.  p.  229. 
[Mat.  Paris,  in  an.  1212.] 

l2 


148  The  Church  History  book  in. 

A.D.  1213.  punishing  him   as  a  knave  with  imprisonment  in 

— ^ Corfe  castle.     The  fetters  of  the  prophet  gave  wings 

to  his  prophecy,  and  whereas  the  king's  neglecting  it 
might  have  puffed  this  vain  prediction  into  wind,  men 
began  now  to  suspect  it  of  some  solidity,  because 
deserving  a  wise  prince's  notice  and  displeasure. 
Far  and  near  it  was  dispersed  over  the  whole  king- 
dom, it  being  generally  observed  •,  that  the  English 
nation  are  most  superstitious  in  believing  such 
reports,  which  causeth  them  to  be  more  common 
here  than  in  other  countries.  For  as  the  receiver 
makes  the  thief,  so  popular  credulity  occasioneth 
this  prophetical  vanity,  and  brokers  would  not  set 
such  base  ware  to  sale  but  because  they  are  sure  to 
light  on  chapmen. 
AD.  1913.  13.  Leave  we  the  person  of  this  Peter  in  a  dark 
John'B  rob-  duugeou,  and  his  credit  as  yet  in  the  twilight,  be- 
JJJJ^^^  twixt  prophet  and  impostor,  to  behold  the  miserable 
condition  of  king  John,  perplexed  with  the  daily 
preparation  of  the  French  king's  invasion  of  England, 
assisted  by  many  English  malecontents  and  all  the 
banished  bishops*.  Good  patriots,  who,  rather  than 
the  fire  of  their  revenge  should  want  fiiel,  would 
bum  their  own  country  which  bred  them !  Hereupon 
king  John  having  his  soul  battered  without  with 
foreign  fears,  and  foundered  within  by  the  falseness 
of  his  subjects,  sunk  on  a  sudden  beneath  himself  to 
an  act  of  unworthy  submission  and  subjection  to  the 
pope.  For  on  Ascension  eve,  May  15,  being  in  the 
town  of  Dover,  standing  as  it  were  on  tiptoes,  on  the 
utmost  edge,  brink  and  label  of  that  land,  which  now 

"  Cominseus   saith,  that  the     moires  de  Phil,  de  Commines^ 
English    are     never     without     f.  18a.  b.  ed.  1577.] 
some  prophecy  on  foot.     [M^-         *  [Trivet.  1. 15 70 


CENT.  XIII.  of  Britain.  149 

he  was  about  to  surrender,  king  John  by  an  instru- a.d.  1113. 

ment  or  charter  %  sealed  and  solemnly  delivered  in ^ 

the  presence  of  many  prelates  and  nobles  to  Pan- 
dulphus  the  pope's  legate,  granted  to  God  and  the 
church  of  Rome,  the  apostles  Peter  and  Paul,  and  to 
pope  Innocent  the  Third  and  his  successors,  the 
whole  kingdom  of  England  and  Ireland.  And  took 
an  estate  thereof  back  again,  yielding  and  paying 
yearly  to  the  church  of  Rome,  over  and  above  the 
Peter-pence,  a  thousand  marks  sterling,  viz.  700  for 
England,  and  300  for  Ireland.  In  the  passing  hereof 
this  ceremony  is  observable,  that  the  king's  instru- 
ment to  the  pope  was  sealed  with  a  seal  of  gold^, 
and  the  pope's  to  the  king,  which  I  have  beheld  and 
perused,  remammg  amongst  many  rarities  in  the  earl 
of  Arundel's  library,  was  sealed  with  a  seal  of  lead. 
Such  bargains  let  them  look  for  who  barter  with  his 
holiness,  always  to  be  losers  by  the  contract.  Thy 
sUveVj  saith  the  prophet,  is  become  dross^ :  and  here 
was  the  change  of  Glaucus  and  Diomedes  made,  as 
in  the  sequel  of  the  history  will  appear. 

14.  Yet  we  find  not  that  this  fee-farm  of  a  thou-  The  rent 
sand  marks  was  ever  paid,  either  by  king  John  or  by  the  pope, 
his  successors,  but  that  it  is  all  run  on  the  score  even  ^ded  by 
unto  this  present  day.     Not  that  the  pope  did  remit  ^"^ 
it  out  of  his  free  bounty,  but  for  other  reasons  was 
rather  contented   to    have   them    use    his    power 
therein.     Perchance   suspecting  the  English  kings 
would  refuse  to  pay  it,  he  accounted  it  more  honour 

▼  [This  instrument  is  exem-  wax,   and   the   next  year   so* 

plified  in  Trivet,  1. 158.   Ann.  lemnly  embossed   with   metal 

Waverl.  in  a.  T2  13,  and  in  the  in   the   presence  of  Nicholas 

Foedera,  1. 1 1 1 .]  the  pope's  legate. 

^  Both  instruments  for  the  ^  Isai.  i.  22. 
present  were  but  sealed  with 

l3 


150  Th€  Church  History  book  in. 

A.D.  f sf3.  not  to  demand  it  than  to  be  denied  it.  Or  it  may  be 
'^  ^^^'  his  holiness  might  conceive,  that  accepting  of  this 
money  might  colourably  be  extended  to  the  catting 
him  off  from  all  other  profits  he  might  gain  in  the 
kingdom.  The  truth  is,  he  did  scorn  to  take  so  poor 
a  revenue  per  annum  out  of  two  kingdoms,  but 
did  rather  endeavour  to  convert  all  the  profits  of 
both  lauds  to  his  own  use,  as  if  he  had  been  seized 
of  all  in  demesnes. 
TImi  prmid  15.  At  the  same  time  king  John  on  his  knees  sur- 
Piw^^^  rendered  the  crown  of  England  into  the  hands  of 
ttr.^****  Pandulphus,  and  also  presented  him  with  some 
money  as  the  earnest  of  his  subjection,  which  the 
proud  prelate  trampled  under  his  feet^.  A  gesture 
applauded  by  some,  as  shewing  how  much  his  holi- 
ness, whom  he  personated,  slighted  worldly  wealth, 
caring  as  little  for  king  John's  coin,  as  his  prede- 
cessor St.  Peter*  did  for  the  money  of  Simon  Magus. 
Others,  and  especially  Henry  archbishop  of  Dublin, 
then  present,  were  both  grieved  and  angry  thereat, 
as  an  intolerable  affront  to  the  king  ;  and  there 
wanted  not  those  who  condemned  his  pride  and 
hypocrisy,  knowing  Pandulphus  to  be  a  most  greedy 
griper,  as  appeared  by  his  unconscionable  oppression 
in  the  bishopric  of  Norwich,  which  was  afterwards 
bestowed  upon  himy.  And  perchance  he  trampled 
on  it,  not  as  being  money,  but  because  no  greater 
sum  thereof.    Five  days,  namely.  Ascension  day,  and 

"^  Matt.  Paris,  p.  237.  for  his  text  these  words:  In 
*  Acts  viii.  20.  Deo  speravit  cor  meum,  et  ad- 
y  [An  instance  of  his  unpo.  jutus  sum  et  rejloruit  caro  mea : 
pularity  is  mentioned  in  the  on  which  one  starting  up  ex- 
Ann,  of  Waverley,  p.  178.  claimed  aloud :  per  77tor/em  Det 
When  the  legate  was  preaching  mentiris,  nunquam  cortuum  spe* 
at  Westminster,  after  abro-  ravit  in  DeOf  Sec."] 
gating  the  interdict,  he  took 


CENT.  XIII.  of  Britain.  151 

four  days  after,  Pandulplius  kept  the  crown  in  hisA.D.  1113. 

possession,  and  then  restored  it  to  king  John  again. 

A  long  eclipse  of  royal  lustre ;  and  strange  it  is,  that 
no  bold  monk  in  his  blundering  chronicles  did  not 
adventure  to  place  king  Innocent,  with  his  five  days, 
reign,  in  the  catalogue  of  English  kings,  seeing  they 
have  written  what  amounts  to  as  much  in  this  matter. 

16.  Now  all  the  dispute  was,  whether  Peter  of  Peter  the 
Wakefield  had  acquitted  himself  a  true  prophet  or]^^^ 
no.      The  romanized  faction  were   zealous  in  his^^^^ 
behalf,  John  after  that  day  not  being  king  in  the<^*P"^- 
same  sense  and  sovereignty  as  before,  not  free  but 
feodary,  not  absolute,  but  dependent  on  the  pope, 
whose  legate  possessed  the  crown  for  the  time  being, 

so  that  his  prediction  was  true  in  that  lawful  latitude 
justly  allowed  to  all  prophecies.  Others,  because 
the  king  was  neither  naturally  nor  civilly  dead,  con- 
demned him  of  forgery;  for  which,  by  the  king's 
command,  he  was  dragged  at  the  horse-tail  from 
Corfe  castle,  and  with  his  son  hanged  in  the  town  of 
Wareham*.  A  punishment  not  undeserved,  if  he 
foretold  (as  some  report)  that  none  of  the  line  or 
lineage  of  king  John  should  after  be  crowned  in 
England;  of  whose  offspring  some  shall  flourish  in 
free  and  full  power  on  the  English  throne,  when  the 
chair  of  pestilence  shall  be  burnt  to  ashes ;  and  nei- 
ther triple-crown  left  at  Rome  to  be  worn,  nor  any 
head  there  which  shall  dare  to  wear  it. 

17.  Next   year  the   interdiction  was   taken  offA.D.1214, 
the  kingdom,  and  a  general  jubilee  of  joy  all  o ver  ^j^j^^q^J  o^" 
the  land*.     Banished  bishops  being  restored  to  their ^^^* 

*  Mat.  Paris  ut  prius.  [Ann.  poralities  were  restored  (Tri- 
Waverleiens.  and  Wikes  in  a.  vet,  I.  160.),  nor  were  they 
1 2 13.]  perfectly  satisfied  when  John 

a  [The  clergy  would  not  re-  obtained  from  the  papal  see  a 
lax  tiie  interdict  till  their  tern-     relaxation  of  the  interdict  on 

L  4 


15C  Tke  Ckmrtk  HiMimy  book  ui . 

A.  D.  1314-8668,  senice  and  saeramentB  beii^  administered  in 
— the  church  as  before.     But  small  reascm  had  king 


John  to  rejoice,  being  come  out  of  God's  blessing,  of 
whom  before  he  immediately  held  the  crown  into 
the  warm  sun,  or  rather  scorching  heat  of  the  pope's 
protection,  which  proTed  little  beneficial  unto  him. 
Tbepope^t      18.  A  brawl  happened  betwixt  him  and  the  ba- 
tntcs  the   nishcd  bishops,  now  returned  home,  about  satis&ction 
Xm^ihft    for  their  arrears,  and  reparation  of  their  damages 
^2|^    during  the  interdiction;   all  which  term  the  king 
had  retained  their  revenues  in  his  hands.    To  mode- 
rate this  matter,  Nicholas  a  Tusculan  cardinal  and 
legate  was  employed  by  the  pope ;  who  after  many 
meetings  and  synods  to  audit  their  accounts,  reduced 
all  at  last  to  the  gross  sum  of  forty  thousand  marks, 
the  restoring  whereof  by  the  king  unto  them  was 
thus  divided  into  three  payments  ". 

i.  Twelve  thousand  marks  Pandulphus  carried  over 
with  him  into  France,  and  delivered  them  to  the 
bishops  before  their  return. 

ii.  Fifteen  thousand  were  paid  down  at  the  late 
meeting  in  Reading. 

iii.  For  the  thirteen  thousand  remaining  they  had 
the  king's  oath,  bond,  and  other  sureties. 

But  then  in  came  the  whole  cry  of  the  rest  of  the 
clergy,  who  stayed  all  the  while  in  the  land,  bringing 
in  the  bills  of  their  several  sufferings  and  losses  sus- 
tained, occasioned  by  the  interdiction.  Yea,  some 
had  so  much  avarice  and  little  conscience,  they 
could  have  been  contented  the  interdiction  had  still 
remained,  until  all  the  accidental  damages  were  re- 
paired. But  cardinal  Nicholas  averred  them  to  amount 

condition  of  restoring  within     moiety  each  year,  ib.] 
five  years  all  that  he  had  taken        \^  Ann.  Waverl.  ibid.] 
from  the  churches,  paying  a 


cEMT.xiii.  of  Britain.  158 

to  an  incredible  sum,  impossible  to  be  paid,  and  un- a.d.  11,4. 
reasonable  to  be  demanded ;  adding  withal,  that  in  — L 


general  grievances,  private  men  may  be  glad  if  the 
main  be  made  good  unto  them,  not  descending  to 
petty  particulars,  which  are  to  be  cast  out  of  course, 
as  inconsiderable  in  a  common  calamity.  Hereupon, 
and  on  some  other  occasions,  much  grudging  and 
justling  there  was  betwixt  Stephen  archbishop  of 
Canterbury  and  the  legate,  as  one  in  his  judgment  and 
carriage  too  propitious  and  partial  to  the  king's  cause. 

19.  The  remnant  of  this  king's  reign  afforded  little  Tiie  barons 
ecclesiastical  story,  but  what  is  so  complicated  with  against 
the  interest  of  state,  that  it  is  more  proper  for  the  J^^ 
chronicles  of  the  commonwealth.     But  this  is  the 

brief  thereof.  The  barons  of  England  demanded  of  a.d.  1115. 
king  John  to  desist  from  that  arbitrary  and  tyrannical 
power  he  exercised,  and  to  restore  king  Edward's 
laws,  which  his  great-grandfather  king  Henry  the 
First  had  confirmed  to  the  church  and  state,  for  the 
general  good  of  his  subjects ;  yea,  and  which  he  him- 
self, when  lately  absolved  from  the  sentence  of  ex- 
communication by  Stephen  archbishop  of  Canter- 
bury, had  solemnly  promised  to  observe.  But  king 
John,  though  at  the  first  he  condescended  to  their 
requests,  afterwards  repented  of  his  promise,  and  re- 
fused the  performance  thereof.  Hereupon  the  barons 
took  up  arms  against  him,  and  called  in  Lewis  prince 
of  France,  son  to  Philip  Augustus,  to  their  assistance, 
promising  him  the  crown  of  England  for  his  reward  ^. 

20.  Yet  the  pope  endeavoured  what  lay  in  hisA.D.  1216. 
power  to  dissuade  prince  Lewis  from  this  design,  to  prince  of 
which  at  first  he  encouraged  him,  and  now  forbad  ^^^^' 
him  in  vain^     For  where  a  crown   is  the  game*^®*^*^ 

^  to  invade 

b  [Trivet,  1. 162.  Ann.  Waverl.  a.  1215.]      c  [Trivet,  I.  165.]    ^ 


IM 


The  Chunk  Bittory 


A.p.^isi6>haDted  after,  Buch  hounds  are  earner  laid  on  I 
-  either  rated  or  hollowed  off.     Yea,  ambition 


brought  this  prince  into  this  dilemma;  that  L 
invaded  England  he  waa  accursed  by  the  pope ;  i 
invaded  it  not  forawom  of  himself  having  prom 
upon  oath  by  sach  a  time  to  be  at  Loudon.  ( 
comes  Lewis  into  EIngland,  and  there  hath  the  ] 
cipal  learning  of  the  land  the  clergy,  the  strei 
thereof  the  barons,  the  wealth  of  the  same 
Londoners,  to  join  with  him ;  who  but  ill  requ 
king  John  for  his  late  bounty  to  their  city  in 
^ving  them  a  mayor  for  their  governor^.  G 
the  pope's  new  legate  sent  on  purpose,  besti 
himself  with  book,  bell,  and  candle.  Excom 
nicating  the  archbishop  of  Canterbury  with  all 
nobility  opposing  king  John,  now  in  protectioi 
his  holiness.  But  the  commonness  of  these  cu 
caused  them  to  be  contenmed,  so  that  they  we 
fright  to  few,  a  mock  to  many,  and  an  hurt  to  nor 
Anonwor.  21,  King  Johu  thus  distressed,  sent  a  base,  d 
bJ^  nerous,  and  uuchristianlike  embassage  to  Admin 
tofc ^  Murmelius,  a  Mahometan  king  of  Morocco,  1 
of  Morocco,  ygpy  pulsBaut,  and  posses^g  a  great  part  of  Sp 
offering  him,  on  condition  he  would  send  him 
cour,  to  hold  the  kingdom  of  England  as  a  vi 
from  him,  and  to  receive  the  law  of  Mahomet^ 


d  Granted  to  the  city  anno 
Dom.  1309.  Orafton's  [A- 
bridgmeDt  of  the  Chron.  f.  49. 
ed.  1563.] 

*>  [Trivet,  I.  166.] 

*  Mat.  Paris,  p.  245,  placeth 
this  two  yean  sooner,  viz,  an. 
1313-  [Watts  in  his  Adversaria 
to  Mat.  Paris  justly  throws 
discredit  upon  this  narrative. 


Wendover  upon  whom 
Paris  based  the  earlier  pa 
his  Chronicle,  and  Matuit 
Westminster,  who  has  abri 
Mat.  Paris,  a  writer  of 
judgment,  and  one  who 
inserted  many  foolish 
ments  into  his  Chronicle, : 
tion  nothing  of  this  emt 
Not  the  slightest  notice 


CENT.  xiii.  of  Britain.  156 

Moor,  mdrvellou&ly  offended  with  his  oflfer,  told  theA.D.iit6. 

ambassadors  that  he  lately  had  read  Paxil's  Epistles,  J L 

which  for  the  matter  liked  him  veiy  well,  save  only 
that  Paul  once  renounced  that  faith  wherein  he  was 
bom,  and  the  Jewish  profession.  Wherefore  he  ne- 
glected king  John,  as  devoid  both  of  piety  and  policy, 
who  would  love  his  liberty  and  disclaim  his  religion. 
A  strange  tender,  if  true.  Here,  whilst  some  allege 
in  behalf  of  kinjg  John,  that  cases  of  extremity  ex* 
cuse  counsels  of  extremity,  when  liberty  is  not  left 
to  choose  what  is  best,  but  to  snatch  what  is  next, 
neglecting  future  safety  for  present  subsistence,  we. 
only  li^en  to  the  saying  of  Solomon;  Oppression 
mdketh  a  wise  man  mad^.  In  a  fit  of  which  fiiry, 
oppressed  on  all  sides  with  enemies,  king  John, 
scarce  compos  sui,  may  be  presumed  to  have  pitched 
on  this  project.  o 

22.  King  John  having  thus  tried  Turk  and  pope^  The  la. 
and  both  with  bad  success,  sought  at  last  to  escape  ^th  of 
those  his  enemies,  whom  he  could  not  resist,  by  a  far^"*^  ^^^^ 
and   £et6t  march  into  the    north-eastern    comities. 
Where  turning  mischievous  instead  of  valiant,  he 
cruelly  burnt  all  the  stacks  of  com  of  such  as  he 
conceived  disaffected  unto  him ;  doing  therein  most 
spite  to  the  rich  for  the  present,  but  in  fine  more 
spoil  to  the  poor,  the  prices  of  grain  falling  heavy  on 
those  who  were  least  able  to  bear  them.    Coming  to 
Lynn,  he  rewarded  the  fidelity  of  that  town  unto 
him,  with  bestowing  on  that  corporation  his  own 

is  found  either  in  the  Foedera  nerally   called    in    our   chro* 

or  in  the   other  state  docu.  nicies),  which   probably  gave 

ments    which    hitherto    have  occasion   to    this    fiction,   see 

been  printed  of  this  reign.  Annales  Waverleienses^  p.  175. 

Of  the  invasion  of  Spain  by  ed.  Fell.] 
Miramomelinus  (as  he  is  ge-         '  Eccles.  vii.  7. 


156 


The  Church  History 


BOOK  III. 


A.D.  1316.  sword <i^;  which  had  he  himself  but  known  how  well 

J L  to  manage,  he  had  not  so  soon  been  brought  into  so 

sad  a  condition.  He  gave  also  to  the  same  place  a 
fair  silver  cup  all  gilded.  But  few  days  after  a  worse 
cup  was  presented  to  king  John  at  Swineshed- 
abbey  in  Lincolnshire,  by  one  Simon  a  monk,  of 
poisoned  wine,  whereof  the  king  died*".  A  murder 
so  horrid,  that  it  concerned  all  monks  who  in  that 
age  had  the  monopoly  of  writing  histories,  to  conceal 
it,  and  therefore  give  out  sundry  other  causes  of  his 
death.  Some  report  him  heartbroken  with  grief  for 
the  loss  of  his  baggage  and  treasure  drowned  in  the 
passage  over  the  washes*;  it  being  just  with  God, 
that  he  who  had  plagued  others  with  fire  should  be 
punished  by  water,  a  contrary  but  as  cruel  an 
element.  Others  ascribe  his  death  to  a  looseness 
and  scouring  with  blood  ^\  others  to  a  cold  sweat ; 
others  to  a  burning  heat ;  all  effects  not  inconsistent 
with  poison,  so  that  they  in  some  manner  may  seem 
to  set  down  the  symptoms  and  suppress  his  disease*. 
King  23.  It  is  hard  to  give  the  true  character  of  this 

,3cter*de-   king's  Conditions.     For  we  only  behold  him  through 
^^^^    such  light  as  the  friars  his  foes  shew  him  in ;  who 
so  hold  the  candle,  that  with  the  shadow  thereof 
they  darken  his  virtues  and  present  only  his  vices. 
Yea,  and  as  if  they  had  also  poisoned  his  memory, 


?  Camd.  Brit,   in   Norfolk, 

[P-  350-1 
^  Wil.   Caxton  (Julian  the 

notary)  in  his  Chron.  called 
Fructus  Temp.  lib.  vii.  [f.  62. 
ed.  1515.  So  it  is  stated  in 
the  chronicle  of  Thorn.  Wykes, 
p.  38.  According  to  Walter 
Hemingford  he  died  from  eat- 
ing a  poisoned  pear.    Chron. 


P-  559-] 

^  Mat.  Paris,  p.  287 

^  Compare  Mr.  Fox,  Acts, 
&c.  I.  333,  with  Holinshed, 
p.  194.  [Hist.  Croyland,  474.] 

1  [He  died  at  Newark  19 
Oct.  "  In  ipso  belli  apparatu 
•'  morbo  correptus."  Trivet, 
I.  166.  An.  Waverl.  a.  1216.] 


csKT.xiii.  of  Britain.  157 

they  cause  his  faults  to  swell  to  a  prodigious  great-A.D.iai6. 

ness,  making  him  with  their  pens  more  black  in-! 

conditions  than  the  Morocco  king,  whose  aid  he 
requested,  could  be  in  complexion.  A  murderer  of 
his  nephew  Arthur,  a  defiler  of  the  wives  and 
daughters  of  his  nobles,  sacrilegious  in  the  church, 
profiEUie  in  his  discourse,  wilful  in  his  private  reso- 
lutions, various  in  his  public  promises,  false  in  his 
faith  to  men,  and  wavering  in  his  religion  to  God. 
The  favourablest  expression  of  him  falls  from  the 
pen  of  Roger  Hoveden™:  "  Princeps  quidem  magnus 
^^  erat,  sed  minus  felix,  atque  ut  Marius,  utramque 
"  fortimam  expertus."  Perchance  he  had  been 
esteemed  more  pious,  if  more  prosperous ;  it  being 
an  usual  (though  uncharitable)  error,  to  account 
mischances  to  be  misdeeds.  But  we  leave  him 
quietly  buried  in  Worcester  church,  and  proceed  in 
our  story. 

24.  Henry,  the  third  of  that  name,  his  son,  sue- 1  Hen.  iii. 
ceeded    him,   being  but  ten    years   old,   and   wasThSd 
crowned  at  Gloucester  by  a  moiety  of  the  nobility  to'J^^S*' 
and  clergy,  the  rest  siding  with  the  French  Lewis". fi^^*™®^ 
Now  what  came  not  so  well  from  the  mouth  of 
Abijah  the  son,  concerning  his  father  Rehoboam, 
posterity  may  no  less  truly  and  more  properly  pro- 
noimce  of  this  Henry,  even  when  a  man,  He  was 
but  a  child,  and  tender-hearted  ^  But  what  strength 
was  wanting  in  the  ivy  itself,  was  supplied  by  the 
oaks,  his  supporters,  his  tutors  and  governors ;  first, 
William  Mareschal,  earl  of  Pembroke,  and  after  his 
death,  Peter  bishop  of  WinchesterP.     But  of  these 

™  [Hist,  f .  ?  .]  P  [Peter  de  Rupibus  or  de 

»  [Trivet,  I.  167.]  Roches.      The    Chronicle    of 

o  2  Chron.  xiii.  7.  Lanercost  gives  him  rather  an 


158  The  Church  History  book  iii. 

A. D.  iai6.  two  protectors  succeasiyely,  a  sword  man  and  a  church 

1  Hmi.  Ill 

'^«r^  the  litter  left  the  deeper  impression  on  this 
our  king  Henry,  appearing  more  religious  than  reso- 
lute, devout  than  valiant.  EQs  reign  was  not  only 
long  for  continuance,  fifty-six  years,  but  also  thick 
for  remarkable  mutations  happening  therein. 
A.D.  1317.  25.  Within  little  more  than  a  twelvemonth  he 
means  king  recovered  the  entire  possession  of  his  kingdom, 
^Jy"^  many  things  concurring  to  expedite  so  great  an 
^^J^^"  alteration.  First,  the  insolency  of  the  French,  dis- 
obliging the  English  by  their  cruelty  and  wanton- 
ness. Secondly,  the  inconstancy  of  the  English  (if 
starting  loyalty's  return  to  its  lawful  sovereign  may 
be  so  termed),  who,  as  for  their  own  turns  they 
called  in  Lewis,  so  for  their  turns  they  cast  him  out. 
Thirdly,  the  innocence  of  prince  Henry,  whose  harm- 
less age,  as  it  attracted  love  to  him  on  his  own 
account,  so  he  seemed  also  hereditarily  to  succeed  to 
some  pity,  as  the  son  of  a  suflFering  lather.  Fourthly, 
the  wisdom  and  valour,  counsel  and  courage  of  Wil- 
liam earl  of  Pembroke  his  protector;  who  having 
got  the  French  Lewis  out  of  his  covert  of  the  city  of 
London  into  the  champion  field,  so  mauled  him  at 
the  fatal  battle  of  Lincoln,  that  soon  after  the  said 
Lewis  was  fain,  by  the  colour  of  a  composition,  to 
qualify  his  retreat,  not  to  say  his  flight,  into  the 
honour  of  a  departure.  Lastly  and  chiefly,  the 
'.  mercy  of  God  to  an  injured  orphan^  and  his  justice 
that  detained  right,  though  late  yet  at  last,  should 
return  to  its  proper  owner. 


unfavourable     character,    but  munication  with   scorn.     The 

this  might  have  been  because  same  chronicle  mentions  a  very 

he  advised  king  John  to  treat  strange     anecdote     respecting 

the  pope's  sentence  of  excom-  this  prelate,  p.  23.] 


ctm*.  XIII.  of  Britain.  159 

26.  But  it  were  not  only  uncivil,  but  injurious  forA-D-iai;. 

us  to  meddle  with  these  matters,  proper  to  the  pens \ — '- 

of  the  civil  historians.     We  shall  therefore  confine  dpd  design 
ourselves  principally  to  take  notice  in  this  king's  ^jTSn^ 
reign,  as  of  the  unconscionable  extortions  of  the^®* 
court  of  Rome,  on  the  one  side,  to  the  detriment  of 

the  king  and  kingdom :  so  of  the  defence  which  the 
king,  as  well  as  he  could,  made  against  it.  Defence, 
which  though  too  feint  and  feeble  fully  to  recover 
his  right  from  so  potent  oppression,  yet  did  this 
good,  to  continue  his  claim  and  preserve  the  title  of 
his  privileges,  until  his  son  and  successors  in  after- 
ages  could  more  effectually  rescue  the  rights  of  their 
crown  from  papal  usurpation. 

27.  Indeed  at  this  time  many  things  emboldened  Occasions 
the  pope,  not  over-bashfiil  of  himself,  to  be  the  pope's  in- 
more  busy  in  the  collecting  of  money.  First,  the^^ing. 
troublesomeness  of  the  times  and  best  fishing  for 

him  in  such  waters.  Secondly,  the  ignorance  of 
most,  and  the  obnoxiousness  of  some  of  the  English 
clergy.  Now  such  as  had  weak  heads  must  find 
strong  backs,  and  those  that  led  their  lives  loose 
durst  not  carry  their  purses  tied,  or  grudge  to  pay 
dear  for  a  connivance  at  their  viciousness.  Thirdly, 
the  minority  of  king  Henry,  and  (which  was  worse) 
his  nonage  after  his  fiill  age;  such  was  his  weak- 
ness of  spirit  and  lowness  of  resolution.  Lastly,  the 
pope  conceiving  that  this  king  got  his  crown  under 
the  comitenance  of  his  excommunicating  his  enemies, 
thought  that  either  king  Henrjr's  weakness  could  not 
see,  or  his  goodness  would  wink  at  his  intolerable 
extortions;  which  how  great  soever,  were  but  a 
large  shiver  of  that  loaf  which  he  had  given  into  the 
king's  hand.    Presuming  on  the  premises,  Gualo  the 


100  Tke  Ckaarck  HUianf  book  hi. 

A.  D,f  417.  pope's  legate,  bj  his  inqiiisitorB  throoghoat  England, 

'- — collected  a  vast  sum  of  money  of  the  clergy  for 

their  misdemeanours ;  Hugo  bishop  of  Lincoln  pay- 
ing no  less  for  his  share  than  a  thousand  marks 
sterling  to  the  pope,  and  an  hundred  to  this  his 
legate^.  Yet  when  this  Gualo  departed,  such  as 
hated  his  dwelling  here,  grieved  at  his  going  hence, 
because  fearing  a  worse  in  his  room,  choosing  rather 
to  be  sucked  by  full  than  fresh  flies,  hoping  that 
those  already  gorged  would  be  afterwards  less 
greedy. 
aJaT  I  ^^*  ^^^  being  now  to  give  the  reader  a  short 
account  of  the  long  reign  of  this  king,  I  shall  alter 
my  proceedings  ;  embracing  a  new  course  which 
hitherto  I  have  not,  nor  hereafter  shall  venture 
upon.  Wherein  I  hope  the  variation  may  be  not 
only  pleasant  but  profitable  to  the  reader,  as  scien- 
tifical  and  satisfactory  in  itself;  namely,  I  will  for 
the  present  leave  off  consulting  with  the  large  and 
numerous  printed  or  manuscript  authors  of  that  age, 
and  betake  myself  only  to  the  tower-records,  all  au- 
thentically attested  under  the  hands  of  William 
Ryley,  Norroy,  keeper  of  that  precious  treasury. 
i\wA  text,  29.  When  I  have  first  exemplified  them,  I  shall 
iK«  oom.  proceed  to  make  such  observations  upon  them,  as 
according  to  my  weakness  I  conceive  of  greatest 
concernment ;  being  confident  that  few  considerables 
in  that  age  (which  was  the  crisis  of  regal  and  papal 
power  in  this  land)  will  escape  our  discovery  herein. 

^  Mat«  I\uris>  p«  a99«    [The  laid  undo'  sentence  of  excom- 

ivul^u^ulde    rettsoa    iGr    Gualo  nmnkatioii.     Alexander   king 

Wii^jt  9eiit  over  into  England  of   Scotland    and    his   whole 

wa«  to  deietKl  king  Hennr's;  leahu  weie  for  the  same  cause 

ryfht   n^Eain^   Lewis  and  hb  inTohed  in  ^e  same  sentence. 

ilk|^fi«rt«i9»  whom  the  kgale  C^nau  de  Lanefcost,  p.  23.] 


CENT.  XIII.  of  Britain.  161 

SO,  Only  I  desire  a  pardon  for  the  premising  ofA.D.  nar. 
this  touch  of  state  matters'.  At  this  instant  the — ^' 
commonwealth  had  a  great  serenity,  as  lately  cleared  the  itate."* 
from  such  active  spirits,  who  nick-named  the  calm 
and  quiet  of  peace,  a  sloth  of  government.  Such 
FaJkesius  de  Breaute'  and  others,  who  had  merited 
much  in  setting  this  Henry  the  Third  on  the  throne ; 
and  it  is  dangerous  when  subjects  confer  too  great 
benefits  on  their  sovereigns  ;  for  afterwards  their 
minds  are  only  made  capable  of  receiving  more 
reward,  not  doing  more  duty.  These  were  offended, 
when  such  lands  and  castles  which  by  the  heat  of 
war  had  unjustly  been  given  them,  by  peace  were 
justly  took  away  from  them,  finding  such  upright- 
ness in  the  king,  that  his  power  of  protection  would 
not  be  made  a  wrong  doer.  But  now  the  old  stock 
of  such  malecontents  being  either  worn  out  with 
age  or  ordered  otherwise  into  obedience,  all  things 
were  in  an  universal  tranquillity  within  the  first 
seven  years  of  this  king's  reign.  / 

^  [Trivet.  1. 174.]  with  men  and  ammunition^  he 
«  [During  the  troubles  of  rose  against  the  king,  was  de- 
John  and  the  minority  of  his  feated,  and  experienced  thence- 
successor^  this  noUeman^  the  forth  such  a  reverse  of  fortune^ 
most  powerful  baron  of  his  that  within  a  year,  he  who 
time^  had  pounced  upon  the  had  exceeded  all  the  nobility 
counties  of  Northampton,  Ox-  of  England  in  wealthy  power, 
fbrdshire^  Buckin^amshire,  and  splendour,  was  now  an 
Bedfordshire,  with  the  forests  exile  in  France,  compelled  to 
and  castles  adjacent.  In  1 221  seek  his  bread  by  begging,  and 
he  was  compelled  to  resign  his  had  not  where  to  lay  his  head, 
ill-gotten  possessions ;  but  in  ("  etiam  capitis  reclinatorium 
1 2  24,  having  fortified  the  castle  "  non  haberet.")  Trivet.  I. 
oi  Bedford,  and  furnished  it  1 74, 1 80.] 


FULLER^   VOL.  II.  M 


THOMiE  HANSON, 


^MICO  MEO». 


DispUcet  mihi  modemus  scribendi  moSy  quo  monumenta 
indies  exarantur,  Literce  enim  suntjkigacesy  ut  quce  non 
stabili  manu  penitus  membranis  infiguntur^  sed  currente 
ccdamo  summam  earum  cuticulam  viae  leviter  persirin- 
gunt,  HcR  cum  sceculum  unum  et  alterum  duraverint, 
vel  linceis  oculis  lectu  erunt  perdiffidles. 

Haud  ita  olim  archivay  in  turre  Zjondinensi,  RotuUsy 
ScaccariOf  <$*c.  deposita;  in  quibus  ingens  scribarum 
cur  ay  Juita  membranarum  JlrmitaSy  atramentum  vere 
JEthiopicumy  integra  literarum  lineamentay  ut  calamus 
praii  cbmulus  videatur,  Ita  adhuc  vigent  omnia,  in 
illis  qucB  irecentis  ah  hinc  annis  notata,  ut  is  cui  cha- 
racteris  antiquitas  minus  cognita  nuperrime  descripta 
judicaret. 

Ex  his  nonnuUa  decerpsi  ad  rem  nostram  Jadentia,  et  ea 
tibi  dedicanda  curavi,  quem  omnes  norunt  antiquitatis 

*  [Arms.  A  chevron  com-  III.  They  afterwards  suc- 
pony  argent  and  azure  between  ceeded  to  the  estates  of  Wood- 
three  martlets  sable.  These  house  by  a  marriage  with  an 
arms  were  borne  by  an  ancient  heiress  of  that  family.  See 
family  of  this  name  seated  at  Visitation  of  Yorkshire,  1666. 
Rastrick   as    early   as   Henry  B.] 


CENT.  XIII.     The  C/iiavh  History  of  Britain.  163 

caniciem  venerari ;  quo  in  Ducattis  Lancattrensis  char- 
ttdig  cuatadiendis  nemo  JttleUor^  perUgendia  oculatior, 
communicandis  candidior. 


i^RE  we  begin  with  the  king's  precept  a.d.  1113. 
to  the  sheriif  of  Buckinghamshire,  I—f!!: — .' 
considerable  for  the  rarity  thereof,  abb  writ  of 
though  otherwise  but 
private  concernment. 
Pro  Emma  de  Pinkeny. 


Rex  yic.  Bucking,  salt. 
Precipimus  tibi  quod  de  ma. 
ritagio  Emme  de  Pinkeny 
uxorit  Laurenlii  Peivre,  qui 
excommutiicalui  ett,  eo  quod 
prediclam  fimmam  ojfec- 
(tone  maritali  non  Iractal, 
adem  Emme  ralionabile 
ettoverum  tuum  invenias, 
Amec  idem  Laurenlius  vir 
mvt  eam  tanquam  uxorem 
tuatn  tractaverit  ne  ileratut 
clamor  ad  not  inde  perve- 
niat.  [A.D.  1323.]'' 


"  To  the  high  sheriff  of  Buck- 
'  ingtiatnsbire.  We  commend 
'  yon  concerning  [the  marriage 
'  portion  of]  Emma  de  Pinkeny, 
'  mfe  of  Laurence  Peivre,  who 
'  is  excommunicated,  because  he 
'  does  not  use  the  foresaid  Emma 
'  with  affection  befitting  a  hus- 
'  band,  that  you  find  for  the  said 
'  Emma  estover  in  reasonable 
'  proportion,  unti!  the  said  Lau- 
'  rence  her  husband  shall  use  her 
'  as  becometh  his  wife,  [that  her 
'  coDiplalut  may  not  be  brought 
"  before  us  again."] 

Of  this  Laurence  Pinkeny  I  can  say  nothing: 
only  I  find  his  fitmily  ancient,  and  barons  of  Wedon 
in  Northamptonshire*^.  It  seemeth  strange  ho  should 
be  excommunicated  for  not  loving  usage  of  his  wife, 
no  incoutineDcy  appearing  (proved  against  him), 
except  his  carriage  was  cruel  in  a  high  degree.     By 

^  [Collated  with  the  original  Pinkeney,    instead    of    Laur. 

intheTower,7Hen.III.niem.3.  Peivre.     See  another  and  pre- 

8ee  also  Hardy's  Close  Rolls,I.  vious    precept  to   the    sheriff 

561.  This  letter,  or  rather  pre-  touching    the     same    parties, 

cept,  was  printed  before  very  ;  Hen.  Ill.mem.  14.] 
incoirectly.     Among  other  er-         '  Camden.  Brit,  in  North- 

rors,  the  name  w»s  given  Laur.  amptonshire,  [p.  374.] 
M  2 


164 


The  Church  History 


BOOK  III. 


A  D.  122^.  estover,  in  our  forest  towns,  we  only  understand  a 

T  Hah    TIF 

'      certain  allowance  of  wood ;  though  the  extent  of  the 
word  be  far  larger,  importing  nourishment,  or  main- 
tenance in  meat  and  cloth,  as  a  learned  lawyer  hath 
observed**.      This   it   seems   being   denied   by  her 
husband,   the   king   enjoineth   the   sheriff  that  he 
should  appoint  the  said  Emma  Pinkeny  reasonable 
alimony,  in  proportion,  no  doubt,  to  her  portion  and 
her  husband's  estate. 
A.D.  1233.      2.  Next  we  take  notice  of  a  writing  which  the 
able  prohi-  king  Sent  ovor  to  the  archbishop  of  Dublin,   and 
papal  Hp.    which  deserveth  the  reader's  serious  perusal. 

peals. 

"  «Rex  Dublin.  Archiepiscopo  Justiciario  Hi- 
"  bemise  salutem.  Ad  ea  quae  vobis  nuper  nostris 
"  dedimus  in  mandatis  ut  nobis  rescriberetis  qua- 
"  tonus  fuisset  processum  in  causa  Nicholai  de 
"  Felda  qui  contra  Abbatem  et  Canonicos  Sti. 
"  Thomse  Dublinensis  in  curia  nostra  coram  Justi- 
"  ciariis  nostriis  petiit  duas  carucatas  terr^  cum  per- 
tinentiis  in  Kelredheri  per  assisam  de  morte  ante- 
cessoris  cui  etiam  coram  eisdem  Justiciariis  objecta 
"  fuit  bastardia  propter   quod  ab   ipsis  Justiciariis 


u 


u 


^  Bracton,  III.  1 8.  [ed.  1 569. 
Estoverium,  from  the  French 
estoffer  or  estouver,  that  is,  to 
provide  material,  to  furnish 
stuff.  Hence  the  word  stover 
is  used  among  our  old  writers, 
and  in  some  places  of  England 
at  the  present  day,  in  the  sense 
of  stuff  or  fodder  for  cattle ; 
thus  in  Shakspeore's  Tempest, 
Act.  IV,  Sc.  I. 

"  Thy  turfy  mountains  where  live 

''  nibbling  sheep, 
<^  And   flat  meads  thatched   with 

*'  stover  them  to  keep." 


In  a  legal  sense  this  term  was 
used  to  signify,  firsts  provision 
of  food  and  clothing;  after- 
wards, the  wood  or  firing  which 
one  person  might  legally  take 
from  the  lands  of  another  for 
firing,  hedging,  &c.  See  Spel- 
man's  Glossary,  s.  v.] 

^  Claus.  8.  Hen.  III.  memh. 
17.  in  dor  so,  [Collated  with 
the  original.  See  also  Hardy's 
Close  Rolls,  I.  p.  629.] 


CSHT.  XIII.  of  Britain.  165 

'^  nostris  ad  vos  fuit  transmissus  ut  in  foro  eccle-A.D.  1223. 
«  siastico  de  ejus  bastardia  sive  legitimitate  cogno-  L^lflLl^i 
**  sceretis ;  nobis  per  litteras  vestras  significastis 
**  quod  cum  in  foro  civili  terram  praedictam  peteret 
"  per  litteras  nostras  de  morte  antecessoris  versus 
^'  memoratos  Abbatem  et  Canonicos  objecta  ei  fuit 
^  nota  bastardiae  quare  in  foro  eodem  tunc  non  fuit 
^^  ulterius  processum.  Memoratus  etiam  Nicholaus 
*^  de  mandate  Justiciariorum  nostrorum  in  foro  ec- 
"  clesiastico  coram  vobis  volens  probare  se  esse  legiti- 
^*  mum,  testes  produxit  et  publicatis  attestationibus 
*^  suis  post  diutinas  altercationes  et  disputationes 
**  tarn  ex  parte  Abbatis  quam  ipsius  Nicholai,  cum 
"ad  calcidum  diflinitivae  sententiae  procedere  vel- 
"  letis,  comparuerunt  duae  puellae  minoris  aetatis, 
**  filiae  Bicardi  de  la  Feldae,  patris  prsedicti  Nicholai 
**  et  appellaverunt  ne  ad  sententiam  ferendam  proce- 
^  deretis,  quia  in  hoc  manifestum  earum  verteretur 
**  prejudicium  eo  quod  alias  precluderetur  eis  via 
petendi  hereditatem  petitam,  nee  possit  eis  sub- 
veniri  per  restitutionem  in  integrum.  Unde  de 
*•  consilio  virorum  prudentum  ut  dicitis  appellationi 
"  deferentes,  causam  secundum  quod  coram  Nobis 
agitata  est  Domino  Papae  transmisistis  instructam. 
De  quo  plurimum  admirantes  non  immerito  mo- 
vemur  cum  de  legitimitate  prenominati  Nicholai 
per  testium  productiones  et  attestationum  publica- 
tiones  plene  vobis  constiterit,  vos  propter  appella- 
tionem  puellarum  predictarum  contra  quas  non 
agebatur  vel  etiam  de  quibus  nulla  fiebat  mentio 
in  assisa  memorata  nee  fuerunt  aliquse  partes 
illarum  in  causa  predicta  sententiam  diffinitivam 
"  pro  eo  distulistis  pronunciare  et  male  quasi  no- 
"  strum  declinantes  examen,   et  volentes   id  quod 

M  3 


U 


U 


U 


166  The  Church  Hisiitry  book  iii. 

A.D.  1223. ««  per  nostram  detemimandam  esset  jurisdictionem 

"  et  dignitatem,  ad   alienam  transferre   dignitatem 

quod  Talde  pemiciosum  esset  exemplo ;  cum  etiam 

si  adeptos  esset  praedictus  Nicholaos  possessione 

terne  pnedict^e  per  assisam  pnedictam,  beneficium 

peticionis  hsereditatis  praedictis  puelUs  plane  sup- 

"  peteret    in    curia    nostra,   per    breye   de   recto ; 

maxime   cum  per  litteras  de  morte  antecessoris 

agatur  de  possessione  et  non  de  proprietate  et  ex 

'*'  oflScio  yestro  in  casu  proposito  nihil  aliud  ad  yos 

*^  pertinebat,  nisi  tantum  de  ipsius  Nicholai  legiti- 

*^  matu  probationes  admittere ;  et  ipsum  cum  litteris 

^^  yestris  testimonialibus  ad  Justiciarios  nostros  re- 

^^  mittere.     De  consilio  igitur  magnatum  et  fidelium 

*^  nobis  assisteutium  yobis  mandamus  firmiter  injun- 

^*  gentes  quatenus  non  obstante   appellatione  prae- 

^^  missa  non  differatis  pro  eo  sentenciare  ipsum  ad 

"  Justiciarios  nostros  remittentes  cum  litteris  yestris 

^^  testimonialibus  ut  ei  de  loquela  coram  eis  agitata 

**  postmodum  possint  secundum  legem  et  consuetu- 

**  dinem   terrae   nostras  Hibemiae  Justiciar  plenitu- 

"  dinem  exhibere.    Teste  Henrico,  &c.  apud  Glouc; 

"  xix.  die  Noyembris."  [A.D.  1223.]^ 


of  the  in- 
itrument. 


The  effect  3.  The  sum  of  this  instrument  is  this.  One  Ni- 
cholas de  Field  suing  for  a  portion  of  ground  detained 
from  him  by  the  abbot  of  St.  Thomas  in  Dublin, 
(founded  and  plentifully  endowed  in  memory  of 
Thomas  Becket,)  had  bastardy  objected  against  him. 
The  clearing  hereof  was  by  the  king's  judges  re- 
mitted to  the  courts  ecclesiastical,  where  the  said 

'  [Mr.  Hardy  in  the  preface     translation  of  this  instrument, 
to   his   edition    of    the    Close     Vol.  I.  p.  xxxiv.] 
Rolls    has    given    the    entire 


CENT.  xiii.  of  Britain.  167 

Nicholas  produced  effectual   proofs  for  his  leriti-A.D.  1223. 

T^  1  1      5  .  ,         ,  7  Hen.  III. 

mation.  But  upon  the  appeal  of  two  minor  daughters 

of  the  father  of  the  said  Nicholas,  who  never  before 
appeared,  and  who,  if  wronged,  had  their  remedy  at 
common  law,  by  a  writ  of  right  the  matter  was  by 
the  archbishop  of  Dublin  transferred  to  the  court  of 
Rome. 

4.  The  king  saith  in  this  his  letter  that  he  did  Appeal  to 

the  pope 

much  admire  thereat,  and  (though  all  interests  ex- prohibited. 
press  themselves  to  their  own  advantage)  intimates 
the  act  not  usual.  And  whereas  he  saith,  ^'  that  the 
"  example  would  be  pernicious,"  it  seems,  if  this 
were  a  leading  case,  the  king's  desire  was  it  should 
have  none  to  follow  it,  peremptorily  enjoining  the 
archbishop  (notwithstanding  the  aforesaid  appeal  to 
the  pope)  to  proceed  to  give  sentence  on  the  behalf 
of  the  said  Nicholas,  and  not  to  derive  the  king's 
undoubted  right  to  a  foreign  power. 

5.  Indeed  the  kin^s  of  Enriand  were  so  crest- The  time 

11      makes  itthe 

fallen,  or  rather  crown-fallen  in  this  age,  that  the  more  re- 
forbidding  of  such  an  appeal  appeareth  in  him  a™^ 
daring  deed.  Est  aliquid  prodire  tenm.  Essays  in 
such  nature  were  remarkable,  considering  the  inun- 
dation of  the  papal  power.  Green  leaves  in  the 
depth  of  winter  may  be  more  than  full  flowers  from 
the  same  root  in  the  spring.  It  seems  some  royal 
sap  still  remained  in  the  English  sceptre,  that  it 
durst  oppose  the  pope  in  so  high  a  degree. 

6.  In  this  year  1235  the  Caursines  first  came  into  Caursine* 

what  thev 

England,  proving  the  pests  of  the  land,  and  bane  of  were, 
the  people  therein  ?.     These  were  Italians  by  birth. 


e  [See  Spelman's  Gloss,  s.  v.     and  arrival  in  this  country^  see 
Caursini,     Of    their    original     Mat.  Paris,  p.  417.] 

M  4 


i9Hen.1II. 


168  The  Church  History  book  hi. 

A.  p.  I a35.  terming  themselves  the  pope's  merchants,  driving  no 
other  trade  than  letting  out  money,  great  banks 
whereof  they  brought  over  into  England ;  differing 
little  from  the  Jews,  save  that  they  were  more  mer- 
ciless to  their  debtors.  Now  because  the  pope's 
legate  was  all  for  ready  money  when  any  tax  by  levy, 
commutation  of  vows,  tenths,  dispensations,  &c.  were 
due  to  the  pope,  from  prelate,  convents,  priests,  or 
lay  persons,  these  Caursines  instantly  furnished  them 
with  present  coin  upon  their  solemn  bonds  and  obli- 
gations :  one  form  whereof  we  have  inserted. 

*»To  all  that  shall  see  the  present  writing,  Thomas  the 
prior  and  the  convent  of  Barnwell  wish  health  in  the 
Lord.  Know  that  we  have  borrowed  and  received  at 
London,  for  ourselves,  profitably  to  be  expended  for 
the  affairs  of  our  church,  from  Francisco  and  Gre- 
gorio,  for  them  and  then-  partners,  citizens  and  mer- 
chants of  Milan,  a  hundred  and  four  marks  of  lawful 
money  sterling,  thirteen  shillings  four  pence  sterling 
being  counted  to  every  mark.  Which  said  one  hun- 
dred and  four  marks  we  promise  to  pay  back  on  the 
feast  of  St.  Peter  ad  Vincula,  being  the  first  day  of 
August,  at  the  new  temple  in  London,  in  the  year  1335. 
And  if  the  said  money  be  not  throughly  paid,  at  the 
time  and  place  aforesaid,  we  bind  ourselves  to  pay  to 
the  foresaid  merchants,  or  any  one  of  them,  or  their 
certain  attorney,  for  every  ten  marks,  forborne  two 
months,  one  mark  of  money  for  recompense  of  the 
damages  which  the  foresaid  merchants  may  incur  by 
the  not  payment  of  the  money  unto  them ;  so  that 
both  principal,  damages,  and  expenses,  as  above  ex- 
pressed, with  the  expenses  of  one  merchant  with  his 
horse  and  man,  until  such  time  as  the  aforesaid  money 
be  fully  satisfied.     For  payment  of  principal,  interest, 

^  [See  the  original  Latin  in  Mat.  Paris,  p.  418.] 


csKT.  XIII.  of  Britain.  169 

damaged,  and  expendes,  we  oblige  ourselves,  and  our  A.D.  1335. 
church  and  successors,  and  all  our  goods,  and  the  '^  ^' 
goods  of  our  church,  movable  or  immovable,  eccle- 
siastical  or  temporal,  which  we  have  or  shall  have, 
wheresoever  they  shall  be  found,  to  the  foresaid  mer- 
chants and  their  heirs ;  and  do  recognize  and  acknow- 
ledge that  we  possess  and  hold  the  same  goods  from 
the  said  merchants  by  way  of  courtesy,  until  the  pre- 
mises be  fully  satisfied.  And  we  renounce  for  ourselves 
and  successors  all  help  of  canon  and  civil  law,  all 
privileges  and  clerkship,  the  epistle  of  St.  Adrian,  all 
customs,  statutes,  lectures,  indulgences,  privileges, 
obtained  for  the  king  of  England  from  the  see  apo- 
stolic :  as  also  we  renounce  the  benefit  of  all  appeals, 
or  inhibition  from  the  king  of  England,  with  all  other 
exceptions  real  or  personal,  which  may  be  objected 
against  the  validity  of  this  instrument.  All  these 
things  we  promise  faithfully  to  observe:  in  witness 
whereof  we  have  set  to  the  seal  of  our  convent. 
Dated  at  London,  (Ue  quinto  Elphegi^  in  the  year  of 
Grace,  1235. 

Sure  bind,  sure  find.  Here  were  cords  enough  to 
hold  Samson  himself,  an  order  taken  they  should 
never  be  cut  or  untied,  the  debtor  depriving  himself 
of  any  relief,  save  by  full  payment. 

7.  It  will  not  be  amiss  to  make  some  brief  notes  Necessary 
on  the  former  obligation ;  it  being  better  to  write  tioM.'*" 
on  it,  than  to  be  written  in  it,  as  the  debtor  con- 
cerned therein. 

One  hundred  and  four  maris]  The  odd  four  seem  added 
for  interest. 

Feast  of  St.  Peter  ad  Vinctda']  The  Popish  tradition  saith 
that  Eudoxia  the  empress,  wife  to  Theodosius  the 
younger,  brought  two  great  chains,  wherewith  Herod 
imprisoned  St.  Peter,  from  Jerusalem  to  Rome,  where 
they  are  reported  seen  at  this  day,  and  a  solemn 
festival  kept  on  the  first  of  August  (the  quarter  pay- 


170 


The  Church  HUtmy 


BOOK  IIL 


A.  D.  1235. 
i9Heii.III. 


Caursines 
whence  so 
called. 


Foxes*  hap 
and  happi- 
ness. 


day  of  Rome^s  revenues)  in  memorial  thereof.  But 
the  name  of  Tjammaa  hath  put  out  St.  Peter^s  chains 
in  our  English  almanack. 

New  temple  at  London]  In  Fleet-street,  founded  by  the 
knights  templars,  and  dedicated  by  Heraclius  pa- 
triarch of  Jerusalem  1185.  Galled  New  in  relation  to 
ancient  temple  (less  and  less  convenient)  they  had 
formerly  in  Holbom. 

And  our  certain  attorney]  Nundus  in  the  Latin  being  one 
employed  to  solicit  their  suit. 

All  the  goods  of  our  church  movable  and  immovable]  Hence 
oftentimes  they  were  forced  to  sell  their  chalices  and 
altar-plate  to  pay  the  bond,  and  secure  the  rest  of 
their  goods,  for  these  creditors. 

Canon  and  civil  law]  Common  law  not  mentioned  herein, 
with  which  these  Gaursines,  being  foreigners,  would 
have  nothing  to  do. 

Epistle  of  8t,  Adrian"]  This  seems  to  be  some  indulgence 
granted  by  pope  Adrian,  the  fourth  perchance, 
whereby  churches  indicted  found  some  favour  against 
their  creditors. 

Die  quinto  Elphegi]  I  am  not  datary  enough  to  under- 
stand this.  I  know  Elphegus  to  be  archbishop  of 
Canterbury,  and  martyr,  and  his  day  kept  the  nine- 
teenth of  April :  so  that  the  money  was  borrowed  but 
for  three  months ;  so  soon  did  the  payment  or  heavy 
forfeiture  in  default  thereof  return. 

8.  These  Caursines  were  generally  hated  for  their 
extortions.  Some  will  have  them  called  Caursines 
quasi  Causa  Ursini,  so  bearish  and  cruel  in  their 
causes :  others  Caursini  quasi  Corrasini,  from  scraping 
all  together.  But  these  are  but  barbarous  allusions, 
though  best  becoming  such  base  practices. 

9.  Meantime  the  Caursines  cared  not  what  they 
were  called,  being  a-kin  to  the  cunning  creature, 
which  fareth  best  when  cursed,  and  were  indeed 
lords  of  thQ  land  according  to   scripture  rule,  the 


CENT.  XIII.  of  Britain.  171 

borrower  is  servant  to  the  lender.  Many  of  the  laity,  a.d.  1235. 
more  of  the  clergy  and  convents,  and  the  king  him-  -^  "*' — .* 
self,  being  deeply  indebted  unto  them.  Indeed 
Roger  Black,  that  valiant,  learned,  and  pious  bishop 
of  London,  once  excommunicated  these  Caursines 
for  their  oppression :  but  they  appealing  to  the  pope, 
(their  good  friend,)  forced  him,  after  much  molesta- 
tion, to  desist  ^ 

10.  These  Caursines  were  more  commonly  known  Cauninei 
by  the  name  of  Lombards,  from  Lombardy,  the  place  bLtis  the' 
of  their  nativity,  in  Italy.     And  although  they  de-**™^ 
serted  England  on  the  decaying  of  the  pope's  power 

and  profit  therem,  yet  a  double  memorial  remaineth 
of  them.  One  of  their  habitation,  in  Lombard-street 
in  London :  the  other  of  their  employment,  a  Lom- 
bard  unto  this  day  signifying  a  bank  for  usury,  or 
pawns,  still  continued  in  the  Low  Countries  and 
elsewhere.  ,.  } 

11.  Meantime  one  may  lawfully  smile  at  the  pope's  Deep  hypo- 
hypocrisy,  forbidding  usury  as  a  sin  so  detestable  °^*^* 
under  such  heavy  penalties  in  his  canon  law,  whilst 

his  own  instruments  were  the  most  unconscionable 
practisers  thereof  without  any  control. 

12.  Otho,  cardinal,  deacon  of  St.  Nicholas,  was  a.  d.  1338. 
sent  the  pope's  legate  into  England,  and  going  to^f  the^o^^ 
Oxford,  took  up  his  lodging  in  the  abbey  of  Osney^.j]^^^ 
To  him  the  scholars  in  Oxford   sent  a  present  of  legate, 
victuals  before  dinner;  and  after  dinner  came  to 
tender  their  attendance  unto  hun.    The  porter  bemg 


i  [See  Mat.   Paris^  p.  419  T.   Walsingham,     Hypodigm. 

and  875.]  Neustriffi^   [p.  465.     See  the 

^  M.  Paris,  1238.  [p.  469.  history  of  this  quarrel  in  Thorn. 

Wood's  Annals,  I.  222.]   Ran.  Wykes,  p.  43.] 
[Higden  in  Knyghton,p.244o.] 


ITS  The  Church  HUtary  book  hi. 

A. D.  113a. an  Italian,  demanded  their  business:  who  answered 

22Hen.III 

^him,  that  they  came  to  wait  on  the  lord  legate; 

promising  themselves  a  courteous  reception,  having 
read  in  scripture,  A  man's  gift  maketh  roomftyr  hitn}: 
though  here  contrary  to  expectation  they  were  not 
received.  Call  it  not  clownishness  in  the  porter 
( because  bred  in  the  court  of  Rome),  but  carefulness 
for  the  safety  of  his  master, 
mraiuitod.  13.  But  whilst  the  porter  held  the  door  in  a 
dubious  posture,  betwixt  open  and  shut,  the  scholars 
forced  their  entrance.  In  this  juncture  of  time  it 
unluckily  happened  that  a  poor  Irish  priest  begged 
an  alms,  in  whose  face  the  clerk  of  the  kitchen  cast 
scalding  water  taken  out  of  the  caldron.  A  Welsh 
clerk  beholding  this,  bent  his  bow  (by  this  time  the 
scholars  had  got  weapons)  and  shot  the  clerk  of  the 
kitchen  stark  dead  on  the  place™. 
Theiegate's  14.  This  man  thus  killed  was  much  more  than  his 
killed  bj  plain  place  promised  him  to  be,  as  no  meaner  than 
of  Oxford,  the  brother  of  the  legate  himself,  who  being  sus- 
picious (oh  how  jealous  is  guiltiness !)  that  he  might 
find  Italy  in  England,  and  fearing  to  be  poisoned, 
appointed  his  brother  to  oversee  all  food  for  his  own 
eating.  And  now  the  three  nations  of  Irish,  Welsh, 
and  English,  fell  downright  on  the  Italians.  The 
legate  fearing  (as  they  came  from  the  same  womb) 
to  be  sent  to  the  same  grave  with  his  brother,  se- 
cluded himself  fest  locked  up  in  the  tower  of  Osney 
church,  and  there  sat  still  and  quiet,  all  attired  in 
his  canonical  cope. 


I  Prov.  xviii.  16.  lars  to  go  armed.     See  Wood, 

^   [It  was   the   fashion   at     ib.  223.] 
that  time  for  the  secular  scho- 


csNT.  XIII.  of  Britain.  178 

15.  But  he,  it  seems,  trusted  not  so  much  to  his  a.  d.  1338. 

canonical  cope  as  the  sable  mantle  of  night ;  under '. — 1 

the  protection  whereof  he  got  out,  with  a  guide,  to^^^^ 
make  his  escape;  not  without  danger  of  drowning ''*"«• 

in  the  dark,  being  five  times  to  cross  the  river,  then 
swelling  with  late  rain,  as  much  as  the  scholars  with 
anger.  He  made  fords  where  he  foimd  none,  all 
known  passages  being  waylaid  ;  and  heard  the 
scholars  following  after,  railing  on,  and  calling  him 
usurer,  simoniac,  deceiver  of  the  prince,  oppressor  of 
the  people,  &c.,  whilst  the  legate  wisely  turned  his 
tongue  into  heels,  spurring  with  might  and  main  to 
Abingdon,  where  the  court  then  lay.  Hither  he 
came  being  out  of  all  breath  and  patience ;  so  that 
entering  the  king's  presence,  his  tears  and  sighs 
were  fiiin  to  relieve  his  tongue,  not  able  otherwise 
to  express  his  miseries:  whom  the  king  did  most 
affectionately  compassionate. 

16.  And  now  woe  to  the  poor  clergy  of  Oxford,  Oxford  m  a 
when  both  temporal  and  spiritual  arms  are  prepared  dition. " 
against  them.     Next  day  the  king   sent  the  earl 
Warren   with   forces  against  them,  and  a  double 
commission,  eripere  et  arripere^  to  deliver  the  re- 
mainder of  the  Italians  (little  better  than  besieged 

in  Osney  abbey),  and  to  seize  on  the  scholars,  of 
whom  thirty,  with  one  Otho  Legista  (forward  it 
seems  in  the  fray  against  the  legate  his  namesake), 
were  taken  prisoners,  and  sent  like  felons,  bound  in 
carts,  to  Wallingford  prison,  and  other  places  of 
restraint. 

17.  Nor  was  the  legate  lazy  the  while,  but  sum- interdicted 
m6ning  such  bishops  as  were  nearest  him,   inter- j^te® 
dieted  the  university  of  Oxford,  and  excommuni- 
cated all   such  as  were  partakers  in  the  tumult; 


174 


The  Church  History 


BOOK  III. 


Whore- 
turns  te 
Ixmdon* 


A.D.  1338.  which  were  not  the  young  fry  of  scholars,  but  clerks 
aiHen^iii.  ^^    order,  and   many  of  them  beneficed,  and  now 

deprived  of  the  profit  of  their  livings. 

18.  From  Abingdon  the  legate  removed  to  Lon- 
don, lodging  at  Durham-house  in  the  Strand :  the 
king  commanding  the  major  of  London  to  keep 
him  as  the  apple  of  his  eye,  with  watch  and  ward 
constantly  about  him.  Hither  he  assembled  the 
bishops  of  the  land  to  consider  and  consult  about 
reparation  for  so  high  an  afl&ont. 
The  w-  19.  The  bishops  pleaded  hard  for  the  university  of 

oedTfOTtbB  Oxford,  (as  being  the  place  wherein  most  of  them 
univerwty.  j^^  ^j^^.^,  ^ducation.)     They  alleged  it  was  secunda 

ecclesia,  a  second  church,  being  the  nursery  of 
learning  and  religion.  They  pleaded  also  that  the 
churlishness  of  the  porter  let  in  this  sad  accident, 
increased  by  the  indiscretion  of  those  in  his  own 
family :  adding  also,  that  the  clerks  of  Oxford  had 
deeply  smarted,  by  their  long  durance  and  sufferings, 
for  their  fault  therein". 

20.  Mollified  with  the  premises,  the  legate  at  last 
was  over-entreated  to  pardon  the  clergy  of  Oxford, 
on  their  solemn  submission,  which  was  thus  per- 
formed. They  went  from  St.  Paul's  in  London  to 
Durham-house  in  the  Strand,  no  short  Italian,  but 


All  are  re' 
conciled. 


"  [One  of  the  most  zealous 
champions  for  the  university 
was  the  learned  and  pious 
bishop  Grostete,  who  had  pro- 
cured the  release  of  many  of 
the  scholars  from  the  Tower, 
and  other  prisons,  upon  his 
own  security.  See  Wood,  ib. 
227.  He  also  solemnly  ex- 
communicated in  the  presence 
of  the  legate  and  the  king  all 
those  who    had    laid    violent 


hands  upon  the  clerks,  openly 
attributing  the  whole  disturb- 
ance to  the  folly  and  incivility 
of  the  legate's  household. 
(Wood,  ib.)  Another  ver- 
sion of  this  tale  will  be  found 
in  the  Chronicle  which  goes 
under  the  name  of  Thomas 
Wikes,  p.  43,  which  being  *an 
Osney  chronicle,  is  probably 
correct.] 


CENT.  XIII. 


of  Britain. 


175 


an  English  long  mile,  all  on  foot;  the  bishops  ofA.D.  1238. 

England,  for  the  more  state  of  the  business,  accom- '■ — '- 

panying  them,  as  partly  accessory  to  their  fault  for 
pleading  in  their  behalf.  When  they  came  to  the 
bishop  of  Carlisle's  (now  Worcester)  house,  the 
scholars  went  the  rest  of  their  way  barefoot,  sine 
capis  et  manteUis^  which  some  understand,  without 
capes  or  cloaks*^.  And  thus  the  great  legate  at  last 
was  really  reconciled  imto  them. 

21.  The  mention  of  the  house  of  the  bishop  ofBishops'an- 
Carlisle  minds  me  how,  anciently,  every  bishop  (as  J^^i^,^*^. 
all  principal  abbots)  had  a  house  belonging  to  their 
see  (commonly  called  their  inn)  for  them  to  lodge  in 
when  their  occasions  summoned  them  to  London. 
Not  to  mention  those  which  still  retain  their  names, 
as  Winchester,  Durham,  Ely,  &c.  We  will  only 
observe  such  which  are  swallowed  up  into  other 
houses,  conceiving  it  charitable  to  rescue  their 
memory  from  oblivion. 


House. 

Place. 

BvUi  by 

Turned  into 

Salisbury, 
St.  David's, 

Chichester, 

Exeter, 

Bath  and  Wells, 
Uandaff, 
Worcester, 
Lichfield  and 
Coventry, 
Carlisle, 
Norwich, 
York, 

Hereford, 

Fleet-street, 
North  of  Bride- 
well, 

Chancery-lane, 

By  Temple-bar, 

Strand, 
Strand, 
Strand, 

Strand, 

Strand, 
Strand, 
Westminster, 
OldFish^treet 
hill. 

Ralph  Nevil,  bp. 

of  Chichester. 
Walter  Stapleton, 

bp.  of  Exeter. 

Walter  Lancton, 
bp.  of  Chester. 

Ralph  de  Mayden- 
stOQ,  bp.  of  Ueref . 

Dorset-house. 
Small  tenements. 

Lincoln's  Inn. 

Essex-house. 

Arundel-house. 
Somerset-house. 
Somerset-house. 

Somerset-house. 

Worcester  .house. 
York-house. 
White-hall. 
A  sugar-maker's 
house. 

o  [Rather,  without  their  hoods 
and  gowns.  In  token  that  the 
university  was  dissolved;   for 


immediately  afterwards  the  le- 
gate restores  the  university  to 
its  privileges.  Mat.  Paris,  470.] 


176 


The  Church  HUtory 


BOOK  III. 


A.  D.  1238.     I  question  whether  the  bishop  of  Rochester  (whose 

'. — i  country  house  at  Bromley  is  so  nigh)  had  ever  a 

house  in  the  city  p.  Let  others  recover  the  rest 
from  oblivion ;  a  hard  task,  I  believe,  they  are  so 
drowned  in  private  houses.  O  let  us  secure  to  our- 
selves everlasting  habitations,  seeing  here  no  abiding 
mansion  4. 

22.  Come  we  now  to  present  the  reader  with  an- 
other offer  of  the  king's  (I  fear  it  was  not  much 
more)  to  repress  papal  oppression. 


A  valiant 


A.  D.  1 341.  Rex  dilecto  sibi  in  Chrislo 
archidiacono  Glouc,  salutem. 
Significavimust  et  etiam  viva 
voce  exposuiTnus  magistro  P. 
Rubeot  nuncio  Domini  papa, 


The  king  to  his  beloved  in 
Christ  the  archdeacon  of  Glon- 
cester,  greeting.  We  have  signi- 
fied, and  also  hj  word  of  month 
have  declared  to  Mr.  P.  Rubens, 


u 

€€ 

it 
U 
€€ 
<( 
(% 
(« 
if 
1i 
<« 
t( 
t€ 

et 
(( 
if 
« 
(< 
<< 
(( 
cc 
(i 
<( 
(i 
r< 


P  *'  [There  is  no  question  but 
he  had:  Stow  finding  it  in 
Southwark  by  the  name  of 
Rochester  house^  adjoining 
on  the  south  side  to  the  bi- 
shop of  Winchester's,  ruinous 
and  out  of  reparation  in  his 
time^  as  possibly  not  much 
frequented  since  the  building 
of  Bromley  house,  and  since 
converted  into  tenements  for 

private  persons." "  But 

since  our  author  hath  desired 
others  to  recover  the  rest 
from  oblivion,  I  shall  help 
him  to  the  knowledge  of  two 
more,  and  shall  thank  any 
man  to  find  out  the  third. 
The  first  of  these  two  is  the 
bishop  of  Lincobi's  house, 
situate  near  the  old  temple 
in  Holborn,  first  built  by 
Robert  de  Chesney,  bishop 
of  Lincoln  a.  1147,  since 
aliened  from  the  see  to  the 
earls  of  Southampton,  and 


"  passing  by  the  name  of 
*^  Southampton  house.  The 
*'  second  is  the  bishop  of  Ban- 
*'  gor'Sf  a  fair  house  in  Shoe- 
"  lane  near  St.  Andrew's 
**  church,  of  late  time  leased 
"  out  by  the  bishops,  and  not 
**  long  since  the  dwelling 
*'  of  doctor  Smith,  doctor  in 
'*  physic,  a  right  honest  and 
**  ingenious  person,  and  my 
"  very  good  friend.  Of  all  the 
**  old  bishops'  [houses  which] 
'*  were  founded  before  king 
**  Harry  the  Eight,  there  is 
"  none  whose  house  we  have 
*^  not  found  but  the  bishop  of 
"  Asaph ;  to  the  finding  where- 
"  of,  if  our  author,  or  any 
"  other  will  hold  forth  the 
"  candle,  I  shall  follow  the 
'•  light  the  best  I  can,  and  be 
**  thankful  for  it."  Heylyn  in 
the  Appeal,  &c.  p.  31.3 
<i  Luke  xvi.  9. 


C£KT.  XIII. 


of  Britain, 


177 


^uod  non  est  intentionis  no- 
stra,  nee  etiam  volumus  ali' 
quatenus  sustinere,  quod  vel 
vivos  religiosos  vel  clericum 
aliquem  ad  contributionem 
Jhciendam  ad  opus  Domini 
paptB  compellant,  Et  ideo 
vobis  mandamvs  inkibentes 
districte,  ne  ad  mandatum 
iprins  magistri  Petri  vel  su- 
aruniy  viros  religiosos  seu 
clericos  ad  contributionem 
pnsdictamjaciendam  aliqua 
censura  ecclesiastica  compeU 
laiis.  Scituri  quod  si  secus 
egeritis,  nos  contra  vos  tan- 
quam  perturbatorem  pacts 
ecclesiastica,  quam  conser- 
vare  tenemur,  modis  quibus 
expedire  viderimus,  proce- 
demus.  Teste  rege  apud 
Ghuc,  1 1 .  die  JuniiJ 


nuncio  to  the  lord  the  pope»  that  A.  D.  1241. 
it  is  not  our  intention^  nor  will  ^SMe^-J^I' 
we  any  ways  endure  it,  that  they 
shall  compel  religious  men,  or  any 
clerk^  to  make  a  contribution  to 
supply  the  occasions  of  the  lord 
the  pope.  And  therefore  we 
command  you»  strictly  forbidding^ 
that  at  the  command  of  the  said 
Mr.  Peter,  or  any  of  his  officers, 
you  compel  not  any  religious  men, 
or  clerks,  by  any  ecclesiastical 
censures  to  make  the  aforesaid 
contribution.  Knowing  that  if 
you  do  otherwise,  we  shall  pro- 
ceed against  you  by  means  we 
shall  think  fit,  as  against  the  dis- 
turber of  the  peace  of  the  church, 
which  we  are  bound  to  preserve. 
Witness  the  king  at  Gloucester, 
the  nth  of  June. 


By  the  way,  a  nuncio  differed  from  a  legate, 
almost  as  a  lieger  from  an  extraordinary  ambas- 
sador ;  who  though  not  so  ample  in  his  power,  was 
as  active  in  his  progging,  to  advance  the  profit  of 
the  pope  his  master. 

-  23.  This  instrument  acquainteth  us  with  the  a  free- 
method  used  by  him  in  managing  his  money  matters.  ^"^  ^  ^' 
Such  as  reftised  to  pay  his  demands  were  proceeded 
agamst  by  church  censures,  suspension,  excommuni- 
cation, &c.  The  cunning  Italian  (to  decline  the 
odium)  employing  the  archdeacons  to  denoimce  the 
same  in  their  respective  jurisdictions.  Yet  this  went 
under  the  notion  of  a  voluntary  contribution,  as  free 


'  Pat.  25  of  Henry  III.  mem.  6.  [Collated  with  the  original.] 

FULLER,  VOL.  II.  N 


178  The  Church  History  book  iif. 

AD.  1241.  as  fire  from  flint,  forced  with  steel  and  strength  out 

'^"^'"'-  of  it. 

Spoken  like  24.  Whercas  the  king  counted  himself  bound  to 
"**^*  preserve  the  peace  of  the  church,  the  words  well 
became  his  mouth.  They  seem  to  me  to  look  like 
DEFENDER  OF  THE  FAirn  as  yet  but  in  the  bud,  and 
Avhich  in  due  time  might  grow  up  to  amount  to  as 
much.  For  though  every  Christian  in  his  calling 
must  keep  the  peace  of  the  church,  kings  have  a 
coercive  poAver  over  the  disturbers  thereof. 

Say  and  do,  25.  Tliis  royal  resolution,  to  resist  the  oppressing 
of  his  subjects,  was  good  as  propounded,  better  if 
performed.  I  find  no  visible  effect  thereof:  but  we 
may  believe,  it  made  the  pope's  mill  go  the  slower, 
though  it  did  not  AvhoUy  hinder  his  grinding  the 
faces  of  the  clergy.  This  patent  is  dated  from 
Gloucester,  more  loved  of  king  Henry  than  London 
itself,  as  a  strong  and  loyal  city,  where  he  was  first 
crowned,  and  afterwards  did  often  reside. 

A  pension       26.  Amougst  the  thousands  of  poimds  which  the 

given  by  tbe  .  n-niTT  1  •ii 

pope  to  an  popo  camod  out  of  England,  I  meet  only  with  three 
e^f  hundred  marks  yearly,  which  came  back  again  as  a 
private  boon,  bestowed  on  an  English  knight,  sir 
Reginald  Mohun*,  by  pope  Innocent  the  Fourth, 
then  keeping  his  court  at  Lyons  in  France.  And 
because  these  are  vestigia  sola  retrorsum^  it  will  not 
be  amiss  to  insert  the  whole  story  thereof  as  it  is  in 
an  ancient  French  manuscript  pertaining  to  the 
family  of  the  Mohuns. 

'^  Quant  sire  Reinalda  voit  ceo  fi^iitz,  il  passa  a  la 
"  court  de  Rome  que  adonques  fuist  a  Lions,  pur 


9  [This  Reginald  de  Mohun     ham  in  the  manor  of  Axmin- 
founded  the  abbey  of  Newen-     ster.  Monast.  I.  928.] 


/ 


CSKT.  XIII.  of  Britain.  179 

"  confinner  et  ratifer  sa  novelle  abbay  a  grand  honor  a.d.  H41. 

"  de  liu  a  touz  joues,  et  fiiist  en  la  courte  le  deni- . '• — '• 

"  ergne  en  quaresme,  quant  lenchaunce  loffice  del 
messe  LcBtare  Jerusalem^  al  queun  jour  lusage  de  la 
court  este  que  lapostoille  doa  a  plus  valiant  et  a 
**  plus  honorable  home  qui  puit  estre  trovez  en  la 
**  deste  courte  une  rose  ou  une  floretta  de  fin  or. 
"  Donquez  ilz  sercherent  tote  la  courte,  entroverent 
**  cesti  Beinald  pur  le  plus  noble  de  toute  la  courte 
"  a  qui  le  pape  Innocent  donna  celle  rose  ou  florette 
"  dor  et  la  papa  lui  dainanda  quil  home  il  fiiist  en 
**  son  pais.  II  respondi  simple  bachelerie.  Beau  fitz/ 
"  fetz  la  pape, '  celle  rose  ou  florette  unquez  ne  fuist 
"  donez  fors  au  rois  ou  au  dukes  ou  a  countese ;  pour 
"  ceo  nous  voluns  que  vous  sons  le  counte  de  Est," 
"  ceo  est  Somerset.  Reinald  respondi  et  aist  'OSaincte 
"  Piere  ieo  nay  dont  le  nom  meinteyner.'  Lapos- 
**  stoille  donques  lui  dona  ducent  marcz  per  annum 
"  receiver  sur  cantre  saint  Paule  de  Londres  de  ces 
"  denieres  d'Engleterre  pour  son  honor  mainteyner ; 
"  de  queu  donna  il  reporta  buUes  que  enquore  aurent 
"  en  plombs,  &c.  en  semblement  odue  moltes  dis 
"  aultres  bulles  de  confirmatione  de  sa  novelle  abbay 
"  de  Newham  apres  queu  jour  il  porta  la  rose  ou 
"  florette  en  les  armes*." 

-  It  is  as  needless  as  difficult  to  translate  this  bull 
verbatim,  being  of  base,  obsolete,  and  ill-pointed 
French ;  suffieeth  it,  thafc;  this  iiSi  the  sum  thereof. 
The  pope  used  on  the'  lord's  day,  called  Lcetare 
,  .*#«** 

^   [This   passage   was    most  telligible  throughout.     1  have 

wretchedly  printed  in  th^  pre-  corrected  it  from   conjecture, 

vious  edition;  having  been  tran-  not  having  been  able  to  dis- 

scribed  by  some  very  ignorant  cover  the  original.] 
person,  so  as  to  be  almost  unin- 

N  2 


180  The  Church  History  book  hi. 

A.D.  i74t.  Jerusalem 9  solemnly  to  bestow  a  consecrated  rose  on  . 

!i_^! .the  most  honourable  persons  present  at  mass  with 

his  holiness.  Inquiry  being  made,  the  rose  was 
conferred  on  sir  Reginald  Mohun,  as  the  best  ex- 
tracted in  the  present  congregation. 

But  seeing  that  rose  used  always  to  be  given  to 
kings,  dukes,  and  earls  at  least,  (the  lowest  form  of 
coroneted  nobility  in  that  age,)  his  holiness  under- 
standing the  same  sir  Reginald  to  be  but  a  plain 
knight  bachelor,  created  him  the  earl  of  Est,  that  is, 
saith  this  bull,  of  Somerset ;  and  for  the  better  sup- 
port of  his  honour  he  allowed  him  three  hundred* 
marks  out  of  the  pence  of  England,  (imderstand  the 
Peter-pence,)  as  the  most  certain  papal  revenue  in 
the  land. 

By  this  bull  the  same  sir  Reinald  was  made  a 

count  apostolic,  whereby  he  had  the  privileges  to 

appoint  public  notaries,  and  to  legitimate  bastards 

on  some  conditions.     King  Henry  the  Third  was  so 

far  from  excepting  against  this  act,  that  he  highly 

honoured  him.     And  yet  master  Camden  sometimes 

acknowledgeth^,   sometimes   denieth^   him   for  an 

English  earl.     Not  that  I  accuse  him  as  inconstant 

to  himself,  but  suspect  myself  not  well  attaining  his 

meaning  therein. 

There  are       27.  Now  though  the  Said  sir  Reginald  did  mo- 

m^ethem- destly  decliuc  the  pope's  honour  for  want  of  main- 

seives  poor,  teuancc,  yct  had  he  at  that  time  no   fewer  than 

forty-three  knights'  fees  held  of  his  castle  of  Dunstar^ 

I  have  nothing  else  to  add  herein,  save  that  the 

^  [Rather  two  hundred.]  ^   In  his   Elizabeth  in  the 

^  In  his  Brit,  in  Somerset-  case  of  count  Arundel,  [a. 
shire,  [p.  1 6 1.]  '5960 


CENT.  XIII. 


of  Britain. 


181 


ancient  arms  of  tLe  Mohuns,  viz.  a  hand  in  a  maunch  a.d.  1341. 
holding  a  fleur-de-lis,  (in  that  age  more  fashionable  — — — ' 
than  a  rose  in  heraldry,)  seems  to  relate  to  this 
occasion ;  which  their  family  afterward  changed  into 
a  sable  cross,  in  the  achievements  in  the  Holy  Land, 
borne  at  this  day  by  the  truly  honourable  the  lord 
Mohun,  baron  of  Oakhampton,  as  descended  from 
this  family* 

28.  This  year  died  Robert  Grouthead,  bishop  ofAD.  1253. 
Lincoln,  bom   at  Stradbrook  in  Suffolk,  natalibtis  oi\Mio^ 
jmdendis  saith  my  author^  of  shameftd  extraction,  ^"^  ^^' 
intimating  suspicion  of  bastardy:    though  the  pa- 
rents, rather  than  the  child,  have  caused  a  blush 
thereat.     He  got  his  surname  from  the  greatness  of 
his  head,  having  large  stowage  to  receive,  and  store  of 
brains  to  fill  it :  bred  for  a  time  in  Oxford,  then  in 


*  Godwin  [de  Praesulibus 
Ang.  p.  289.  Godwin's 
words  are,  '*  natalibus  ob- 
'•  scuris  ne   dicam  pudendis." 

It  is  questionable  whether 

Fuller's  interpretation  of  these 
words  be  correct.  None  of 
the  chroniclers  at  all  events 
fasten  this  imputation  upon 
Grostete,  although  they  all 
follow  Trivet  in  describing 
him  as  sprung  **  ima  de  gente,*' 
p.  204.  Godwin  brings  for- 
ward no  testimony  in  corrobo- 
ration of  his  assertion :  and  it 
is  positively  denied  by  CoUyer 
in  his  Eccl.  Hist.  vol.  I.  p.  462, 
upon  the  authority  of  arch- 
bishop Parker,  in  his  Antiq. 
Brit.  p.  168,  *'  who  reports 
'*  him  honourably  descended, 
"  and  appeals  to  a  pedigree 
•*for  proof."  The  bishop's 
real  name,  says  Dr.  Gale  in  a 
note  to  Godwin,  p.  289,  was 


Copley,  and  he  was  descended 
from  a  noble  and  ancient  fa- 
mily of  that  name  in  York- 
shire. There  is  a  tolerably  cor- 
rect and  pleasing  life  of  him 
written  in  verse  by  a  monk 
called  Richard  of  Bardney,  in 
Wharton's  Ang.  Sac.  vol.  II. 
p.  326,  which  appears  to  have 
been  composed  from  traditions 
of  him  current  in  Lincolnshire 
at  that  time ;  and  its  veracity 
is  supported  by  our  best  chro- 
niclers. See  also  Trivet,  p.  201, 
and  the  Chron.  de  Lanercost, 
an.  1253.  A  full  and  correct 
account  of  him  will  be  found  in 
Pegge'sLife  of  Grostete.  More 
succinct  information  will  be 
found  in  Cave's  Hist.  Litt. 
Oudinus  de  Script.  Eccles.,  and 
in  Wood's  Annals,  I.  198.  His 
Opuscula  and  several  of  his  let- 
ters are  in  the  second  volume 
of  Brown's  Fasciculus.] 

N  3 


ISSt  The  Church  History  book  hi. 

A.D.  1253.  France :  a  great  and  general  scholar,  (Bale  Feckonmg 
^^      — '■  up  no  fewer  than  two  hundred  books  of  his  making,) 
and  a  great  opposer  of  the  pope's  oppression,  which 
now  grew  intolerable. 
The  pope's      29-  For  it  appeared  by  inquisition  made  the  last 
ogsdnrt  this  year,  that  the  ecclesiastical  revenues  of  Italians  in 
£J^***'     England  (Avhereof  many  were  boys,   more   block- 
heads, all  aliens)  amounted  per  annum  unto  three- 
score and  ten  thousand  marks :  whereas  the  king's 
income  at  the  same  time  was  hardly  twenty  thou- 
sands^.    Gishop  Grouthead  offended  thereat,  wrote 
pope   Innocent  the  Fourth  such  a  juniper  letter, 
taxing  him  with  extortion,  and  other  vicious  prac- 
tices,  that   his   holiness   brake   out   into   this   ex- 
pression;  "What  meaneth  this  doating  old  man, 
"  surdus   et  absurdus^  thus   boldly  to   control   our 
"  actions  ?  By  Peter  and  Paul,  did  not  our  innate 
"  ingenuity  restrain  us,  I  would  confound  him,  and 
"  make  him  a  prodigy  to  the  w^hole  world.     Is  not 
"  the  king  of  England  our  vassal,  yea  our  slave,  to 
"  imprison  and  destroy  what  persons  we  please  to 
"  appoint?" 
quendied        30.  The  pope  being  in  this  pelt,  iEgidius  a  Spanish 
msh  c^'    cardinal  thus  interposed  his  gravity.     "  It  is  not  ex- 
"  pedient,  my  lord,  to   use   any  harshness  to  this 
"  bishop.     We  must  confess  the  truths  which  he 
"  saith.     He  is  a  holy  man,  of  a  more  religious  life 
"  than  any  of  us,   yea   Christendom  hath    not  his 
"  equal ;  a  great  philosopher,  skilled  in  Latin  and 
"  Greek,  a  constant  reader  in  the  schools,  preacher 


y  Matthew  Paris,  p.  874.  paring  with  them  the  Aiinales 
[See  particularly  the  Foedera,  Burton,  p.  309,  and  Mat.  Pa- 
I.    263,  281,  350,  393,  com-     ris,  p.  700.] 


dinaL 


CENT.  XI 1 1 .  of  Britain .  1 8S 

**in  the  pulpit,  lover  of  chastity,  and   loather  ofA.  0.1153. 
"  Simony.  — 

31 .  Thus  the  pope  took  wit  in  his   anger,  and  Orouthead 
Grouthead  escaped  for  the  present :  though  Bale  re-  pie's, 
porteth  that  he  died  excommunicate  and  deprived  of  thr^pe"** 
his  bishopric.     Popish*  authors  confidently  report  a**^"^ 
strange  vision,  or  rather  a  passion  of  pope  Innocent 

the  Fourth,  whom  Grouthead  (appearing  after  his 
death)  so  beat  with  many  blows,  (it  seems  he  had  a 
heavy  hand  as  well  as  a  great  head,)  that  the  pope 
died  thereof  soon  after.  No  wonder  therefore  if  his 
successors  would  not  canonize  this  Robert,  who  not- 
withstanding was  a  saint,  though  not  in  the  pope's, 
yet  in  the  people's  calendar,  many  miracles  being 
ascribed  unto  him ;  and  particularly,  that  a  sweet  oil 
after  his  death  issued  out  of  his  monument^:  which 
if  false  in  the  literal,  may  be  true  in  a  mystical 
meaning,  Solomon  observing,  that  a  good  name  is  as 
ointment  poured  out. 

32.  England  began  now  to  surfeit  of  more  than  Discontent* 
thirty  years'  peace  and  plenty,  which  produced  no^iLnd. 
better  effects  than  ingratitude  to  God,  and  murmur- 
ing at  their  king.     Many  active  spirits,  whose  minds 

were  above  their  means,  offended  that  others  beneath 
them  (as  they  thought)  in  merit,  were  above  them 
in  employment,  cavilled  at  many  errors  in  the  king's 
government,  being  state  Donatists,  maintaining  the 
perfection  of  a  commonwealth  might,  and  ought  to 
be  attained.  A  thing  easy  in  the  theory,  impossible 
in  the  practice,  to  conform  the  actions  of  men's  cor- 


*  John  Burie.    [MS.  ibid.]     Mr.  Fabian's  [Chron.  part  vii. 
Mat.    Paris,    [p.  883.]     Mat.     f.  25.  first  edition.] 
Westminster,     [in    a.     1254.]         ^  Godwin,  [ib.  p.  291.] 

N  4 


184  The  Church  History  book  hi. 

A.D.  i354.rupted  natures  to  the   exact  ideas  in  men's   ima- 

38Uen.11 1.   .     ^. 
il ginations. 

Grounded  33.  Indeed  they  had  too  much  matter  whereon 
occasioii.  justly  to  grouud  their  discontents:  partly  because 
the  king  (distrusting  his  natives)  employed  so  many 
French  foreigners  in  places  of  power  and  profit; 
partly  because  he  had  used  such  indirect  courses  to 
recruit  his  treasuries,  especially  by  annihilating  all 
patents  granted  in  his  minority,  (though  indeed  he 
was  never  more  in  his  fiiU  age  than  when  in  his  non- 
age, as  guided  then  by  the  best  counsel,)  and  forcing 
his  subjects  to  take  out  new  ones  on  what  terms  his 
officers  pleased.  In  a  Avord,  an  author*^  then  living 
complaineth,  "that  justice  was  committed  to  men 
"  unjust,  the  laws  to  such  who  themselves  were  out- 
**  laws,  and  the  keeping  of  the  peace  to  injurious 
"  people  delighting  in  discords." 
A  title  34.  After  many  contests  betwixt  the  king  and  his 

power  only  subjocts,  (which  the  reader  may  learn  from  the  his- 
king?  *  *  torians  of  the  state,)  four  and  twenty  prime  persons 
were  chosen  by  parliament  to  have  the  supreme  in- 
spection of  the  land:  which  soon  after  (to  make 
them  the  more  cordial)  passed  a  decoction,  and  were 
reduced  to  three,  and  they  three  in  effect  contracted 
to   one,  Simon  Mountfort,   earl   of  Leicester,  the 
king's  brother-in-law  :  the  king  himself  standing  by 
as  a  cipher,  yet  signifying  as  much  as  his  ambitious 
subjects   did  desire.     These,  to   make   sure   work, 
bound  him  with  his  solemn  oath  to  submit  himself 
to  their  new-modelled  government. 
The  pope        35.  Here  the  pope  (charitable  to  relieve  all  dis- 
his  cour-    trcsscd  priuccs)  intcrposcd  his  power,  absolving  the 

^  Roger  Wendover,  [in  Mat.  Paris.] 


CENT.  XIII.  of  Britain,  186 

king  from  that  oath,  as  unreasonable  in  itself,  andA.D.  1J54. 
forced  upon  him.     His  holiness  was  well  paid  for??5!Ili!i 
this  great  favour;  the  king  hereafter  conniving  at^^]" 
his  horse-leeches  (legates  and  nuncios)  sucking  the 
blood   of  his   subjects   with    intolerable   taxations. 
Thus  was  it  not  altogether  the  flexibility  of  king 
Henry,  but  partly  the  flexion  of  his  condition,  (I 
mean  the  altering  of  his  occasions,)  which  made  him 
sometimes  withstand,  and  otherwhiles  comply  with 
the  pope's  extortion.     Thus  always  the  pope's  cour- 
tesies are  very  dear ;  and  the  storm  itself  is  a  better 
shelter  than  the  bramble,  fleecing  such  sheep  as  fly 
under  the  shade  thereof**. 

36.  Meantime  the  king,  having  neither  coin  nor  sad  case 
credit,  having  pawned  his  jewels,  mortgaged  all  his  roya?rool  is 
land  in  France,  and  sold  much  of  it  in  England,  "^^^*®'" 
wanting  wherewithal  to  subsist,  lived  on  abbeys  and  ^"cke''- 
priories ;  till  his  often  coming  and  long  staying  there 

made  what  was  welcome  at  the  first  quickly  to  be- 
come wearisome.  Though  a  royal  guest,  with  often 
coming  his  royalty  made  not  his  guestship  the  more 
accepted,  but  the  notion  of  a  guest  rendered  his 
royalty  the  less  to  be  esteemed.  Indeed  his  visits  of 
abbeys  at  first  did  wear  the  countenance  of  devotion, 
(on  which  account  this  king  was  very  eminent,)  but 
afterwards  they  appeared  in  their  own  likeness,  the 
dimmest  eye  seeing  them  to  proceed  from  pure 
necessity. 

37.  Soon  after  began  the  civil  wars  in  England,  No  part  of 

church- 

d  [The  pope  sent  a  legate  a  sentence  of  excommunication  work. 

latere  in  1261  to  absolve  the  against  those  who  were  in  re- 

king  and  his  adherents  from  bellion  against  the  king.  Chron. 

the   oath    taken    by  them  at  de  Lanercost.  in  this  year.] 
Oxford^  and  to  fulminate  the 


186  The  Church  Uuiary  book  m. 

A.D.  1154.  with  Tarious  success,  sometimes  the  king,  and  some* 

i  times  the  barons  getting  the  better ;  tiU  at  hist  an 

indifferent  peace  was  concluded  for  their  mutual 
good,  as  in  the  historians  of  the  commonwealth  doth 
plentifully  appear. 
IJ^  by  88.  The  latter  part  of  the  reign  of  king  Heniy 
was  not  only  eminent  in  itself,  but  might  be  exem- 
plary to  others.  He  reformed  first  his  own  natural 
errors,  then  the  disorders  in  his  court,  the  expense 
whereof  he  measured  by  the  just  rule  of  his  proper 
revenue.  The  rigour  and  corruption  of  his  judges  he 
examined,  and  redressed  by  strict  conmiission,  filled 
the  seats  of  judgment  and  counsel  with  men  nobly 
bom,  sat  himself  daily  in  council,  and  disposed  afiairs 
of  most  weight  in  his  own  person. 
charta  89.  And  now  the  charta  magna  was  very  strictly 

ftiUy  prao-  obscrvcd,  being  made  in  the  ninth  year  of  this  king's 
reign,  but  the  practice  thereof  much  interrupted  and 
disturbed  with  civil  wars,  it  is  beheld  by  all  judicious 
men  as  (like  the  aurea  buUa^  or  golden  bull  of  Ger- 
many) the  life  of  English  liberty,  rescued  by  the 
blood  and  valour  of  our  ancestors  from  tyrannical 
encroachment,  giving  the  due  bounds  to  prerogative 
and  propriety,  that  neither  should  mutually  intrench 
on  the  other's  lawful  privileges.  And  although  some 
high  royalists  look  on  it  as  the  product  of  subjects' 
animosities,  improving  themselves  on  their  prince's 
extremities,  yet  most  certain  it  is,  those  kings  flou- 
rished the  most  both  at  home  and  abroad,  who  tied 
themselves  most  conscientiously  to  the  observation 
thereof. 
BaUioi  col-  40.  Two  coUegcs  in  Oxford  were  founded  in  the 
JfvabilliL  reign  of  this  king     One,  Balliol  college,  by  John 


•»rince. 


CSKT.  XIII. 


of  Britain. 


187 


Balliol  (and  Dervorguill  his  lady)^  of  Beniard*8A.D.i262. 
castle  in  the  bishopric  of  Durham,  banished  into^^ — — — '. 
Elngland,  and  father  of  Balliol  king  of  Scotland  <^. 
Wonder  not  that  an  exile  should  build  a  college, 
charity  being  oftentimes  most  active  in  the  afflicted, 
willingly  giving  to  others  a  little  of  that  little  they 
have :  witness  the  Macedonians,  whose  deep  poverty 
abounded  to  tlie  riches  of  their  liberality^. 

41.  True  it  is,  the  ancient  revenues  of  this  college  Great  re- 
were  not  great,  allowing  but  «f  eight  pence  a  week  that^^!*'^ 
for  every  scholar  therein  of  his  foundation,  (whereas 
Merton  college  had  twelve  pence,)  and  yet,  as  one 
casteth  up^  their  ancient  revenues  amounted  imto 
ninety-nine  pounds  seventeen  shillings  and  ten 
pence ;  which  in  that  age,  I  will  assure  you,  was  a 
considerable  sum,  enough  to  make  us  suspect  that  at 

this  day  they  enjoy  not  all  the  original  lands  of  their 
foundation. 

42.  Indeed,  I  am  informed  that  the  aforesaid  king  Endowed 
Balliol  bestowed  a  large  proportion  of  land  in  Scot- ^d  San 
land  on  this  his  father's  foundation.     The  master  ^°J^^p^- 
and  fellows  whereof  petitioned  king  James  (when 

the  marches  of  two  kingdoms  were  newly  made  the 
middle  of  one  monarchy)  for  the  restitution  of  those 
lands  detained  from  them  in  the  civil  wars  betwixt 


^^  [There  is  an  epitaph  upon 
this  Dervorvilla  de  Balliol,  but 
in  wretched  doggrel/  in  the 
Chron.  de  Lanercost>  an.  t  289.] 
e  [According  to  Wood  not 
founded  till  after  Merton  and 
University.  '*  What  was  done 
in  order  to  it  by  sir  John 
Balliol^  knight,  while  he  was 
living,  was  an.  1268  or  1267 
"  at  leasts  and  then  no  more 
"  but  to  exhibit  to  certain  poor 


« 


« 


« 


« 


s< 


'*  scholars  of  Oxford,  till  such 
time  he  could  conveniently 
procure   an    habitation   for, 

"  and  settle  lands  on,  the  scho- 

*'  lars  thereof.'*  Hist,  of  Univ. 

&c.  p.  70.] 

^  2  Cor.  viii.  2. 

s  Roger  Walden,  in  his  His- 

tory,  [quoted  by  Twyne.] 
h  Bri.  Twyne,  Antiq.  Acad. 

Oxon.  in  Appendice. 


188  The  Church  History      •  book  hi. 

A.D.  1163.  the  two  crowns.     The  kinir.  though  an  affectionate 
^ — ^ — .'lover  of  learning,  would  not  have  his  bounty  in- 
jurious to   any  (save  sometimes  to  himself);  and 
considering   those    lands   they   desired   were    long 
peaceably  possessed  with  divers  owners,  gave  them 
notice  to  surcease  their  suit.     Thus  not  king  James, 
but  the  infeasibility  of  the  thing  they  petitioned  for 
to  be  done  with  justice,  gave  the  denial  to  their 
petition. 
Hus  lu.         43.  Being  to  present  the  reader  with  the  cata- 
quett  to  the  logues  of  this  and  other  worthy  foundations  in  Ox- 
Oxford."^  ford,  I  am  sorry  that  I  can  only  build  bare  walls, 
(erect  empty  columns,)  and  not  fill  them  with  any 
furniture :  which  tlie  ingenuous  reader,  I  trust,  will 
pardon,  when  he  considers,  first,  that  I  am  no  Oxford 
man  ;    secondly,  that  Oxford   is   not   that  Oxford 
wherewith  ten  years  since  I  was  acquainted^.  Where- 
fore I  humbly  request  the  antiquaries  of  their  re- 
spective foundations  (best  skilled  in  their  own  worthy 
natives)  to  insert  their  own  observations ;  which  if 
they  would  return  unto  me  against  the  next  edition 
of  this  work,  if  I  live,  and  it  be  thought  worthy 
thereof,  God  shall  have  the  glory,  they  the  public 
thanks,  and  the  world  the  benefit  of  their  contri- 
bution to  my  endeavours. 
Four  neces-     44.  The  Catalogue  of  masters  we  have  taken  with 
^lised.^  an  implicit  faith  out  of  Mr.  Brian  Twyne  (who  may 
be  presumed  knowing  in  that  subject)  until  the  year 
I6O8,  where  his  work  doth  determine :  since  which 
time  we  have  supplied  them  as  well  as  we  may, 
though  too  often  at  a  loss  for  their  Christian  names. 
If  Mr.  Twyne  his  register  be  imperfect,  yet  he  writes 
right  who  writes  wrong,  if  follo\^dng  his  copy. 

^  [When  he  took  refuge  there  in  the  time  of  the  civil  wars.] 


CENT.  XIII.  of  Britain.  189 

45.  The  list  of  bishops  hath  been  collected  out  of  a.d.  1262. 
Francis  Godwin,  bishop   of  Hereford,  whose  judi-1 — — — ! 
cious  pains  are  so  beneficial  to  the  English  church,  the  bSXps 
Yet  Godwintts  non  vidit  omnia^  and  many  no  doubt  ^j^^" 
have  been  omitted  by  him. 

46.  As  for  the  roll  of  benefactors,  I,  who  hope  to  whence 
have  made  the  other  catalogues  true,  hope  I  have^^"®" 
made  this  not  true ;  upon  desire  and  confidence  that 
they  have  more  than  I  have,  or  can   reckon  up, 
though  following  herein  I.  Scot  his  printed  tables, 

and  the  last  edition  of  John  Speed  his  chronicle. 

47.  The  column  of  learned  writers  I  have  endea- whence 
voured  to  extract  out  of  Bale  and  Pitts.     Whereof  J^^"^ 
the  latter  being  a  member  of  this  university,  was  no 

less  diligent  than  able  to  advance  the  honour 
thereof. 

48.  Let  none  suspect  that  I  will  enrich  my  mother  no  wiifui 
by  robbing  my  aunt.    For  besides  that  Cambridge  is  Jl^f 
so  conscientious,  she  will  not  be  accessary  to  my 
felony  by  receiving  stolen  goods. 

Tro8^  Tyriusve  mihi  nulla  discrimine  hahetur : 
A  Trojan  whether  he 
Or  a  Tyrian  be, 
All  is  the  same  to  me. 

It  matters  not  whether  of  Cambridge  or  Oxford,  so 
God  hath  the  glory,  the  church  and  state  the  benefit 
of  their  learned  endeavours. 

49.  However,  I  am  sensible  of  many  defects,  and  Add  and 
know  that  they  may  be  supplied  by  the  endeavours 

of  others.  Every  man  knows  his  own  land  better 
than  either  Ortelius  or  Mercator,  though  making 
the  maps  of  the  whole  world.  And  the  members  of 
respective  colleges  must  be  more  accurate  in  the 
particularities  of  their  own  foundations,  than  the 


190 


'  The  Church  History 


BOOK  in. 


A.D.  i963.exacte8t  historian  who  shall  write   a  general  de- 

46Hen.III.        ...         .,  * 

scnption  thereof. 


Matiert, 


I282.h  Jo.  Fodering- 
hay. 

1360.  Jo.  WidiHffe. 

1423.  Rob.  Burley. 

145 1.  Rob  Thwaites. 

1477.  Rob.  Abdy. 

1497.  Ric.   Berning- 
ham. 

15 18.  Rich.  Stubbes. 

1525.  WUL  WTiite. 

1539.  Geo.  Cootes. 

1545.  Wm.  Wright. 

1547.  Ja.  Brooks,  [af- 
terwards bi- 
shop of  Glou- 
cester.] 

1559.  Fran.   Babing- 

ton. 

1560.  Anth.  Garnet. 
1563.  Rob.  Hooper. 

1570.  Jo.  Piers. 

1571.  Adam  Squier. 
1580.  Edm.  Lylly. 
1609.  Rob.  Abbot 
1616.  Dr.  Parkhurst 
1637.  Dr.  Laurence. 
1650.  Dr.  Savage. 


Bishops, 


Roger  Whelpdale, 
fellow,  bishop  of 
Carlisle. 

Geor .  Ne  vill,  chan- 
oellor  oftheuni- 
Tersityattwenty 
years  of  age,  af- 
terwards furhbi- 
shop  of  York, 
and  chancellor  of 
£ngland. 

WilL  Gray,  bish<^ 
of  Ely. 

Jo.  Bell,  bishop  of 
Worcester. 

[Geo.  Cootes,  bi- 
shop of  Chester.] 

Job.  Piers,  archbi- 
shop of  York. 

Rob.  Abbot,  bi- 
shop of  Salis- 
bury. 

Qeo.  Abbot,  fel- 
low, archbishop 
of  Canterbury. 


Benefactors. 


Philip  Somervile, 

and    Marg.  his 

wife. 
Ella  de  Long-Spee, 

countess  of  Sa- 
lisbury. 
Rich,  de  Humsni- 

gore. 
L.  Win.  Fenton. 
Hugh  de  Vienna, 

knight. 
John  Bell,  bishop 

of  Worcester. 
Wil.    Hammond, 

of  Gilford,  esq. 
Peter  Blundell,  of 

Tiverton. 
L.   Eliz.  Periam, 

of  the  county  of 

Buck. 
Tho.   Tisdale,    of 

Glymton,    com. 

Oxon,  esq. 
Mary  Dunch. 
John  Brown. 


Learned  writen. 


Jo.  Duns  SootBS, 
first  of  this,  then 
of  Merton  col- 
lege. 

Humfrey  duke  of 
Gloucester,  com- 
monly called  the 
Good. 

WilL  Walton,  fel- 
low, cfaanoeOor 
of  the  univer- 
sity. 

Tho.  Gaacoign, 
feDow,  chancel- 
lor of  the  uni- 
versity. 

i  John  Tiptoft, 
earl  of  Wor- 
cester. 

Rob.  Abbot 


That  John  Wickliffe  here  mentioned  may  be  the 
great  Wickliffe ;  though  others  justly  suspect  him  not 
the  same,  because  too  ancient,  if  this  catalogue  be 
complete,  to  be  the  fourth  master  of  this  house, 
except  they  were  incredibly  vivacious.  Nothing  else 
have  I  to  observe  of  this  foimdation,  save  that  at 
this  day  therein  are  maintained  one  master,  twelve 
fellows,  thirteen  scholars,  four  exhibitioners ;  which, 
with  servants,  commoners,  and  other  students,  lately 
made  up  one  hundred  thirty  and  six. 


^  [The  dates  of  the  masters 
both  here  and  below  I  have  in- 
serted in  the  text  from  Wood.] 


^  See  more  of  him  in  our 
dedication  to  the  second  book. 
Fuller. 


CEKT.  XIII. 


of  Britain. 


191 


50.  Nor  must  we  forget  that  (besides  others)  two  a.d.  1262. 

eminent  judges  of  our  land  were  both  contempo '- — i 

raries  and  students  in  this  foundation ;  the  lord  chief  leaJ^*^ 
baron  Davenport,  and  the  lord  Thomas  Coventry,  J"^*^* 
lord  chancellor  of  England,  (whose   father  also,  a 
judge,  was  a  student  herein.)     So  that  two  great 
oracles,  both  of  law  and  equity,  had  here  their  edu- 
cation. 

51.  The  other  was  university  college:  whereof  lunivcrrity 
find  different  dates,  aad  the  founding  thereof  ascribed  founded. 
to  several  persons  J. 


Founder. 

Time, 

Author. 

I.  King  Alfred. 

Anno  882. 

I.  Universal  tradition. 

2.  William  de  Sto.  Ca. 

1081,  the  1 2th  of  king 

2.  Stow  in  his  Chroni- 

rilefoy bishop  of  Dur- 

William    the     Con- 

cle,  p.  106  J,  to  whom 

ham. 

queror. 

Pitz  consenteth. 

3.  William,  bishop  of 

12 1 7,  in  the  first  of 

3.  John  Speed,  in  his 

Durham,        though 

Henry  III. 

History,  p.  817. 

none  at  this  timA  of 

the  name. 

4.  William,  archdeacon 

uncertain''. 

4.  Camd.  Brit,  in  Ox- 

of  Durham,   whom 

■ 

fordshire. 

others  confidently  call 

Walter. 

I  dare  interpose  nothing  in  such  great  differences, 
only  observe  that  master  Camden  (no  less  skilful  a 
herald  in  ordering  the  antiquity  of  houses  than  mar- 
tialling  the  precedency  of  men)  makes  University 
the  third  in  order  after  Merton  college :  which  makes 
me  believe  the  founding  thereof  not  so  ancient  as 
here  it  is  inserted^ 


J  [See  Wood's  Hist,  of  CoL 
l^es,  L  38,  39.  Who  were 
the  founders  seems  very  doubt- 
ful. The  three  Williams  are 
probably  one  and  the  same 
person.] 


^  [Yet  unquestionably  a  be- 
nefactor :  he  left  three  hundred 
and  ten  marks  for  supporting 
ten  or  twelve  masters  in  the 
schools  of  Oxford.] 

1  [Ant.  Wood  places   Uni- 


The  Church  Jihtory 


IHnsleri. 


>.  Roger  Clldwdlni. 
1416.  Richard  Wylton. 
14R8,  M.  RoketboroiiKh. 
iflOi).  KBnul{ih  Ilumslerle}'. 
1518.  LHiDBrd  Hiitchinioii. 
r546-  John  CmTord' 
IS47.  Richard  Salrabe. 
1551.  George  Elliion. 
t  js;.  Anthony  Salvwoe. 
I J  58.  James  Dugdoln. 
1561.  Thomat  Key. 

I.  WiUiam  James. 

{.  Aothony  Ootei. 
1.S97-  Oeorge  Abbot. 
I  Gog.  Jobn  Bancroft. 
1631.  [Thumai)  Walker. 
1648.  [Joshua]  Hoile- 
'CjS'  [Frand>  Johnaon.] 


Abbot, 
archbp. 
of  CanU 

ahop  of 
Olfori. 


Sir  Simon  BenneC,  who  hnth  be- 
queathed good  Isnda  (afler  the 
decease  of  hia  ladv)  to  tacTeue 
the  feUowB  and  sciiolaTB. 

Air.  Charles  Greenwood,  samB- 
tiae  fellow  of  this  Follc^,  and 
proctor  to  tJie  univeraity,  gave 
a  thousand  pounda  to  the 
building  thereof- 


So  that  at  this  present  are  maintained  therein  one 
master,  eight  fellows,  one  Bible-clerk ;  which  wi 
servants,  commoners,  and  other  students,  amount 
the  number  of  threescore  and  nine. 

52.  Sure  it  is,  at  this  time  Oxford  flourished  with 
multitude  of  students;  King  Henry  conferring  large 
favours  upon  them,  and  these  among  the  rest.  That 
no  Jews  living  at  Oxford  should  receive  of  scholars 
above  two  pence  a  week  interest  for  the  loan  of 


versity  college  before  JVIerton  ;  name  of  nine  masters  previous 

and  ^together  rejects  tbe  re-  toWytton,  as  well  as  of  other! 

port  of  king  Alired  being  its  subsequently  omitted  by  Ful- 

founder.  Hist,  of  Colleges,  &c.  ler.  Ib.51.] 
p.  37.]  ■>  [Bishop  of  Durham.  Wood, 

™  [Wood  omits  the  name  of  ib.  p.  46.] 
Caldwell ;    and  meDtions   the 


CENT.  XIII.  of  Britain.  193 

twenty  shillings,  that  is,  eight  shillings  eight  pence  a.  0.1261. 
for  the  interest  of  a  pound  in  the  year^.    Hereby  we  ^'- — ^ — •' 
may  gaess  how  miserably  poor  people  in  other  places 
were  oppressed  by  the  Jews,  where  no  restraint  did 
limit  their  usury ;  so  that  the  interest  amounted  to 
the  half  of  the  principal. 

58.  Secondly,  whereas  it  was  complained  of,  that  ^  second 
justice  was  obstructed,  and  malefactors  protected  by 
the  citizens  of  Oxford,  who  being  partial  to  their 
own  corporation,  connived  at  offenders  who  had  done 
mischief  to  the  scholars;  the  king  ordered,  that 
hereafter  not  only  the  citizens  of  Oxford,  but  also 
any  officers  in  the  vicinage  should  be  employed  in 
the  apprehending  of  such  who  offered  any  wrong  to 
the  students  in  the  university. 

54.  Lastly,  he  enjoined  the  bailiffs  of  Oxford  so- The  third 
lemnly  to  acquaint  the  chancellor  thereof,  of  those  ^"^ 
times  when  bread  and  other  victuals  were  weighed 

and  prized.  But  in  case  the  chancellor  had  timely 
notice  thereof,  and  refused  to  be  present  thereat, 
then  the  bailiflfe  notwithstanding  his  absence  might 
proceed  in  the  foresaid  matters  of  weight  and 
measure. 

55.  We  will  conclude  this  section  with  this  civil  The  sub- 
and  himible  submission  of  the  dean  and  chapter  of  2be  d^n° 
St.  Asaph,  sent  to  the  king  in  the  vacancy  (as  it^j^^^f^P^^ 
seems)  of  their  bishopric;   though   dislocated  and^*»P^- 
some  years  set  back  in  the  date  thereof 

De  reoognitione  Decani  et  Capit.  de  Sancto  Asapho. 
**  P  Universis   Christi  fidelibus    ad   quos   presens 

o  Claus.  22.  Hen.  III.  uiem.     [Collated  with  the  original  in 
9.  in  dorso.  the  Tower.] 

P  Pat.  33.  Hen.  III.  mem.  3. 

FULLER,  VOL.  II.  O 


194  7%e  Church  HiUoinf  moo%.  iii, 

A.D.  ii63.*«  scriptum    pervenerit,  deeanus    et  capitnlum    de 

'-  **  saiicto  Asapho  salutem  in  Domino.     Consuetadiiti 

^  antiqne  et  dignitati  quas  Dominos  Henricus  il-' 
^  lustris  rex  Angl.  et  progenitores  8ui  habaenint  in 
ecclesia  Anglicana,  de  petenda  licentia  eligendi 
vacantibns  episcopatuum  sedibus,  et  de  requirendo 
aseensu  regio  post  factam  electionem,  obviare  no- 
lentes ;  protestamur  et  recognoscimus,  nos,  quotiens 
^'  ecclesia  nostra  pastore  vacaverity  ab  illustri  domino 
"  rege  Angl.  et  heredibus  snis  debere  reverenter 
"  petere  licentiam  eligendi,  et  post  electionem  fectam 
assensum  eorum  reqnirere.  Et  ne  super  hoc  fii- 
turis  temporibus  dubitetur,  presenti  scripto  sigilla 
"  nostra  fecimus  apponi.  Act.  apud  sanctum  Asaph. 
"  Anno  Domini  M®.  cc.xlix^.  in  crastino  exaltationis 
"  sancta;  crucis." 

The  substance  is  this :  That  the  dean  and  chapter 
promise  to  depend  wholly  on  the  king's  pleasure  in 
the  choice  of  the  next  elect :  so  that  now  cathedrals 
began  to  learn  good  manners.  Notwithstanding  the 
pope  usually  obtruded  whom  he  pleased  upon  them. 
Say  not  that  St.  Asaph  was  an  inconsiderable  cathe- 
dral, being  at  great  distance  and  of  small  revenue, 
which  might  make  them  more  officious  to  comply 
with  the  king:  seeing  the  poorest  ofttimes  prove 
the  proudest  and  peevishest  to  their  superiors.  But 
although  this  qualm  of  loyalty  took  this  church  for 
the  present,  we  must  confess  that  generally,  chapters 
ask  the  king's  leave,  as  widows  do  their  fathers'  to 
marry ;  as  a  compliment  not  requisite  thereunto  :  as 
conceiving  it  civility  to  ask,  but  no  necessity  to  have 
his  approbation. 
Edmond  56.  Two  eminent  archbishops  of  Canterbury  suc- 
oTuntarr  ccssively  filled  that  see  during  the  most  part  of  this 


CKHT.  XI 1 1 .  of  Britain .  195 

king's  reign.  First,  Edmond  [of  Abingdon],  trea-A.D.  126a. 
purer  of  SaUsbury,  bom,  say  some,  in  London,  and"^""'''"' 
christened  in  the  same  font  with  Thomas  Becket. 
My  authorP  makes  him  educated  in  University  col- 
lege in  Oxford,  a  great  scholar,  and  lover  of  learned 
men.  Reftising  to  consecrate  Richard  Wendover 
bishop  of  Rochester  because  of  his  want  of  suffi- 
ciency for  such  a  function ;  hereupon  he  incurred  the 
displeasure  of  Otho  the  pope's  legate  siding  with 
Wendover,  (requiring  no  other  qualification  save 
money  to  make  a  bishop,)  and  was  enforced  to 
undertake  a  dangerous  and  expensive  journey  to 
Rome,  to  his  great  damage,  and  greater  disgrace, 
being  cast  in  his  cause  after  the  spending  of  a  thou- 
sand  marks  therein. 

57.  He  took  the  boldness  to  tell  the  pope  of  his  Sainted 
extortion ;    though    little   thereby  was    amended,  death. 
After  his  return  he  fell  into  the  king's  displeasure : 

so  that  overpowered  with  his  adversaries,  aad  circum- 
vented  with  their  malice,  weary  of  his  native  country, 
(the  miseries  whereof  he  much  bemoaned,)  he  went 
into  volimtary  banishment.  He  died  and  was  buried 
in  France:  and  six  years  after  (which  I  assure  you 
was  very  soon,  and  contrary  to  the  modem  custom) 
was  sainted  by  pope  Innocent  the  Fourth:  whose 
body  Lewis  the  Fourth  king  of  France  solemnly  re- 
moved, and  sumptuously  enshrined. 

58.  The  other,  Boniface  by  name^J,  was  only  emi- Boniface 

A  worthless 

nent  on  the  accoimt  of  his  high  extraction,  as  imcle  archbishop. 
to  the  queen,  and  son  of  Peter  earl  of  Savoy ;  a  hor- 

P  Godwin  [De  Praesul.  An-  elected   1 234,  Trivet,  p.  1 85, 

glise,  p.  90.     See  his  life  also  and  died  in  1 240.] 

in  Parker's  Antiq.  Brit.  p.  250.  <1  [Elected  1 2 41, consecrated 

and  a  sketch  of  his  character  1245.    ^^^  Parker,  ib.  p.  263. 

in   Trivet,    p.  192.     He   was  Godwin,  p.  92.] 

O  2 


196  The  Church  History  of  Britain.        book  m. 

A.D.  i36i.rible  scraper  of  money,  generally  hated,  insomuch 
' — Ithat  he  went  his  visitation,  having  a  corriet  on  under 
his  episcopal  habit ;  which  it  seems  was  no  more  than 
needs,  the  Londoners  being  so  exasperated  against  him 
that  they  threatened  his  death,  had  not  he  secured 
himself  by  flight.  Only  he  is  memorable  to  posterity 
for  pajring  two  and  twenty  thousuid  marks'  debt  of 
his  see  (which  his  predecessors  had  contracted)  for 
building  a  fair  hall  at  Canterbury,  and  a  stately 
hospital  at  Maidstone,  which  it  seems  was  indicted 
and  found  guilty  of,  and  executed  for  superstition  at 
the  dissolution  of  abbeys,  (when  it  was  valued  at 
above  a  hundred  and  fifty  pounds  of  yearly  revenue,) 
being  aliened  now  to  other  uses. 


SECT.   III. 


TO 


WILLIAM  ROBINSON 


OF 


THE  INWARD  TEMPLE,  ESQ.* 

Sir  Edward  Coke  was  wont  to  say,  that  he  never  knew  a 
divine  meddle  with  a  matter  of  law^  but  that  therein  he 
committed  some  great  error ,  and  discovered  gross  ig^ 
norance.  I  presume  you  lawyers  are  better  divines  than 
we  divines  are  lawyers ;  because  indeed  greater  your 
concernment  in  your  precious  souls y  than  ours  in  our 
poor  estates.  Having  therefore  just  cause  to  suspect  my 
own  Judgment  in  this  section^  wherein  so  much  of  law^  I 
submit  all  to  your  Judgment  to  add,  alter ^  expunge  at 


"  [Arms;  or^  a  morion  sa- 
ble^ studded  argent  and  or. 
In  the  visitation  of  Herts  by- 
sir  Richard^  St.  George  Cla- 
rencieux^  163  4,  is  the  pedigree 
of  the  family  of  Robinson  of 
Cheshunt  bearing  this  coat,  and 
signed  by  William  Robinson 
then  living.  By  it  he  appears 
to  have  been  the  son  of  Peter 
Robinson  of  London^  by  his 
wife  Anne,  daughter  of  Thomas 


Marston,  and  to  have  married 
Elizabeth,  daughter  of  Richard 
Burrell  of  London,  by  whom 
he  had  three  sons,  Peter,  Wil- 
liam, and  John^  and  two  daugh- 
ters^ Jane  and  Elizabeth,  all 
living  in  T634.  From  the  ear- 
lier part  of  the  pedigree  it 
appears  that  the  family  was  a 
branch  of  one  formerly  settled 
at  Little  Bonld  in  the  county 
of  Westmoreland.  B.] 

o3 


198  The  CkuTch  Hutoiy  book  in. 

fUature ;  that  j^  tny  weak  endeavours  thaU  appear 
worthjf  of  a  second  impresfion,  they  majf  come  Jbrth 
corrected  with  your  emendations. 

]  UIET  king  Henry  the  Third,  our  Eng- 
lish Nestor,  {not  for  depth  of  brwns, 
but  length  of  life,)  as  who  reigned 
fifly-six  years,  in  which  term  he  buried 
all  his  contemporary  princes  in  Chrie- 
tendom  twice  over.    AH  the  months  in  a  year  may 
in  a  manner  be  carved  out  of  an  April  day,  hot, 
cold,  dry,  moist,  fair,  foul  weather,  being  oft.  pre- 
sented therein.    Such  the  character  of  this  king's 
life,  certain  only  in  uncertainty,  sorrowful,  succe^ 
fill,,  in  plenty,  in  penury,  in  wealth,  in  want,  con- 
quered, conqueror. 
The  im-       3.  Yet  the  sun  of  his  life  did  not  set  in  a  cloud, 
<leMh,mnd  but  Went  down  in  full  lustre;  a  good  token  that  the 
^J^""^  next  day  would  be  feir,  and  his  Bnceeesor  prove  for- 
'"•^-      tunate.    He  died  at  St.  Edmund's  Buiy,  and  though 
a  merciful  prince  ended  his  days  in  a  necessary  act 
of  justice,  severely  punishing  some  citizens  of  Nor- 
wich for  burning  and  pUlaging  the  priory  therein*. 
His  corpse   was   buried     at    Westminster    church 
(founded  and  almost  finished  by  him)  with  great 

'[In  the  jeax  1273  some  advanced  in  j^ears.  proceeded 
contention  having  arisen  be-  to  Nonvicfa  perBonally  to  take 
tween  the  monks  and  citizens  cognizance  of  their  offences, 
of  Norwich,  the  latter  were  so  Upon  his  return  he  fell  sick  at 
enraged  as  to  set  6re  to  the  St.  Edmond's-bury,  and  died 
ancient  and  splendid  cathedral  in  the  67th  year  of  his  age. 
of  that  city.  Not  content  with  See  Mat.  Paris,  p.  1008,  and 
this,  they  carried  off  the  books.  Trivet,  p.  336,  who  is  copied 
restmenU,  and  sacred  vessels  W  Thoni.  Walsingham,  p.  43. 
which  belonged  to  that  cburcb.  These  authors  give  an  interest- 
King  Henry  HI.,  justly  in-  ing  description  of  the  manners 
dignant  at  this  outrage  of  the  ana  personal  appearance  of  this 
ratizens,    though  now  greatly  king] 


CENT.  XIII.  of  Britain.  199 

solemnity,  though  prince  Edward  his  son,  as  beyond  a.  a  1372. 
the  seas,  was  not  present  thereat.  — ^ — .* 

3.  There  cannot  be  a  greater  temptation  to  am-Theadvan- 
bition  to   usurp  a  crown,  than  when  it  findeth  a  absent 
vacancy  on  the  throne,  and  the  true  heir  thereof  J^l^ 
absent  at  a  great  distance.     Such  an  advantage  at 

this  instant  had  the  adversaries  of  prince  Edward 
(not  as  yet  returned  from  Palestine)  to  put  in,  if  so 
minded,  for  the  kingdom  of  England.  And  strange 
it  was,  that  no  arrears  of  the  former  rebellion  were 
left,  but  all  the  reckonings  thereof  so  fully  dis- 
charged, that  no  corrival  did  appear  for  the  crown ; 
but  a  general  concurrence  of  many  things  befriended 
prince  Edward  herein. 

i.  His  father  on  his  deathbed  secured  his  son's 
succession,  as  much  as  might  be,  by  swearing  the 
principal  peers  unto  him  in  his  absence. 

ii.  The  most  active  and  dangerous  military  men 
the  prince  had  politicly  carried  away  with  him  into 
Palestine. 

iii.  Prince  Edward  his  fame  (present  here  in  the 
absence  of  his  person)  preserved  the  crown  for  him, 
as  due  to  him,  no  less  by  desert  than  descent. 

The  premises  meeting  with  the  love  and  loyalty 
of  many  English  hearts,  paved  the  way  to  prince  Ed- 
ward his  peaceable  entrance  without  any  opposition. 

4.  King  Edward  was  a  most  worthy  prince,  coming  Hisachiev- 
oif  with  honour  in  all  his  achievements  against  Turk,  llj^nst  the 
and  Pope,  and  Jews,  and  Scots,  and  against  whom-  '^"'^• 
soever  he  encountered^.     For  the  Turks,  he   had 
lately  made   a  voyage  against   them,  which  being 
largely  related  in  our  Holy  war,  we  intend  not  here 

to  repeat.     Only  I  will  add,  that  this  foreign  expe- 

^  [Trivet,  I.  p.  237.] 
o  4 


200  The  Church  History  book  hi. 

A.D.  i272.(]ition  was  politicly  undertakeiL  to  rid  the  land  of 

lEdwardl.  Y ^.  ^  ^  .  ,      7      , 

many  martiahsts,  wherewith  the  late  barons    wars 

had  made  it  to  abomid.  These  spirits  thus  raised, 
though  they  could  not  presently  be  conjured  down, 
were  safely  removed  into  another  room.  The  fiercest 
mastiff  dogs  never  fight  one  with  another,  whilst 
they  have  either  bull  or  bear  before  them  to  bait ; 
the  common  foe  employing  that  fiiry  which  other- 
wise would  be  active  against  those  of  their  own 
kind.  This  diversion  of  the  English  soldiery  gave  a 
vent  to  their  animosities  which  otherwise  would 
have  been  mutually  misspent  amongst  themselves. 
The  pope's  5.  Great  at  this  present  was  the  pope's  power  in 
^^in  England,  improving  himself  on  the  late  tumultuous 
England,  (jj^eg^  and  the  easiness  of  king  Henry  his  nature, 
insomuch  that  within  these  last  seven  years  ea?  pleni- 
tudine  (or  rather,  ea?  ahundantia  et  superfluitate)  pot- 
estatiSf  he  had  put  in  two  archbishops  of  Canterbury, 
Robert  Kilwardeby,  and  John  Pecham,  against  the 
minds  of  the  monks,  who  had  legally  chosen  others®. 
Probably  the  third  time  would  have  created  a  right 
to  the  pope,  and  his  holiness  hereafter  prescribe  it 
as  his  just  due,  had  not  king  Edward  seasonably  pre- 
vented his  encroachment,  by  moderating  his  power 
in  England,  as  hereafter  shall  appear.  Meantime 
we  are  called  away  on  a  welcome  occasion,  to  behold 
a  grateful  object,  namely,  the  foundation  of  one  of 
the  first  and  fairest  colleges  in  Christendom. 
Merton  col-  6.  For  in  this  year  Walter  de  Merton,  bishop  of 
oSb^      Rochester,  and  chancellor  of  England,  finished  the 

founded. 

c  [See  Trivet,  235,  and  Par-     stance  a  protestation  was  made 

ker,  De  Antiquitat.  Britan.  p.  by  the  king's  clerk,  ne  amsi- 

285   and  290.      The  first  was  milis  electio  trahatur  in  conse- 

appointed  in  1272,  the  second  quentiam,  Godw.  96.] 

in   1278  :    but  in  the  first  in- 


CENT.  XIII.  o/BHtam.  901 

college  of  his  own  name  in  Oxford •*.     This  Walter  a.  d.  1274. 

was  bom  at  Merton  in  Surrey,  and  at  Maldon  ini ' 

that  county  had  built  a  college,  which  on  second 
thoughts  (by  God's  counsel  no  doubt)  he  removed  to 
Oxford,  as  it  seems  for  the  more  security;  now  if 
the  barons'  wars,  then  (some  fifteen  years  since)  in 
height,  and  heat,  were  as  it  is  probable,  any  motiye 
of  this  translation,  it  was  one  of  the  best  effects 
which  ever  so  bad  a  cause  produced ;  for  otherwise, 
if  not  removed  to  Oxford,  certainly  this  college  had 
been  swept  away,  as  rubbish  of  superstition,  at  the 
dissolution  of  abbeys. 

7.  Amongst  the  many  manors  which  the  first  a  manor 
founder  bestowed  on  this  college,  one  lay  in  the  bridge 
parish  of  St.  Peter's  and  west  suburb  of  Cambridge,  ^^ 
beyond  the  bridge,  anciently  called  Pythagoras 
house,  since  Merton  hall^.  To  this  belongeth  much 
good  land  thereabout,  (as  also  the  mills  at  Grant- 
chester  mentioned  in  Chaucer,)  those  of  Merton  col- 
lege keeping  yearly  a  court  baron  here.  Afterwards 
king  Henry  the  Sixth  took  away  (for  what  default  I 
find  not)  this  manor  from  them,  and  bestowed  it 
upon  his  own  foundation  of  King's  college  in  Cam- 
bridged  But  his  successor,  Edward  the  Fourth,  re- 
stored it  to  Merton  college  again.  It  seemeth 
equally  admirable  to  me,  that  holy  king  Henry  the 
Sixth  should  do  any  wrong,  or  harsh  Edward  the 
Fourth  do  any  right  to  the  muses,  which  maketh  me 
to  suspect  that  there  is  more  in  the  matter  than 
what  is  generally  known,  or  doth  publicly  appear. 

d  [See  Wood  as  before,  p.  3.  in  Godwin,  p.  531.] 
According  to  whom  the  first         «  Brian  Twyne's  Ant.  Acad, 

foundation  was   A.  D.    1264.  Oxon.  p.  319. 
See  also  his  epitaph,  written  by         ^  Caius    Hist.   Cant.  Acad. 

sir  H.  Savile,  printed  at  length  p.  68. 


9M 


The  Church  Hutarjf 


BOOK  in. 


A.  D.  1274.     8.  Sir  Henry  Savile,  the  most  learned  warden  of 

i .'this  college,  three  hundred  and   more  years  after 

monument  Morton's  death,   plucked  down  his    old   tomb  in 

''"""•'^'    Rochester  church,  (near  the  north  wall,  almost  over 

against  the  bishop's  chair,)  and  built  a  neat  new 

monument  of  touch  and  alabaster,  whereon  after  a 

large  inscription  in  prose,  this  epitaph  was  engraven. 

Magne  senex  titulis,  musarum  sede  saorata 
Major,  Mertonidum  maxime  progenie : 

Hsec  tibi  gratantes  post  saecula  sera  nepotes 
En  votiva  locant  marmora,  sancte  parens. 

And  indeed  malice  itself  cannot  deny  that  this  col- 
lege (or  little  university  rather)  doth  equal,  if  not 
exceed  any  one  foundation  in  Christendom,  for  the 
famous  men  bred  therein,  as  by  the  following  cata- 
logue will  appear. 


Wardens. 


Bishopt, 


Ben^aotort. 


Pet.  Abyngdon,   [or  de 

Habendon.] 
ia86.   Rich    WarUys- 

don. 
1295.  Jo.  de  la  More. 
1390.  J  a.  Wantinge. 
1338.  Rob.  Treiige. 
1357.  Oiil.  Durant. 
1375.  Jo.  Bloxham. 
1387.  Jo.  Wendover. 
1398.   £d.      Beckyng. 

ham. 

14 16.  Tho.  Rudbume. 

1417.  Rob.  Crylbert. 
1433.  Hen.  Abingdon. 
1438.  Elias  Holcot. 
1455.  Hen.  Sever. 
1471.  Jo.  Gygur. 
1482.  Ric.  Fitz- James. 
1507.  Tho.  Haq>er. 


Rob.  Winchelsey, 
archbishop      of 
Canterbury, 
anno  1294. 

Simon    Mepham, 
archbishop       of 
Canterbury, 
anno  1328. 

Simon  Islip,  arch- 
bishop of  Can- 
terbury,     anno 

1349- 

John  Kemp,  arch- 
bishop of  Can- 
terbury, anno 
1452. 

Ralph  de  Baldock, 
bishop  of  Lon- 
don, anno 

1305- 


John  Willgott, 
(bred  in  this  col- 
lege,) D.  D.  and 
chancellor  of 
Oxford,  founded 
the  Portionists*8r 
hall,  and  exhi- 
tions. 

Will.  Readh  (an 
excellent  mathe- 
matician) built 
the  library. 

Thomas  Rud- 
bume,  warden, 
built  the  tower 
over  the  gate. 

Richard  Fitz- 
James,  warden, 
built  the  war- 
den's lodgings. 


Learned  toriters. 


Roger  Bacon,  a 
famous  mathe- 
matician. 

John  Dims  Soo- 
tus. 

Walter  Burley. 

William  Ocham. 

Tho.  Bradwar- 
dine,  archbishop 
of  Canterbury. 

John      Oatisden. 

[Jo.]  Dumbleton. 

Nichohis  Oor- 
rham. 

William  Gry- 
sant,  father  to 
Orimoald  Ory- 
sant,popebythe 
name  of  Urban 
the  Fifth. 


ST  The  same  with  postmasters. 

^  [Bishop  of  Chichester  in 
1369:  he  gave,  besides,  a  chest 
with  100/.  in  gold  to  be  bor- 


rowed by  the  fellows  for  their 
relief,  upon  a  bond  given.  See 
Godwin,  507.] 


of  Britain. 


208 


M. 


iwlms. 

hilips. 

nber. 

ndaL 

lynolds. 

vy». 

I. 

ckley. 

vile. 

fathanid 

IdArd. 


Bithopt. 


Benrfaeton. 


Henry  Gower,  bi- 
thop  of  St.  Da- 
vid%  anno  1 328. 

WilUam  Read,  bi- 
shop of  Chicheii- 
ter,  anno  1369. 

Robert  Gilbert, 
bishop  of  Lon- 
don, anno  1436. 

Thomas  Rud- 
bume,  bishop  of 
St.David's,anno 

Mas- 
John  Chadworth, 

bishop  of  Lin- 
coln, anno  1452.* 

John  Marshall,  bi- 
shop of  Landaff, 
anno  14.78. 

Rich.  Fitz-James, 
bishop  of  Lon- 
don, anno  1506. 

William  Sever, 
bishop  of  Dur- 
ham, anno  1502. 

Richard  Rawlins, 
bishop  ofSt.  Da- 
vid^ anno  1 523. 

John  Parkhurst, 
bishop  of  Nor- 
wich,annoi56o. 

Thomas  Bickley, 
bishop  of  Chi- 
chester,      anno 

1584. 
George  Carleton, 
bishop  of   Chi- 
chester,     anno 
1619.1^ 


Leamsd  wriiert. 


Henry  Abingdon, 
warden,  gave 
bells  to  the 
church. 

Richard  Rawlins, 
wainscoated  the 
inside,  and  co- 
vered the  roof 
thereof withlead. 

Thomas  Leach.1 

Sir  Tho.  Bodky. 

Dr.  Wilson. 

Mr.  John  Cham- 
ber, sometime 
fellow  of  £a- 
ton.m 

Dr.  [ Jac.]  Jervys. 
Dr.  Jesop, 

[M.  D.]m 
Sir  Hen.  Savil. 


Roger  Suiset. 
John  Widifie. 

Henry  Cuff,  an 
able  schdar,  but 
unfortunate. 

Sir  Tho.  Bodley, 
who  built  Ox- 
ford library. 

Sir  Henry  Savile. 

Sir  Isaac  Wake, 
university  ora- 
tor, and  ambas- 
sador to  Venice. 

Henry  Mason, 
who  worthily 
wrote  De  Mm- 
isterio  Angli- 
cano. 

John  Graves,  an 
excellent  mathe- 
matician. 

Dr.  Peter  Turner, 
active  in  com- 
posing the  new 
statutes  of  the 
university. 


A.  D.  1274. 
3  Edward  L 


posely  omit  such  as  still  (and  may  they  long)  The  Kving 
whereof  some  (as  Dr.  Edward  Reynolds,  Dr.PJ^^ 
Sari,   Dr.   Francis   Cheynell,   Mr.   Doughty, 
tmeis   Rous,  &c.)   have    already   given  the 
.  testimony  of  their  great  learning  and  endow- 


was  provost  also  of 
oUege  in  Cambridge, 
ty-four  in  all,  to  the 
I ,  according  to  Wood.] 
ed,  by  Wood,  James 
iometime  fellow.    He 


gave  200  volumes  to  the  li- 
brary, and  200/.  to  buy  land 
in  Cheshire  for  fellows  from 
that   county,   about  the   year 

1SB9.] 
™  [Both  formerly  fellows.] 


204  The  Church  Hisimy  book  hi. 

A.D.  i274.ineot8.     Others  may  in  due  time,  as  Dr.  Higgs,  late 
3  Edward  r^^^  ^^  Lichfield,  Dr.  Corbet,  &c.     And  sorely  Mr. 

John  Hales  i^,  formerly  Greek  professor,  will  not  en^ 
Christian  mankind  his  treasury  of  learning;  nor  can 
conceive,  that  only  a  sermon  (owned  under  his 
name)  can  satisfy  the  just  expectation  from  him  of 
the  church  and  commonwealth. 
The  on-  There  is  a  by-foundation  of  postmasters  in  this 
^Ist-  house,  (a  kind  of  college  in  the  college,)  and  this 
"■***^  tradition  goeth  of  their  original.  Anciently  there 
was  over  against  Merton  college  a  small  unendowed 
hall,  whose  scholars  had  so  run  in  arrears,  that  their 
opposite  neighbours  out  of  cliarity  took  them  into 
their  college  (then  but  nine  in  number)  to  wait  on 
the  fellows.  But  since  they  are  freed  fit)m  any 
attendance,  and  endowed  with  plentiful  maintenance, 
Mr.  Willet  being  the  first  benefactor  unto  them  in 
that  nature,  whose  good  example  hath  provoked 
many  to  follow  his  liberality.  These  most  justly 
conceive  themselves  much  honoured,  in  that  bishop 
Jewel  was  a  postmaster  before  removed  hence  to  be 
fellow  of  Corpus  Christi  college.  We  take  our  fare- 
well of  this  house,  when  we  have  told  it  consisted 
lately  (viz.  1635.)  of  one  warden,  twenty-one  fellows, 
fourteen  scholars  ^  besides  oflScers  and  servants  of 
the  foundation,  with  other  students,  the  whole 
/  number  being  eighty. 

the  church     9.  Como  WO  uow  to  the  king's  retrenching  the 

up  the  com-  pope's  power,  grown  so  exorbitant  in  England.     A 

monweaith.  principal  part  whereof  consisted  in  the  multitude  of 

monasteries,  daily  increasing  in  wealth,  and  all  at 

the  pope's  absolute  devotion.     If  posterity  had  con- 

•nQThe  ever-memorable  John  and  Wood's  Athen.  ii.  p.  199.] 
Hales  of  Eaton.  See  Walker's  ^  The  same  I  conceive  with 
Sufferings  of  the  Clergy,  p.  93,     the  postmasters.  [Certainly.] 


CENT.  XIII.  of  Britain,  SOS 

tmued  at  this  rate  to  build  and  endow  religious  a.d.  1375. 

houses,  all  England  would  in  short  time  have  turned  1 '. 

one  entire  and  continued  monastery;  and  the  in- 
habitants thereof  become  either  friars  or  founders. 
Where  then  should  be  any  soldiers  to  fight  the 
king's  battles  ?  seamen  to  steer  his  ships  ?  husband- 
men to  plough  the  king's  land  ?  or  rather  any  land 
of  his  to  be  ploughed  by  husbandmen  ? 

10.  Besides,  though  these  friars  had  a  living  hand,  The  mis. 
to  take  and  receive  from  any,  they  had  mortmain,  a  mortmain 
dead  hand,  to  restore  and  return  any  profit  to  the^^® 
king  again.     Yea,  such  alienation  of  lands  in  mort- 
main, settled  on  monasteries,  (which  as  corporations 
neither  married  nor  died,)  affoided  neither  wards, 
marriages,  relieft,  nor  knight's-service,  for  the  de- 
fence of  the  realm ;  in  a  word,  enriched  their  private 
coffers,  impoverished  the  public  exchequer.     It  was 

not  therefore  such  a  dead  hand  which  could  feed  so 
many  living  mouths  as  the  king  for  his  state  and 
safety  must  maintain.  Wherefore  for  the  future  he 
restrained  such  unlimited  donatives  to  religious 
houses. 

11.  Ignorance  makes  many  men  mistake  mere  This  law 
tranflcripts  for  originals.     So  here,  the  shortsighted  ^tT;^!'"' 
vulgar  sort  beheld  the  king's   act  herein   as  new, 
strange,  and  imprecedented,  whereas  indeed  former 

times  and  foreign  princes  had  done  the  like  on  the 
same  occasion.  First,  we  find  some  countenance  for 
it  in  scripture  P,  when  Moses  by  proclamation  bounded 
the  overflowing  bounty  of  the  people  to  the  taber- 
nacle. And  in  the  primitive  times  Theodosius  the 
^nperor  (although  most  loving  and  favourable  to  the 
clergy)  made  a  law  of  a  mortisation,  or  mortmain,  to 
moderate  people's  bounty  to   the   church.     Yet  a 

P  Exod.  xxxvi.  6. 


206  The  Church  Hutcry  book  hi. 

A.D.  1275  great  father,  Jerome  by  name,  much  disliked  this 

'  act,  as  appears  by  his  complaint  to  NepotianP  of  that 

law :  ^^  I  am  ashamed  to  say  it,  the  priests  of  idols, 
'*  stage-players,  coachmen,  and  conmion  harlots,  are 
^*  made  capable  of  inheritance,  and  receive  l^acies, 
^^  only  ministers  of  the  gospel,  and  monks  are  barred 
"  by  law  thus  to  do ;  and  that  not  by  persecutors, 
"  but  by  Christian  princes,"  But  that  passionate 
father  comes  ofiF  well  at  last ;  **  Neither  do  I  com- 
^  plain  of  the  law,  but  I  am  sorry  we  have  deserved 
**  to  have  such  a  law  made  against  us." 
Ambrow  12.  St.  Ambroso^  likewise  expresseth  much  anger 
moitmain.  ou  the  Same  occasion,  out  of  his  general  zeal  for  the 
church's  good.  But,  had  the  aforesaid  fathers  (men 
rather  pious  than  politic ;  good  churchmen,  no  states- 
men) seen  the  monasteries  swollen  in  revenues  from 
an  inch  in  their  days  to  an  ell  (by  people's  fondness, 
yea  dotage,  on  the  four  sorts  of  fiiars)  in  king  Ed- 
ward's reign,  they  would,  no  doubt,  instead  of  re- 
proving, have  conunended  his  and  the  neighbouring 
king's  care  for  their  commonwealths. 
The  statute  13.  For  the  like  laws  for  limiting  men's  liberality 
nM^^.  were  lately  made  in  Spain  and  France,  and  now  at 
last  followed  by  king  Edward,  according  to  the  tenor 
ensuing : 

"  Where  of  late  it  was  provided,  that  religious 
"  men  should  not  enter  into  the  fees  of  any  without 
"  license  and  will  of  the  chief  lord  of  whom  such 
"  fees  be  holden  immediately :  and  notwithstanding 
"  such  religious  men  have  entered  as  well  into  their 
«  own  fees,  as  into  the  fees  of  other  men.  approprying 
"  and  buying  them,  and  sometime  receiving  them  of 

P  [S.  Hieronyni.  Opera,  iv.  p.  260.  ed.  Ben.] 
q  In  his  31st  Epist. 


« 


c£NT«xiii.  of  Britain.  207 

"  the  gift  of  others,  whereby  the  services  that  are  a.d.  1^79. 

**  due  of  such  fees,  and  which  at  the  beginning  were  \ : 

"  provided  for  defence  of  the  realm,  are  wrongfully 
**  vtdthdrawn,  and  the  chief  lords  do  leese  their 
*•  eschetes  of  the  same ;  we  therefore  to  the  profit  of 
our  realm  intending  to  provide  convenient  remedy, 
by  the  advice  of  our  prelates,  earls,  barons,  and 
other  our  subjects,  being  of  our  council,  have  pro- 
vided, made,  and  ordained,  That  no  person,  religious 
or  other,  whatsoever  he  be,  that  will  buy  or  sell 
any  lands  or  tenements,  or  under  the  colour  of 
gift  or  lease,  or  that  will  receive  by  reason  of  any 
"  other  title,  whatsoever  it  be,  lands  or  tenements, 
or  by  any  other  craft  or  engine  will  presume  to 
appjpopre  to  himself,  under  pain  of  forfeiture  of 
the  same,  whereby  such  lands  or  tenements  may 
"  any  wise  come  into  mortmain.  We  have  provided 
"  also,  that  if  any  person,  religious  or  other,  do  pre- 
"  sume  either  by  craft  or  engine,  to  offend  against 
"  this  statute ;  it  shall  be  lawftd  to  us  and  other 
"  chief  lords  of  the  fee  immediate  to  enter  into  the 
«  land  so  aliened,  within  a  year  from  the  time  of 
^^  their  alienation,  and  to  hold  it  in  fee,  as  an 
"  inheritance.  And,  if  the  chief  lord  immediate 
"  be  negligent,  and  will  not  enter  into  such  fee 
"  within  the  year,  then  it  shall  be  lawftil  to  the  next 
**  chief  lord  immediate  of  the  same  fee,  to  enter  into 
"  the  said  land  within  half  a  year  next  following, 
"  and  to  hold  it  as  before  is  said  ;  and  so  every  lord 
"  immediate  may  enter  into  such  land,  if  the  next 
"  lord  be  negligent  in  entering  into  the  same  fee,  as 
"  is  aforesaid.  And  if  all  the  chief  lords  of  such 
"  fees  being  of  ftiU  age,  within  the  four  seas,  and  out 
"  of  prison,  be  negligent  or  slack  in  this  behalf,  we 
"  immediately  after  the  year  accomplished,  from  the 


906  The  Church  Hisiary  book  hi. 

i.D.  1379.  ^  time  that  such  purchases,  gifts  or  appropriations  hi^ 

-'  ^^  to  be  made,  shall  take  such  lands  and  tenements 

**  into  our  hand,  and  shall  infeoff  other  therein,  by 
"  certain  services  to  be  done  to  us,  for  the  defence  of 
**  our  realm,  saving  to  the  chief  lords  of  the  same 
^*  fees,  their  wards  and  eschetes,  and  other  services 
**  thereunto  due  and  accustomed.  And  therefore  we 
^^  command  you,  that  ye  cause  the  foresaid  statute  to 
**  be  read  before  you,  and  from  henceforth  to  be  kept 
**  firmly  and  observed. 

**  Witness  myself  at  Westminster,  &ccJ"^ 

Date  we  from  this  day  the  acme  or  vertical  height 
of  abbeys,  which  henceforward  began  to  stand  still, 
and  at  last  to  decline.  Formerly  it  was  endow  mo- 
nasteries who  would,  hereafter,  who  could,  having 
first  obtained  license  from  the  king.  Yet  this  law 
did  not  ruin,  but  regulate,  not  destroy,  but  direct 
well  grounded  liberality,  that  bounty  to  some  mi^t 
not  be  injury  to  others.  Here  I  leave  it  to  lawyers 
by  profession  to  shew  how  many  years  after  (viz.  the 
eighteenth  of  Edward  the  Third)  prelates  impeached 
before  the  king's  justices  for  purchasing  lands  in 
mortmain,  shall  be  dismissed  without  ftirther  trouble, 
upon  their  producing  a  charter  of  license,  and  process 
thereupon  made,  by  an  inquest,  ad  qtiod  damnum^  or 
(in  case  that  cannot  be  shewed)  by  making  a  conve- 
nient fine  for  the  same. 

14.  The  late  mention  of  the  prelates'  advice,  in 
passing  a  law  so  maleficial  unto  them,  giveth  me 
just  occasion  to  name  some,  the  principal  persons  of 
the  clergy,  present  thereat ;  namely, 

i.  John  Peckham,  archbishop  of  Canterbury,  a 
stout  man.  He  afterwards  excommunicated  the 
prince  of  Wales,  because  he  went  a  long  journey  to 

r  r Authentic  Collection  of  the  Statutes,  I.  p.  51.] 


€Kirr.  XIII.  €f  Britain.  909 


penmade  him  to  peace  with  E^land.  but  could  not  a.  d.  1176. 
prevails-  ^^^' 

ii.  William  Wickwane,  archbishop  of  York,  ac- 
ooonted  a  great  scholar,  (author  of  a  book  called 
Memoriale,)  and  esteemed  a  petty  saint  in  that  age'. 

iii.  Anthony  Beake,  soon  after  bishop  of  Durham*; 
the  richest  and  proudest  (always  good  manners  to 
except  cardinal  Wolsey)  of  that  place;  patriarch 
titular  of  Jerusalem,  and  prince  of  the  Isle  of  Man. 
Yet  in  my  mind  Gilbert  Sellinger,  his  contemporary, 
and  bishop  of  Chichester,  had  a  far  better  title,  as 
commonly  called  the  father  of  orphans,  and  com- 
forter of  the  widows*. 

These,  with  many  more  bishops,  consented  (though 
some  of  them  resorbentes  suam  bilem  as  inwardly 
angry)  to  the  passing  or  confirming  of  the  statute  of 
mortmain.  To  make  them  some  amends,  the  king 
not  long  after  favourably  stated  what  causes  should 
be  of  spiritual  cognizance. 

15.  For  a  parliament  was  called  at  Westminster,  a.  d.  1^85. 
eminent  on  this  account,  that  it  laid  down  the  limits,  ntuai  and 
and  fixed  the  boimdaries  betwixt  the  spiritual  and^^lj^ 
temporal  jurisdictions.  Hitherto  shall  you  come  ^^d^^^^^^l 

q   [**  John   Peckham,   arch-  "  all  which  I  received  at  the 

"  bishop  of  Canterbury,  after  •*  hands  of  Dr.  Gale,  when  he 

*'  he  had  visited  his  whole  pro-  '*  was   dean    of    the    arches." 

*'  vince,  considering  the  great  Stow*s  Chron.  p.  201.] 
'•  wars  between  the  king  and         *"  [See  Bale's  Scriptores,  x. 

"  Leoline  [prince  of  the  Welch],  72,  and   Godwin,  de  Praesul. 

**  he  travelled  for  the  appeasing  Angliae,  p.  682.] 
"thereof    first   to   the    king,         »  [In    1283.      See    Trivet, 

being  at  Rutland,  then  to  the  p.  261.] 

prince,    being    at   London  ;         t  [The  only  account  I  can 

*' which  his  whole  travail  there-  find  of  the  prelate  is  in  Mat. 

"  in,  with  the  grief  and  causes  of  Westminster,   in    a.   1306, 

"  of  those  wars,  be  particularly  and  he  is  there  called  Gilberlus 

"  set  down  word  by  word  in  de  Sancto  Leapardo.'} 


€t 


the  said  archbishop's  records, 

FULLER,  VOL.  II. 


IIL 


-J 


both  powen 

hiar^t  '^vaisA^^Ain^  i0>  ealars^  tbeir  own,  and  oontnct 

sszhficsT.     We  viD  jgeaent  first  tiie 

die  EngiJKh  oat 


oc  4Gr  pcfaceit  ^ggrffiys 


:jni     Lt 


us  .*a 


h 


pauj 


srv  li 


Us 


Iteac.  5i  rrrfor  p«r4Bf  rcratt 
parocJuamos  Maitiomef,  €t  de^ 
ctMUis  JMims  fW  omsm^ta*^  tW 
xt  rtricr  «s«#  OM/m  nrlormi 
^^  decimis  wut^oribms^  rW  st- 
»ori&«Xy  dmmmtodo  mom  peiatmr 
qmaria  pars  raioris  ecciesut. 


Item.   5f  nrrfor  picimi  mtor- 


*T) 


kiBg  to  Ills  joiff» 

g,mtiiig.  Use  jovF- 

jinsIlBiU 

tLebiilioprf 

sad  his  deigy^iiot 

if  tliejbold 

of 


fiBck&ziesssbe  mere  spirit- 
■aL  dot  k  to  wit,  of  pensDoe 
a^ocned  brpffdstes  for  dead- 


•« 


«« 


«« 


jad  sodi  like ;  for  the  idiidi 

penance 
pecunisry  is 
speosllr  if  a  firee 
Baa  be  eonTict  of  audi  things. 
"^  Also  if  pstdates  do  pnnisli 
for  learii^  dmichTard  oo- 
doaedfOr  for  that  the  dinidi 
is  mtmeied,  or  not  oonTe- 
nimtlT  dedoed,  in  idiidi 
caies  none  other  penance  can 
be  enjained  bat  peconiaiy. 
"'  lifwi^  If  a  parson  demand 
of  his  parishioners  oblations 
and  tithes  dne  and  accus- 
tomed ;  or  if  any  parson  do 
sue  i^ainst  another  parRon 
for  tithes,  greater  or  smaller^ 
so  that  the  fourth  part  of 
the  ralne  of  the  benefice  be 
not  demanded. 
'*  liewi.  If  m  parson  demand 


' 


CBKT«  Xill. 


of  Britain. 


«11 


U$arium  in  partihus  uhi  mor- 
tuarium  dart  consuevit. 

Item,  Si  pralaius  alicujus 
ecclesiip,  vel  advocatus  petal  a 
reciore  pensionem  sibi  debitam, 
omnes  hujusmodi  peliliones  sunt 
faciend.  in  foro  ecclesiasiico. 
I}e  violenta  manuum  injectione 
in  clericum,  et  in  causa  diffa- 
mationis  concessum  fuit  alias, 
quod  placitum  inde  teneatur  in 
curia  Christianitatis,  cum  non 
petatur  pecuniae  sed  agalur  ad 
correctionem  peccati,  et  simi' 
Uter  pro  Jidei  lasione.  In 
omnibus  pradictis  casibus  ha^ 
het  judex  ecclesiasticus  cogno- 
scere  regia  prohibitione  non 
obstante^. 


« 


« 


tc 


€€ 


<i 


mortuaries  in  places  where  a  A.D.  1285. 
mortuary  hath  been  used  to  '^  ^'  ' 
be  given. 

**  Item,  If  a  prelate  of  a 
church,  or  the  patron  demand 
'*  of  a  person  a  pension  due  to 
*'  him,  all  such  demands  are 
to  be  made  in  a  spiritual 
court.  And  for  laying  vio- 
"  lent  hands  on  a  clerk,  and 
"  in  cause  of  defamation,  it 
"  hath  been  granted  already, 
"  that  it  shall  be  tried  in  a 
spiritual  court  when  money 
is  not  demanded,  but  a  thing 
done^  for  punishment  of  sin, 
and  likewise  for  breaking  an 
"  oath.  In  all  cases  afore  re- 
"  hearsed,  the  spiritual  judge 
"  shall  have  power  to  take 
**  knowledge  notwithstanding 
"  the  king's  prohibition." 


Cf 


tt 


tc 


St 


Something  must  be  premised  about  the  validity 
of  this  writing,  learned  men  much  differing  therein. 
Some  make  it, 

1.  Only  a  constitution  made  by  the  prelates  them- 
selves ;  much  to  blame  if  they  cut  not  large  pieces, 
being  their  own  carvers. 

ii.  A  mere  writ  issued  out  from  the  king  to  his 
judges. 

iii.  A  solemn  act  of  parliament,  complete  in  all 
the  requisites  thereof. 

Hear  what  a  Bacon"  (but  neither  sir  Nicholas  nor 


*  [Rather;  but  the  suit  is 
prosecuted.'] 

▼  [Coke's  Instit.  part  ii.  p. 
487.  ed.  1642.  Lyndewode's 
Prov.  lib.  ii.  f.  49  b.     Auth. 


Collection  of  the  SS.  I.  loi.] 

»  Mr.  Nath.  Bacon,  in  his 
Hist.  Dis.  of  the  Government 
of  England,  part  i.  p.  233.  [ed. 
1647.] 

P  2 


21S  The  Church  History  book  lu. 

A.D.  1385.  sir  Francis,  the  two  oracles  of  law)  writes  in  this 
'^  ^'  '  case ;  "  A  writing  somewhat  like  a  grant  of  libertiefl, 
"  which  beforetimes  were  in  controversy ;  and  this 
^^  grant  (if  it  may  be  so  called)  hath  by  continuance 
^'  USURPED  the  name  of  a  statute,  but  in  its  own  na- 
"  ture  is  no  other  than  a  writ  directed  to  the  judges." 
Presently  after  he  saith,  "  It  is  therefore  neither 
"  grant,  nor  release,  but  as  it  were  a  covenant  that 

the  clergy  shall  hold  peaceable  possession  of  what 

they  had,  upon  this  ground."     And  in  the  next 
page  more  plainly ;  for  my  part  therefore  I  shall  not 
apprehend  it  of  a  higher  nature  than  the  king^s  writ, 
which  in  those  days  "  went  forth  at  random.** 
•hidge  16.  Come  we  now  to  the  calm  judgment  of  sir 

dsion.  Edward  Coke,  on  whose  decision  we  may  safely 
rely;  ^^ Though  some  have  said  that  this  was  no 
"  statute,  but  made  by  the  prelates  themselves,  yet 
^'  that  this  is  an  act  of  parliament,  it  is  proved,  not 
"  only  by  our  books,  but  also  by  an  act  of  parlia- 
"  ment^.** 

17.  The  king  to  his  judges^  Were  it  of  concern- 
ment, it  were  not  diflScult  to  name  the  prime  judges 
of  England  at  this  time :  viz. 

i.  In  the  king's,  or  upper  bench,  either  Ralph  de 
Hengham,  or  (which  is  more  probable)  one  Wym- 
borne  wa«  judge. 

ii.  In  the  common  pleas,  Thomas  de  Weyland,  on 
that  token  that  he  was  guilty  of  bribery. 

iii.  In  the  exchequer,  Adam  de  Stratton,  as  faulty 
as  the  former^. 

But  by  the  judges  named  in  this  writ  (for  as  this 
was  an  act  of  parliament,  so  was  there  a  writ  also 

V  Institut.  ib.  p.  487.        ^  [Of  these  judges,  see  Stow,  p.  204.] 


CBNT.  XIII.  of  Britain.  218 

founded  thereon,  called  circumspecte  agaiis)  we  under-  a.  d.  1 285. 
stand  some  peculiar  commissioners  dispatched  and  ^ — ^^ 
employed  on  this  particular  business. 

18*  Concerning  the  bishop  of  NormcK]  It  is  need- 
less to  tell  the  reader  that  William  Middleton  was 
bishop  thereof  at  this  time,  charactered  to  be  vir  in 
jure  civili  et  canonico  peritissimtis  et  elegantissimus^. 
But  Norwich  is  here  put  only  for  example,  which 
equally  extended  to  all  the  bishops  of  the  realm. 

19.  Si  placitum  t&ntwrint^  "  if  they  hold  plea,"] 
Placitum^  a  plea  so  called,  saith  my  author,  per  an^ 
Hphrasin^  quia  non  placet  y;  none  being  pleased  to  go 
to  law  save  barreters,  who  delight  in  brangling. 
But  what  if  it  be  called  placitum^  because  the  plain- 
tiff is  pleased  to  submit  his  right  in  question  to  the 
pleasMte  of  the  court  to  decide  it  ? 

20.  In  court  Christian']  These  words  are  left  out 
in  Lyndewode  his  constitutions,  where  all  the  rest  is 
registered.  And,  where  the  recording  thereof 
amongst  the  provincial  canons  of  Canterbury  gave 
the  best  countenance  to  their  conjecture,  who  de- 
grade this  act  of  parliament  into  a  mere  church-con- 
stitution. It  is  called  the  court  Christian,  because 
therein  the  laws  of  Christ  do  or  should  bear  the  de- 
cisive sway,  whilst  the  statutes  of  secular  princes 
regulate  the  proceedings  in  other  courts. 

21.  Such  things  as  be  merely  spiritual']  This  fiir- 
nisheth  us  with  a  necessary  distinction  of  all 
matters ; 

Into  merely  and  purely  spiritual. 
Into  mixtly  and  partly  spiritual. 

*  Chronicoii.Osniense.  [MS.         y  Lyiidewode's   Provinciale, 
quoted  by  Godwin,  De  Praesul.     ib. 
P-  432.] 

p3 


S14  The  Church  Higianf  book  hi. 

A.D.  iiS.c.Of  the  former  we  shall  find  yeiy  few  merely  roi- 

— —  ritual.     For  the  apostles  sometimes  conceiyed  that 

the  very  distribution  of  alms  to  the  poor  had  some- 
thing of  worldly  drossiness  therein,  (called  by  them 
serving  of  tables^)  as  if  only  the  preaching  of  the 
word  were  a  spiritual  employment.  Of  the  latter 
sort  many  things  are  mixtly  spiritual.  For,  seeing 
man  consists  of  two  principles,  soul  and  body,  all  his 
actions  good  or  bad,  as  to  the  mind-moiety  or  soul 
part  thereof,  must  needs  have  at  least  a  glance  of 
spiritual  reflection.  Here  then  the  query  will  be  in 
matters  mixtly  spiritual,  whether  the  spirituality  of 
them  shall  refine  the  rest  so  as  to  exalt  the  same 
into  church-cognizance ;  or  the  corporality,  or  earth- 
liness  of  them,  depress  them  so  as  to  subject  them  to 
civil  consideration;  the  decision  hereof  dependeth 
on  the  practice  and  custom  of  the  land,  as  will  appear 
hereafter. 

22.  For  deadly  siri]  Distinguish  we  here  betwixt 
a  sin  deadly  to  the  soul,  drawing  damnation  without 
repentance,  and  a  deadly  (commonly  called  a  capital) 
crime,  deserving  death  by  human  laws.  The  former 
only  is  here  intended,  the  latter  belonging  wholly  to 
the  common  law.  Nor  did  the  punishment  of  every 
mortal  sin  (to  use  the  language  of  that  age)  belong  to 
churchmen,  seeing  if  so  (as  Lyndewode  no  less  learn- 
edly than  modestly  confesseth)  sic  periret  temporalis 
gladii  jurisdiction  "  thereby  the  power  of  the  tem- 
"  poral  sword  will  wholly  be  taken  away."  Long 
since  had  doctors'  commons  eaten  up  all  the  inns  of 
court,  if  all  things  reducible  to  deadly  sins  had  per- 
tained to  the  court  Christian.     And  therefore  the 

2  Acts  vi.  2. 


CENT.  XIII.  of  Britain.  216 

casuists  themselves  do  qualify  and   confine   these  a.  0.1^85. 

words  of  indefinite  extent,  to  such  crimes,  which  de  11 lU. 

sui  natura  spectant  ad  forum  ecclesiasticum. 

23.  As  first  fornication]  Here,  saith  Lyndewode, 
thirteen  cases  are  in  specie  recited,  though  I  dare 
not  reckon  them  up,  fearing  to  make  them  (lying  so 
confusedly)  moe  or  less.  Fornication,  that  is,  saith 
die  casuist,  soluti  cum  soluta,  the  uncleanness  of  a 
loose  (imderstand  unmarried)  with  a  loose  person. 

24.  Adulter^/]  These  two  alone  are  specified,  be- 
cause lying  in  a  middle  distance,  so  the  more  conve- 
niently to  reach  other  sins  of  this  kind,  of  higher  or 
lower  guilt ; 

i.  Higher,  as  incest. 

ii.  Lower,  as  soliciting  a  woman's  chastity. 
If  any  say  that  adultery  doth  not  belong  to  the 
court  Christian,  because  Christ  himself  would  not 
punish  an  adulteress  taken  in  the  act^,  waving  it  as 
an  improper  employment ;  it  is  answered,  that  our 
Saviour  appearing  in  privacy  and  poverty,  and  coming 
not  to  act  but  to  suffer,  not  to  judge  but  be  judged, 
justly  declined  all  judicial  power.  But  we  see  after- 
ward how  the  church  of  Corinth,  by  St.  Paul  his 
command,  proceeded  against  the  incestuous  person, 
and  at  this  time  churchmen  cleanly  carried  the  cog- 
nizance of  such  offences.  I  say  at  this  time,  it 
plainly  appearing  that  in  the  Conqueror's  time  forni- 
cation and  adultery  were  punishable  in  the  king's 
court,  and  the  leets  especially,  by  the  name  of 
letherwite,  and  the  fines  of  offenders  assessed  to  the 
king,  though  now  it  merely  belonged  to  the  church. 
As  for  a  rape,  being  adultery,  or,  at  leastwise,  fomi- 

■^  Johu  viii.  4,  1 1 . 
P  4 


216  TV 


m. 


i.D.  isfef-otioa  oflned  witli  imlenee,  the  eommon  law  hath 

!f — jnstlr  reserred  to  haelf  the  trial  and  pmiisiiiiMot 

thereof. 

25.  Amd  smek  Idee]  Here  is  an  iiit«|H!etatiTe 
et  caetera  insefted  in  the  bodr  of  a  pariiam^it  aet 
(and  a  writ  groonded  theiem)  cansin^  some  dil- 
ferenees  about  the  dimenrions  thereof.  For  if  thett 
words,  and  sttck  Uke^  relate  only  to  the  last  firae- 
going,  fornication  and  adultery,  (in  common  ooh 
struction  most  probable,)  then  they  <mly  fetch  in 
such  oifences  which  ha^e  scnne  tincture  of  caiml 
uncleanness.  But,  if  they  also  refer  to  the  mediate 
preceding  words,  deadly  sitis^  behold  a  troop  cometk, 
beyond  our  power  exactly  to  numbo*  them.  And 
here  foreign  casuists  bring  in  a  bundle  of  mortal 
sins,  all  grist  for  their  own  mill,  as  of  churdi-cogiii- 
zance ;  namely,  sacril^^e,  usury,  heresy,  simony,  per- 
jury, fortune-telling,  consulting  astrologers,  drunken- 
ness, &c.  But  it  matters  not  how  long  and  large 
their  bills  be  from  beyond  the  seas,  seeing  our  com- 
mon law  brings  their  reckonings  to  a  new  account, 
de&lking  a  great  part  of  that  measure  which  they 
make  to  themselves  in  favour  of  church-juris- 
diction. 

26.  For  that  the  church  is  uncovered^  It  belonged 
ever  to  the  priests  to  provide  for  the  decent  repar 
ration  of  God's  house.  Thus  Jehoiada^  was  careful 
to  amend  the  decays  of  the  people.  But  though  it 
pertained  to  churchmen  to  see  the  thing  done,  yet 
several  persons  were  to  do  it. 

i.  The  steeple  with  the  body  of  the  church,  and 
all  chapels  lying  in  common  thereunto,  are  to  be  re- 
paired at  the  joint  cost  of  the  parish. 

*>  2  Chron.  xxiv. 


c£KT.  XIII.  o/Britaw.  217 

ii.   Private    chapels   wherein   particular    persons  a.  d.  1285. 

i3£dw  I. 

claim  a  propriety  of  sepulture  at  their  own  charges.  — 

iii.  The  chancel  at  the  expense  of  the  parson. 

However,  in  all  these  such  respect  is  had  to  the 
custom  of  the  place,  time  out  of  mind,  that  it  often 
ovemileth  the  premises.  Query,  whether  the  fences 
of  the  churchyard  be  to  be  made  on  the  parish 
charges,  or  on  the  purse  of  the  several  persons 
whose  ground  surroundeth  it,  or  abutteth  on  the 
same. 

Oldations  and  tithes]  It  is  a  question  which  I 
believe  will  never  be  decided  to  the  contentment  of 
both  parties,  in  what  notion  tithes  belong  to  the 
court  Christian. 

].  The  Canonists  maintain.  That  originally  and  e^ 
ma  natura^  they  are  of  ecclesiastical  cognizance,  as 
commonly  avouched,  and  generally  believed  due, 
jure  divino.  Besides,  such  the  near  relation  of  the 
church  and  its  maintenance,  that  to  part  the  oil 
from  the  lamp  were  to  destroy  it.  They  produce 
also  the  confession  in  the  statute  of  the  first  of 
Richard  the  Second,  That  pursuit  for  tithes  ought, 
and  of  ancient  time  did  pertain  to  the  spiritual 
court  ^. 

ii.  The  common  Lawyers  defend.  That  tithes  in 
their  own  nature  are  a  civil  thing,  and  therefore  by 
Britton  (who  being  bishop  of  Hereford,  and  learned 
in  the  laws  of  this  realm,  was  best  qualified  for  an 
unpartial  judge  herein)  omitted,  when  treating  of 
what  things  the  church  hath  cognizance.  They 
affirm  therefore  that  tithes  were  annexed  to  the 
spirituality.     Thus  they  expound  those  passages  in 

c  Hractoii,  v.  2.  p.  40  r.  (^ed.  1569.] 


218 


The  Church  HUiartf 


BOOK  III. 


A.D.  1385.  statutes  of  tithes,  anciently  belonging  to  court 
— — ^^  Christian,  as  intended  by  way  of  concession,  and  not 
otherwise. 

But  the  canonists  are  too  sturdy  to  take  that  for 
a  gift  which  they  conceive  is  their  due,  lest  thanks 
also  be  expected  from  them  for  enjoying  the  same; 
and  so  we  leave  the  question  where  we  found  it. 

27.  Mortuary]  Because  something  of  history  is 
folded  up  in  this  word  which  may  acquaint  us  with 
the  practice  of  this  age,  we  will  enlarge  a  little 
hereon,  and  shew  what  a  mortuary  was,  when  to  be 
paid,  by  whom,  to  whom,  and  in  what  consideration. 

i.  A  mortuary*  was  the  second  best  quick  cattle 
whereof  the  party  died  possessed.  If  he  had  but 
two  in  all,  (such  forsooth  the  charity  of  the  church,) 
no  mortuary  was  due  from  him. 

ii.  It  was  often  bequeathed  by  the  dying,  but  how- 
ever always  payed  by  his  executors  after  his  death, 
thence  called  a  mortuary  or  corse-present®. 

iii.  By  whom.  No  woman  under  covert-baron 
was  liable  to  pay  it,  (and  by  proportion  no  children 


d  Lyndewode*8  Provinciale, 
cap.  de  Consuetudine,  lib.  i.  f. 
1 1,  [ed.  Paris,  1505.  See  also 
Gibson's  Codex,  p.  709.  ed. 
176J.] 

e  [Upon  the  term  corse-pre- 
sents bishop  Gibson  observes, 
that  if  it  was  *^  the  same  with  a 
**  mortuary,  the  reason  of  the 
**  name  may  be  seen  in  Lynde- 
*'  wode's  Commentary  upon 
"  the  Constitution  of  Langham 
*'  [here  quoted],  viz.  that  it 
"  used  to  be  carried  to  the 
'*  church  with  the  dead  corpse;*' 


and  Mr.  Selden*  quotes  an 
ancient  record,  where  it  is  re- 
cited that  a  horse  was  present 
at  the  church  the  same  day  in 
the  name  of  a  mortuary,  &c., 
and  that  the  parson  received 
him  according  to  the  custom  of 
the  land  and  of  holy  church. 
But  sir  William  Dugdalet,  and 
after  him  bishop  Stillingfleet^, 
have  shewn  and  affirmed  that 
the  corse-present  was  properly 
the  voluntary  oblations  which 
were  usually  made  at  fune- 
rals.] 


*  On  Tythes,  p.  287.       f  Warwickshire,  p.  470.       X  Eccl.  Cas.  I.  i.  p.  248. 


csNT.xiii.  of  Britain.  S19 

nmnarried  living  under  their  father's  tuition,)  but  a.  0.1185. 

widows,  and  all  possessed  of  an  estate,  were  subject — 

to  the  payment  thereof. 

iv.  To  whom.  It  was  paid  to  the  priest  of  the 
parish  where  the  party  dying  received  thie  sacrament, 
(not  where  he  repaired  to  prayers,)  and  if  his  house 
at  his  death  stood  in  two  parishes,  the  value  of  the 
mortuary  was  to  be  divided  betwixt  them  both. 

v.  It  was  given  in  lieu  of  small  or  personal  tithes 
(predial  tithes  are  too  great  to  be  casually  forgotten) 
which  the  party  in  his  lifetime  had,  through  igno- 
rance or  negligence,  not  fiilly  paid.  But  in  case  the 
aforesaid  mortuary  fell  far  short  of  full  satisfaction 
for  such  omissions,  casuists  maintain  the  dying  party 
obliged  to  a  larger  restitution. 

So  much  of  mortuaries  as  they  were  generally  paid 
at  the  present,  until  the  time  of  Henry  the  Sixth, 
when  learned  Lyndewode  wrote  his  comment  on 
that  constitution.  How  mortuaries  were  after  re- 
duced to  a  new  regulation  by  a  statute,  in  the 
twenty-first  of  Henry  the  Eighth,  pertains  not  to  our 
present  purpose. 

28.  For  laying  violent  hands  on  a  priest^  The  ec- 
clesiastical judge  might  proceed  ea?  officio^  and  pro 
salute  animiBj  punish  the  offender  who  offered  vio- 
lence to  a  priest ;  but  damages  on  action  of  battery 
were  only  recoverable  at  common  law:  note,  that 
the  arresting  of  a  clergyman  by  process  of  law  is  not 
to  be  counted  a  violence. 

29.  And  in  case  of  defamation^  Where  the  matter 
defamatory  is  spiritual,  as  to  call  one  heretic,  or 
schismatic,  &c.  the  plea  lay  in  court  Christian.  But 
defamations  with  mixture,  any  matter  determinable 


220  The  Church  History  book  iii. 

A.D.  1385.  in  the  common  law,  as  thief,  murderer,  &c.  are  to  be 

traversed  therem. 

30.  Defamation^  it  hath  been  granted^  From  this 
word  granted,  common  lawyers  collect  (let  them 
alone  to  husband  their  own  right)  that  originally 
defamations  pertained  not  to  the  court  Christian. 
From  the  beginning  it  was  not  so,  until  the  common 
law  by  acts  of  parliament  granted  and  surrendered 
such  suits  to  the  spirituality. 

No  end  can     31.  Thus  by  this  act  and   writ   of  drcumspecte 

end  BTi  6ver>  

lasting  dif>  agatis,  king  Edward  may  seem  like  an  expert  artist^ 
erence.  ^^  clcave  a  hair,  betwixt  the  spiritual  and  temporal 
jurisdiction,  allowing  the  premises  to  the  former, 
and  leaving  whatever  is  not  specified  in  this  act  to 
the  cognizance  of  the  common  law,  according  to  the 
known  and  common  maxim,  Ea^ceptio  firmat  regtdam 
in  non  ea^ceptis.  However,  for  many  years  after 
there  was  constant  heaving  and  shoving  betwixt  the 
two  courts.  And  as  there  are  certain  lands  in  the 
marches  of  England  and  Scotland  (whilst  distinct 
kingdoms)  termed  debatable-grounds,  which  may 
give  for  their  motto,  not  dentur  justiori,  but  dentur 
fortiori^  for  alway  the  strongest  sword  for  the  present 
possessed  them :  so  in  controversial  cases  to  which 
court  they  should  belong ;  sometimes  the  spirituality, 
sometimes  the  temporality  alternately  seized  them 
into  their  jurisdiction,  as  power  and  favour  best  be- 
friended them.  But  generally  the  clergy  complained, 
that  as  in  the  blending  of  liquors  of  several  colours 
few  drops  of  red  will  give  a  tincture  to  a  greater 
quantity  of  white,  so  the  least  mixture  of  civil  con- 

^  See  more  iiereof  on  Articuli  Cleri,  in  the  reign  of  Edward 
tlie  Second. 


CENT.  XIII.  of  Britain.  91X1 

eemment  in  religious  matters  so  discolourated  the  a.  d.  1385. 
Christian  candour  and  purity  thereof,  that  they  ap-  ^^ 
peered  in  a  temporal  hue,  and  under  that  notion 
were  challenged  to  the  common  law.  Sad,  when 
courts  that  should  be  judges  turn  themselves  plain- 
tifi&  and  defendants  about  the  bounds  of  their  juris- 
diction. ^ 

32.  We  long  since  mentioned  the  first  coming  in  a.  d.  h^o. 
of  the  Jews  into  England,  (brought  over  by  William  to  the  en- 
the  Conqueror,)  and  now  are  come  this  year  to  their  J|^^^^ 
easting  out  of  this  kingdom ;  having  first  premised  ^^  '^^^' 
some    observables    concerning    their     continuance 
therein.      If  hitherto  we   have  not  scattered   our 
history  with  any  discourse  of  the  Jews,  know  it  done 
by  design :  that  as  they  were  enjoined  by  our  laws 
to  live  alone  in  streets  by  themselves,  (not  mixing  in 
their  dwellings  with  Christians,)  so  we  purposely 
singled  out  their  story,  and  reserved  it  by  itself  for 
this  one  entire  relation  thereof. 

83.  They  were  scattered  all  over  England.     InTh«rpnn- 

cipal  resi- 

Cambridge,  Bury,  Norwich,  Lynn,  Stamford,  North- dence  in 
ampton,  Lincoln,  York,  and  where  not  ?  But  their 
principal  abode  was  in  London,  where  they  had  their 
aich-synagogue  at  the  north  comer  of  the  Old 
Jewry,  as  opening  into  Lothbury.  After  their  ex- 
pulsion their  synagogue  was  turned  into  the  convent 
of  the  Friars  of  the  Sack,  or,  De  Pcenitentia  Jesu ; 
and  after  their  suppression  it  became  successively 
the  house,  first  of  a  lord,  then  of  a  merchant ;  since 
of  any  man  for  his  money,  being  turned  into  a 
tavern,  with  the  sign  of  the  Windmill®.     A  proper 

®  Stow's  Survey  of  London^     obtain     notice     in     England, 
p.   288.     [The  Friars   of  the     Stow's  Chron.  p.  205.] 
Sack  began  about  this  time  to 


BOOI  III. 

^_x   nc:.  *Bcs   '^»    ''^iifa^  iiK    nifiQiiilflfieBE  of   that  place, 
ZL^crz  TTZZL  ^^'v^sL  naut!^  f  c  ^mroetf  faalh  been  turned 

iwiiss.  and  to  fo  mmoT  uses. 
-^rrL  jyi<v*nnfient  of  Jews  in  Eng- 
aow  ^3t-  iZ3c  'wT  oTe:  Tiiffrr  «Bie  pnnripal  officer, 
aLr-L    ifc    u^rr^er    ir  iiif^  Jeirs.  wbose   place  in 
3.''i?»''£r  ^afe-  arxr  i»  lit^   lairfra^  irf  the  exchequer'. 
11?-  -ar^  v;%^  ^«  te  :xzi£  lacTini  and  piotector  of  the 
:::  ^zaer*  n^  Tyips.  7r   oadoe  all  suits  betwixt 
j:^  a!t£  iiien«.  anc  74'  kfiE^  the  seal  of  the 
:3t*r  ^r^iac»aL  vii  ^ie  te^  rf  their  trea- 
^iir-  •^■jc^'T^  ir  sai  mnnif^  s^  iher  paid  as  tri- 

'jLi^     x»     irt   ^ng      rtanimse  lie  Jews  had  age 
/pir-iir^   •'    ii-^*'^  Tit  kf^  rtf  zjmsst  own  cofl&rs  them- 
es*-i.^  ST..  irr  ^.1-   marx  n  ms  than  with  others. 
>r  fc.w*T    kt:  3rj^.  aiiL  sr  ridi^i  LoveL  (afterward 
't    f^'c^uiiu.   mfa   re  iociial  nobility,  sue- 
.*  V-    .:s:*iu'r?:»i  :ai5!'  7iiari£-  l^iese  justicers  often 


dL'V'v  i—  ::^  ii  i^^fcocM  rtf  xbisr  cBents  the  Jews ; 
-,->v  js-^i^-i  as-  .  Tu**-  r  rvatnibane^  cc  br  the  Elnglish 
'»;.'^  sa-  a  C^tc  ,7n;^!^aairi'^,  xittii  when  a  Jew  was 
*.u^t:.^*'-tiK  X:^»'<ti  oit;  ^r:^'S>fe!Cis&l  Tod^  for  his  mis- 
1  .^rv  ^jfe^  iairrdi^^  xifufaicie  olfeied  to  some 
aututu^^  v:ta  «.  C^CKCiBi:  wv-^man,  &o.)  their 
.^v.i  u:^^i*L^  vr.uiu:  nOifaMise.  acno.  hf  a  prohibition 
vs;3&ii^^  rt»tfi  :;i«;  i:]]^^  lOKTOR  aS  lesal  jnoceedings 
:^);^i4^  ?<iKa  4  *V«^  j^  ifDX  sK^vnble  in  his  own 


V:*A*.<  ^iajOrff*    ic  ^"Vf*!^  JT  5fei*w^"«  Sarreyof  Lon- 

,x    X^wxv-*-'      ^     ^v-  ^  -^^*    ^  ^^  BOKWUttt  of  Cole- 

,x^  mjii.,acr««   ward,   irhere    the 

•    *Iv**>ft**---*5*  X-AOi-i-?  ?^  A*nrv    v!ff*    f^iiedy    situated. 

.s^v^>*>v  -    V-  ?*^Tiiif  *    R<onrd*,    toI.  III., 

^     S^^    X     ,v»:    ><f   •*  "iw  *»t   X%r.  r*«*T's  Anglia  Ju- 

*^vv*ix5^  ^*,K.tv^*^     »t^«  iw^  ^cr  inmaoii  Kadi  iirfbrmatioii 


CENT.  XIII.  of  Britain.  228 

85.  In  their  spiritual  government  they  were  ^.U^.D-i^^o. 
under  one  pontifex,  or  high  priest.     We  find   his 
name  was  Elias  who  anno  1254  had  that  office.    Hepnest,  or 
was  also  called  the  presbyter  of  the  Jews,  whose  SiTjewI 
place  was  usually  confirmed  at  least,  if  not  consti- 
tuted by  the  king,  who  by  his  patent  granted  the 
same,  as  may  appear  by  this  copy  of  king  John's,  as 
followeth : 

"  Johannes  Dei  gratia,  &c.  omnibus  fidelibus  suis, 
"  et  omnibus  etiam  Judaeis  Anglise  salutem.  Sciatis 
nos  concessisse,  et  praesenti  charta  nostra  confir- 
masse  Jacobo  Judaeo  de  Londoniis  presbytero 
"  Judaeorum  presbjiieratum  omnium  Judaeorum  to- 
tius  Angliae,  habendum  et  tenendum  quamdiu  vix- 
erit,  libere  et  quiete,  et  honorifice,  et  integre,  ita 
quod  nemo  ei  super  hoc  molestiam  aliquam,  aut 
gravamen  inferre  praesumat :  quare  volumus  et 
"  firmiter  prsecipimus,  quod  eidem  Jacobo  quoad  vix- 
erit  presbyteratum  Judaeorum  per  totam  Angliam, 
garantetis,  manuteneatis,  et  pacifice  defendatis; 
"  et  si  quis  ei  super  eo  forisfacere  praesumserit,  id  ei 
"  sine  dilatione  salva  nobis  emenda  nostra,  de  foris- 
"  &ctura  nostra,  emendari  faciatis,  tanquam  dominico 
"  Judaeo  nostro,  quem  specialiter  in  servitio  nostro 
retinuimus.  Prohibemus  etiam  ne  de  aliquo  ad  se 
pertinente  ponatur  in  placitum,  nisi  coram  nobis, 
aut  coram  capitali  justicia  nostra,  sicut  charta  regis 
"  Richardi,  fratris  nostri,  testatur.  Teste  S.  Batho- 
niensi  episcopo  &c.  Dat.  per  manum  H.  Cantuari- 


it 
ii 

€i 


it 


ti 
a 
it 


tt 


for  the  history  of  the  Jews  in     enactments  by  which  they  were 
this  country,  and  of  the  legal     affected.] 


2S4 


The  Chttrch  History 


BOOK  IlL  Is 


A.  D.  1290.^^  ensis  archiepiscopi  cancellarii  nostri,  apud  Rotho- 1^ 
^'  '  "  magum  81  die  Julii,  anno  regni  nostri  primo^" 


<c 


Jewi 

griping 

UAirers. 


I  have  transcribed  this  patent  the  rather  for  the 
rarity  thereof,  it  being  a  strange  sight  to  see  a 
Christian  archbishop  date  an  instrument  for  a  JeTrish 
presbyter. 

86.  Their  livelihood  was  all  on  usury.  One  verse 
in  Deuteronomy^  (with  their  comment  thereon)  was 
more  beneficial  unto  them  than  all  the  Old  Testa- 
ment besides.  Unto  a  stranger  thou  mayest  lend 
upon  usury ^  but  unto  thy  brother  thou  shaU  not  lend 
upon  usury.  Now  interpreting  all  strangers  who 
(though  neighbours  at  the  next  door)  were  not  of 
their  own  nation,  they  became  the  universal  usurers 
of  all  England ;  and  did  our  kingdom  this  courtesjr, 
that  because  all  hated  the  Jews  for  their  usury's  sake, 
all  also  hated  usury  for  the  Jews'  sake;  so  that 
Christians  generally  disdained  to  be  guilty  thereof. 
Now,  seeing  there  are  two  ways  to  wealth,  one  long 
and  sure,  by  saving  at  home,  the  other  short,  but 
not  so  certain,  (because  probably  it  may  meet  with 


i  Rot.  Chart,  i  Job.  part  i. 
mem.  28.  [Printed  in  Hardy's 
Charter  Rolls^  p.  6.  See  another 
document  of  the  same  nature 
in  the  Foedera*  I.  95.] 

^  Deut.  xxiii.  20.  [In  a 
parliament  held  at  Westmin- 
ster  in  the  commencement  of 
this  king's  reign,  they  were 
forbidden  to  take  usury;  and 
besides  other  indignities,  were 
ordered  for  distinction  sake  to 
wear  a  tablet  the  breadth  of  a 
palm  on  their  outer  garments. 


Stow's  Chron.  p.  20c.  In  the 
year  1278  two  hundred  and 
sixty-seven  of  them  were  exe- 
cuted fbr  clipping  coin^  and  in 
1282  archbishop  Peckham  de- 
stroyed all  their  synagogues. 
In  1 287  all  the  Jews  were  ap- 
prehended by  the  king's  order, 
and  redeemed  themselves  for 
1 2,000  pounds  silver ;  and  two 
years  after  were  banished  the 
couutry  to  the  number  of 
15,060  persons.  See  Stow's 
Chronicle  in  the  various  years.] 


CENT.  XIII.  of  Britam,  2S5 

detection  and  punishment,)  by  oppressing  abroad,  noA.D  1290. 

wonder  if  the  Jews,  using  both  ways,  quickly  arrived  I !!l_l 

at  vast  estates. 

37.  For,  first  for  their  fare,  it  was  coarse  in  the  Their  rapa- 

ciousneu 

quality,  and  yet  slender  in  the  quantity  thereof,  and  tena- 
Insomuch  that  they  would  in  a  manner  make  pottage  *^®^""®^ 
of  a  flint.  Swine's  flesh  indeed  they  would  not  eat, 
but  dogs'  meat  they  would  ;  I  mean  beef  and 
mutton,  so  poor  and  lean  that  the  refuse  of  all 
Christians  was  the  Jews'  choice  in  the  shambles. 
Clothes  they  wore  so  poor  and  patched,  beggars 
would  not  take  them  up  to  have  them.  Attendants 
they  kept  none,  every  one  waiting  on  himself.  No 
wonder  then  if  easily  they  did  overgrow  others  in 
wealth,  who  basely  did  under  Jive  themselves  in  all 
convenient  accommodations.  Nor  were  they  less 
gripple  in  keeping  than  greedy  in  catching  of  goods, 
who  would  as  soon  lose  their  fingers  as  let  go  what 
they  had  clutched  therein. 

88.  I  was  of  the  opinion  (and  perchance  not  with-  Jewi  might 

purdiase 

out  company  in  my  mistake)  that  the  Jews  werehoiwes. 
not  permitted  to  purchase  lands  in  England.  I 
thought  only  the  ground  of  their  graves  (generally 
buried  without  Cripplegate,  in  the  Jews'  garden,  on 
the  west  side  of  St.  Giles's  churchyard,  now  turned 
into  tenements  in  Red-cross-street)  could  be  termed 
theirs.  But  since  I  am  informed  that  Benomy  Mit- 
tun,  a  Jew,  (as  certainly  many  more  besides  him,) 
was  possessed  of  much  land,  and  many  houses  in 
several  parishes  in  London^.  Surely  their  purchases 
were  limited  within  some  restrictions.  But  the  Jews 
generally  more  &ncied  letting  out  of  money  than 

1  Stow's  Survey,  p.  288. 

FULLER,  VOL.  II.  Q 


2S^  The  Church  History  book  hi. 

A.D.  i29o.bu]ring  in  of  land,  as  which  made  their  estates  less 
~  subject  to   discovery,  more   plentiful   in   their  in- 
creasing, and  more  portable  in  the  removing  thereof. 
Lay-«Kcm-     39.  It  was  an  usual  punishment  leffally  inflicted 

miinicadon,  /.i./*»  .1 

what  it  was.  on  thcso  Jows,  toF  their  offences  not  capital,  to  ex- 
communicate them.  Thus  such  Jews  should  be 
excommunicated,  who,  contrary  to  the  laws,  kept 
Christian  nurses  in  their  houses  ™ ;  or  who  cast  off 
that  badge  or  cognizance  which  they  ought  to  have 
worn  over  their  upper  garment,  to  be  distinguished 
from  Christians.  Surely  such  excommunication  was 
no  ecclesiastical  censure,  needless  to  keep  the  Jews 
out  of  our  churches,  who  hated  all  coming  into 
them.  Rather  it  was  a  civil  penalty,  (equivalent  to 
the  university's  discommoning  a  townsman  in  Cam- 
bridge,) whereby  the  Jews  were  debarred  all  com- 
merce with  Christians,  (worse  to  them  than  all  the 
plagues  of  Egypt,)  and  so  the  mart  of  their  profit 
marred,  dearer  unto  them  than  life  itself. 

Jewsunfor-     40.  Eudlcss  it  wcro  to  reckon  up  the  indignities 

tunate  at  x  o 

feasts  aiid  offered  unto  these  Jews,  on  occasion  sometimes 
™^  given,  but  oftener  taken.  Apprentices  nowadays  do 
not  throw  sticks  at  cocks  on  Shrove  Tuesday  so 
commonly  as  then  on  that  day  they  used  clubs  on 
the  Jews,  if  appearing  out  of  their  houses.  A  people 
equally  unhappy  at  feasts  and  at  frays.  For  when- 
soever the  Christians  at  any  revels  made  great  enter- 
tainments, the  Jews  were  made  to  pay  the  reckon- 
ing. And  wheresoever  any  brawl  began  in  London, 
it  ended  always  in  the  Old  Jewry,  with  pillaging  of 
the  people  therein.  What  good  heart  can  without 
grief  recount  the  injuries  offered  to  those  who  once, 

"™  Additamenta  Matthsei  Par.  p.  202. 


CENT.  XHi.  of  Britain.  9^1 

were  the  only  people  of  God?  These  were  they  who a.d.  1190. 
preferred    Barabbas    before   Christ   their    Saviour,' 


which  Barahhas  was  a  robber^^  a  raiser  of  insur- 
rectioUj  and  a  murderer^.  And  ever  since  that  time, 
in  all  insurrections  against  them,  (when  they  desired 
and  sought  safety  and  deliverance,)  it  hath  been 
their  constant  portion  to  be  robbed  and  murdered. 

41.  But  the  most  terrible  persecution  fell  uponAsad  Jew- 
them  at  the  coronation  of  king  Richard  the  First?, "  ^^  ' 
which,  according  to  the  Jewish  computation,  was 

their  jubilee;  and  then  busy  in  the  observance 
thereof,  though  (alas)  they  had  not  one  merry  day  in 
the  compass  of  the  whole  year.  They  were  for- 
bidden, for  fear  of  their  enchantments,  to  approach 
the  king's  coronation,  upon  heavy  penalties  de- 
nounced. Now  their  curiosity  was  so  far  above 
their  covetousness,  or  rather,  their  wilfulness  so  far 
above  their  curiosity  herein,  that,  out  of  their  old 
^spirit  of  contradiction,  some  appeared  there,  which 
caused  the  killing  of  many,  robbing  of  more  Jews  in 
London.  On  the  same  account,  within  few  days 
after  (how  quickly  can  cruelty  ride  post  seven  score 
and  ten  miles !)  five  hundred  Jews  besieged  in  a  tower 
at  York,  first  beheaded  their  own  wives  and  children, 
and  then  burnt  themselves,  to  escape  more  cruel 
torments. 

42.  In  the  seventeenth  year  of  the  reign  of  king  London 
John,  the  barons  brake  into  the  Jews'  houses,  and^thj*^. 
rifled  their    coffers,  and   with   the   stone   of  their  "^  **^'^- 
houses  repaired  the  gates  and  walls  of  London^. 
Surely  such  stones  must  be  presumed  very  hard,  like 

n  John  xviii.  40.  William  of  Newbury,! v.  i.sq.] 

o  Mark  xv.  7.  ^  Stow's  Survey  of  London» 

P  [See  the  details  of  it  in     p.  288. 


228  The  Church  Hhtwy  booi  hi. 

A.D.  1290.  the  Jews  their  owners,  from  whom  they  were  taken, 

and  yet  they  soon  mouldered  away  with  wind  aad 

weather.  Indeed  plundered  stone  never  make  strong 
walls.  And  I  impute  it  as  a  partial  cause  of  the 
weakness  of  London  walls,  (which  no  enemy  ever 
since  assaulted  but  he  entered  them,)  that  a  great 
part  of  them  (enough  to  infect  all  the  rest)  was 
built  with  materials  got  by  oppression. 

Thv7  ^^  *^'  ®^*'  ^^'^  ^^^  English  kings,  none  ground  the 
to  the*  Jews  with  exactions  like  king  Henry  the  Third. 
Only  herein  the  Jews  might  and  did  comfort  them- 
selves, that  the  English,  his  native  subjects,  also 
smarted  soundly  under  his  oppression.  He  not  only 
flayed  the  skin,  but  raked  the  flesh,  and  scarified  the 
bones  of  all  the  Jews'  estates  in  England ;  ut  vivere fasti" 
direnty  "  that  it  was  irksome  for  them  to  live/*  Gold 
he  would  receive  of  every  Jewish  man  or  woman 
always  with  his  own  hand,  but  consigned  other 
officers  to  receive  the  silver  from  them^  One  of- 
fensive act  he  wilfully  did  to  their  conscience,  in 
giving  them  leave,  at  their  own  cost  and  chaises,  to 
build  them  a  new  synagogue,  and  when  they  had 
finished  it,  he  commanded  them  to  dedicate  it  to  the 
Virgin  Mary,  whereby  they  utterly  lost  the  use 
thereof*;  and  afterwards  the  king  gave  it  to  be  a 
cell  of  St.  Anthony  of  Vienna.  A  vexatious  deed, 
merely  to  despite  them,  who  are  (since  their  smart- 
ing for  idolatry  in  the  captivity  of  Babylon)  perti- 
nacious worshippers  of  one  God,  and  nothing  more 
retardeth  their  conversion  to  Christianity,  than  the 
scandal  given  daily  unto  them  by  the  popish  saint- 
jship  to  their  images. 

y  Mat.  Paris,  p.  605.  *  Stow's  Survey,  p.  190. 


CUENT.  XIII. 


of  Britain. 


9129 


44.  It  may  justly  seem  admirable,  whence  these  a.d.  1290. 

Jews,  so  often  pillaged  to  their  bare  skins,  so  sud ^^ 

denly  recruited  themselves  with  wealth.  What  lomejUIH' 
have  heard  affirmed  of  some  ground  in  Gloucester- 'J^j^^' 
shire,  that  in  a  kindly  spring,  bite  it  bare  over  night,  ^^^^ 
next  morning  the  grass  will  be  grown  to  hide  a 
wand  therein,  is  most  certainly  true  in  application  to 
the  Jews,  so  fiill  and  fest  did  wealth  flow  in  upon 
them.  Let  their  eggs  not  only  be  taken  away,  but 
their  nests  be  plucked  down ;  yet  within  few  years 
we  shall  find  them  hatching  a  new  brood  of  wealth 
therein.  This  made  many  suspect  them  for  clipping 
and  coining  of  money.  But,  to  lessen  the  wonder  of 
these  Jews  their  speedy  recovery,  know,  that  (besides 
some  of  their  invisible  hoards  escaping  their  plim- 
derers'  hands)  the  Jews  in  other  places  (where  the 
persecution  for  the  present)  furnished  them  to  set 
up  trading  again.  Indeed  commendable  was  the 
Jews'  charity  to  their  own  countrymen,  save  that 
necessity  commanded  them  to  love  one  another, 
being  hated  of  all  other  nations^. 


t  [The  persecution  of  the 
Jews  was  always  a  popular 
measure,  to  which  many  of 
our  English  soTereigns  had  re- 
course in  a  barbarous  age  from 
motives  of  interest  as  well  as 
rel^on. 

£yen  John,  whose  character 
has  been  severely  handled  for 
being  somewhat  more  mild  to 
these  persecuted  people,  when 
reproving  the  mayor  of  London 
and  others  for  allowing  certain 
Jews  to  be  molested  who  were 
under  his  protection,  expresses 
himself  thus ;  *'  Miremur  quod 
*'  Judseis  in  civitate  London' 


"  morantibus  malum  fieri  sus- 
'*  tinetis  cum  id  manifeste  sit 
"  contra  pacem  regni  et  terrse 
'^  nostrse  tranquillitatem ;  tanto 
'*  quidem  inde  magis  miramur 
*'  et  movemur  quia  alii  Judaei 

"  qui  per  Angliam moram 

'*  fecerint,  exceptis  illis  qui 
"  sunt  in  villa  vestra  in  bona 
*'  pace  consistunt.  Nee  id 
"  tamen  duximus  pro  Judais 
'^  pro  pace  nostra,  quia  si  ctii- 
'*  dam  cani  pacem  nostram 
"  dedissemuSf  deberetur  invio- 
'*  labiliterobservari/'Pat.Rolls 
5.  Joh.  n.  3.  in  Rymer's  Feed. 
L  89. 

q3 


\ 


230  The  Church  History  ftooK  ill. 

A.D.  H90.     45.  To  avoid  these  miseries,  they  had  but  one 

—  shift,  (and,  as  used  by  some  of  them,  it  was  but  a 

counterfeit  shift  indeed,)  to  pretend  themselves  Christian  con- 
"^""^  verts,  and  to  tender  themselves  to  be  baptized.  To 
such  persons,  in  a  temporal  respect,  baptism  washed 
away  all  sin ;  they  being  cleared  and  quitted  from 
all  ante-facts,  how  heinous  soever,  by  their  entrance 
into  Christianity.  Thus  anno  1259,  Elias  Biscop,  a 
London  Jew,  charged  with  many  horrible  crimes; 
and,  amongst  others,  that  with  poisoned  drink  he 
had  caused  the  death  of  many  English  gentlemen^ 
escaped  all  punishment  by  being  baptized.  For  the. 
further  encouragement  of  their  conversion,  king. 
Henry  the  Third  erected  a  small  house  in  Chancery-, 
lane  (where  the  office  of  the  rolls  is  now  kept)  for. 
convert  Jews  to  dwell  in,  allowing  a  daily  salary  to. 
them  for  their  maintenance.  It  is  to  be  feared  many; 
lived  therein  who  were  Jews  inwardly,  but  not  in 
the  apostle's  acception  thereof,  in  the  spirit,  but  in 
the  letter,  whose  praise  is  not  of  men,  hut  of  God  "^i 
but  I  mean  such  who  still  retained  the  dregs  of 
Judaism  under  the  feigned  profession  of  Chris- 
tianity. Sure  I  am,  king  Edward  at  this  time  was 
so  incensed  against  the  Jewish  nation,  that  now  he 
resolved  the  total  and  final  extirpation  of  them  and 
theirs  out  of  his  dominions, 
juisde-  46.  Many  misdemeanours  were  laid  to  their  charge, 

^^^"^  amongst  which  these  foUovring  were  the  principal. 


meanoiira 
charged  o 
the  Jews. 


In  1 289  Edward  I.  expelled  "  rum  reliqua  coniiscavit ; "  for 

them  entirely  out  of  England,  which    expulsion    the    people 

In  the  words  of  Trivet,  I.  266,  in    gratitude    granted    him   a 

'*Jud8eo8  omnes   eodem  anno  fifteenth,  (ib.)] 
'^  expellens   de    Anglia    datis         ^  Mat.  Paris,  p.  982. 
*'  expensis  in  Gallias  bona  eo- .       ^  Rom.  ii.  29. 


CEKT.  XIII.  of  Britain.  231 

First,  enchantments.      This  was  an  old  sin  of  the  a.  d.  1290. 

Jews,  whereof  the  prophets  always  complained ;  the — 

multitude  of  thy  sorceries^  and  the  great  abundance  of 
Ihine  enchantments^  And  it  seems  they  still  re- 
tained their  old  wicked  wont.  Secondly,  poisoning. 
To  give  the  Jews  their  due,  this  was  none  of  their 
faults,  whilst  living  in  their  own  land,  not  meeting 
with  the  word  in  the  whole  Bible.  It  seems  they 
learnt  this  sin  after  their  dispersion  in  other  nations, 
and  since  are  grown  exquisite  in  that  art  of  wicked- 
ness. Thirdly,  clipping  of  money.  Fourthly,  counter- 
feiting of  Christians'  hands  and  seals.  Fifthly,  ex- 
tortion. A  Jew  occasioned  a  mutiny  in  London  by  - 
demanding  from  a  poor  Christian  above  two  shillings 
for  the  use  of  twenty  shillings  for  one  week,  being, 
by  proportion,  no  less  than  five  hundred  and  twenty 
pounds  per  annum  for  every  hundred.  Sixthly,  cru- 
cifying of  the  children  of  Christians  (to  keep  their 
hands  in  ure)  always  about  Easter.  So  that  the 
time  pointed  at  their  intents  directly  in  derision  of 
our  Saviour.  How  sufficiently  these  crimes  were 
witnessed  against  them  I  know  not.  In  such  cases 
weak  proofs  are  of  proof  against  rich  offenders.  We 
may  well  believe,  if  their  persons  were  guilty  of 
some  of  these  faults^  their  estates  were  guilty  of  all 
the  rest. 

47.  Now  although  it  passeth  for  an  uncontrolled  Jews  say 
truth,  that  the  Jews  were  by  the  king  violently  cast  ^t  ou^ 
out  of  the  land,  yet  a  great  lawyery  states  the  case  f^'^g'^^^ 
much  otherwise,  viz.  that  the  king  did  not  directly  ^®p*^- 
expel  them,  but  only  prohibit  them  to  put  money  to 
use ;  which  produced  a  petition  from  them  to  the 

^  Isai.  xlvii.  9. 

y  Sir.  Ed.  Coke.     [Instit.  part  11.  p.  507.  cd.  1642.] 

Q  4 


2S2  The  Church  History  book  hi. 

A.  1).  1 290.  king,  that  they  might  have  leave  to  depart  the  land; 

!LJ  a  request  easily  granted  unto  them  :  some  will  say  it 

is  all  one  in  effect,  whether  one  be  starved  or  stab- 
bed, death  inevitably  following  from  both,  as  here 
the  Jews  were  famished  on  the  matter  out  of  Eng^ 
land;  usury  being  their  meat  and  drink,  without 
which  they  were  unable  longer  to  subsist :  however 
this  took  off  much  from  the  odium  of  the  act,  that 
they  were  not  immediately,  but  only  indirectly  and 
consequentially  baniihed  the  realm,  or  rather  per- 
mitted a  free  departure  on  their  own  petition  for  the 
same.  As  for  the  sad  accident  that  some  hundreds 
of  them  being  purposely  shipped  out  of  a  spitefid 
design  in  a  leaking  vessel,  were  all  drowned  in  the 
sea,  if  true,  it  cannot  but  command  compassion  in  any 
Christian  heart. 
A.D.  1293.  48.  It  is  hardly  to  be  believed  what  vast  sums  of 
gets  incre-  Wealth  accHicd  to  the  king  by  this  (call  it  ejection, 
forfeited  by  OT  amotiou,  or)  deccssiou  of  the  Jews.  He  allowed 
the  Jews,  ^j^^jj^  ^^ly  bare  viaticum  to  bear  their  charges,  and 
seized  on  all  the  rest  of  their  estates.  Insomuch 
that  now  the  king  needed  not  to  listen  to  the  counsel 
A.D.  1294.  of  William  Marsh,  bishop  of  Bath  and  Wells,  and 
treasurer  of  England,  (but  therein  speaking  more 
like  a  treasurer  than  a  bishop,)  advising  him,  if  in 
necessity,  "to  take  all  the  plate  and  money  of 
"  churches  and  monasteries  therewith  to  pay  his 
"  soldiers^."  The  poor  Jews  durst  not  go  into  France^ 
(whence  lately  they  had  been  solemnly  banished,) 
but  generally  disposed  themselves  in  Germany  and 
Italy,  especially  in  the  pope's  territories  therein, 
where  profit  from  Jews  and  Stews  much  advance 
the  constant  revenues  of  his  holiness. 

2  Polydore  Virgil.     [Hist.  p.  332.] 


c:bnt.  xui.  of  Britain.  288 

49-  Kimr  Edward  hayinir  done  with  the  Jews.  a.  1x1192. 

20  £dw.  I. 

began  with  the  Scots^  and  effectually  humbled  them .-- — 

and  their  country.     This  the  occasion.     Two  com-w^arw- 
petitors  appearing  for  the  crown  of  Scotland,  John^^^^. 
Balliol  and  Robert  Bruce,  and  both  referring  their  j^^^ 
title  to  king  Edward's  decision,  he  adjudged   the 
same  to  Balliol,  or  rather  to  himself  in  Balliol.    For 
he  enjoined  him  to  do  homage  unto  him,  and  that 
hereafter  the  Scottish  crown  should  be  held  in  fealty 
of  the  English.     Balliol,  or  his  necessity  rather,  his 
person  being  in  king  Edward's  power,  accepted  the 
condition,  owning  m  England  one  above  himself, 
that  so  he  might  be  above  all  in  Scotland.     But  no  a.d.  1295. 
sooner  was  he  returned  into  his  own  kingdom,  and 
peaceably  possessed  thereof,  but  instantly  in  a  letter 
of  defiance  %  he  diselaimeth  all  former  promises  to 
king   Edward,   appealing   to   the   Christian   world, 
whether  his  own  enforced  obedience  were  more  to 
be  pitied,  or  king  Edward's  insolence,  improving  it- 
self on  a  prince's  present  extremities,  more  to  be 
condemned. 

50.  Offended  heieat,  king  Edward  advanceth  into  a.  d.  1296. 
Scotland,  with  the  forces  he  formerly  intended  for,„^foJ]^ 
France.     Power  and  policy  make  a  good  medley*  ^*'^''*^'"*^ 
and  the  one  fareth  the  better  for  the  other.     King 
Edward  to  strengthen  himself  thought  fit  to  take  in 
the  title  of  Robert  Bruce,  Balliol's  corrival,  hitherto 
living  privately  in  Scotland,  pretending  to  settle  him 
in  the   kingdom.     Hereupon  the  Scots,  to  lessen 
their  losses  and  the  English  victories,  affirm**,  that  in 
this  expedition  their  own  countrymen  were  chiefly 


a  [This  letter  is  printed  in         ^  G.  Buchanan  Rerum  Scot. 
Trivet.  290.]  [Lib.  viii.  p.  74  sq.  ed.  1583.] 


S54  Tlu  Church  HiHory  of  Britain.  book  lu. 

A.  D.  r996.  conquered  by  their  own  countrymen,  the  Brucian 
'party  assisting  the  English.  Sure  it  is  that  king 
Edward  took  Berwick,  Dunbar,  Sterling,  Edinburgh, 
the  crown,  sceptre,  and,  out  of  Scone,  the  royal 
chair  and  prophetical  marble  therein*.  And  though 
commonly  it  be  observed,  that  English  valour  hope- 
fully budding  and  blossoming  on  this  side  of  Edin- 
burgh-frith is  frost-bitten  on  the  north  thereof,  yet 
our  victorious  Edward,  crossing  that  sea,  took  Mont- 
rose and  the  best  counties  thereabout.  In  a  word, 
he  conquered  almost  all  the  garden  of  Scotland,  and 
left  the  wilderness  thereof  to  conquer  itself.  Then 
having  settled  [John]  Warren,  earl  of  Surrey,  vice- 
roy thereof,  and  made  all  the  Scottish  nobility, 
Doughty  Douglas  alone  excepted,  who  was  com- 
mitted to  prison  for  his  singular  recusancy,  swear 
homage  tmto  him,  and  taking  John  Balliol  captive 
along  with  him,  he  returned  triumphantly  into 
England. 

c  [Trivet,  I.  294.] 

4 


THE  FOURTEENTH  CENTURY. 


TO 


CLEMENT  THROCKMORTON  THE  ELDER, 


OF 


HASELEY  IN  WARWICKSHIRE,  ESQ.a 

Ijdt  others  boctst  of  their  French  bloody  whilst  your  English 
family  may  vie  gentry  with  any  of  the  Norman  ex- 
traction.  1.  For  antiquity,  four  monosyllabes  being, 
by  common  pronunciation,  crowded  into  your  name; 
THE^  ROCK^  MORE,  TOWN.  2.  For  numcTosity,  being 
branched  into  so  many  counties.  3.  For  ingenuity,. 
.  charactered  by  Camden^  to  be  fruitful  of  fine  wits, 
whereof  several  instances  might  be  produced. 

But  a  principal  consideration  which  doth,  and  ever  shall 
command  my  respect  unto  your  person,  is  your  faithful 


&  [In  the  time  of  Camden 
their  chief  seat  was  atCoughton 
in  the  same  county.  Arms.  Gules 
on  a  chevron  argent,  three 
bars  gemels,  sable.  This  Cle- 
ment Throckmorton^  of  Hase- 
-ley,  county  of  Warwick,  was 
descended  from  a  junior  branch 
of  a  very  ancient  and  honour- 
able family  seated  at  Coughton 
in  the  same  county  as  far  back 
as  the  reign  of  Henry  the 
Third ;  his  grandfather,  of  the 
same  name,  being  fourth  son 
of  sir  George  Throckmorton  of 


Coughton.  He  was  son  and 
heir  to  Job  Throckmorton, 
seated  at  Haseley  37th  Hen. 
VIII.  (1545),  by  his  wife  Do. 
rothy,  daughter  of  Thomas 
Vernon.  He  married  Letitia, 
daughter  of  sir  Clement  Fisher 
of  Packington,  and  at  the  time 
when  Fuller  wrote  must  have 
been  of  an  advanced  age^  as  his 
son^  Clement  Throckmorton 
the  younger,  then  livings  was 
bom  in  1604.] 

^    Brit,    in    Warwickshire, 
[p.  426.] 


eS6  Tke  CAvcA  RvUmy 

and  eordial  fnendJtip  in  matten  of  Jughat  i 

ment  {vhatever  be  the  stuxaa  tkertof)  to  the  best  ofrng 

relations,  whieh  I  amceived  wi^telf  obliged  pti&Keb/  bt 

MIDST  these  cniel  ware  betwixt  the 
Eiigibb  and  Scots,  pope  Bom&ce  the 
Eighth  seDt  hia  lettere  to  king  Ed^rard, 
rfquirii^  him  to  quit  his  claim  and 
cease  Ms  wats,  and  release  his  prisoD- 
ere  of  the  Scotch  nation,  as  a  people  exempt  and 
properly  pertaining  to  his  own  chapel.  Perohance 
the  pope's  right  to  the  crown  of  Scotland  is  written 
on  the  backside  of  Constantino's  donation.  And  it 
ia  Btnuige.  that  if  Scotland  be  the  pope's  peculiar 
demesnes,  it  should  be  so  &r  distant  from  Borne,  his 
chief  mansion  house ;  he  grounded  his  title  th^e- 
irnto,  because  "  Scotland  first  was  couTerted  by  the 
"  relics  of  the  blessed  apostle  St.  Peter  through  the 
"  divine  operation  of  God  to  the  unity  of  the  eathohc 
"  faith'."  But  it  seems  not  so  much  ambition  in 
his  holiness  made  him  at  this  present  to  start  this 
pretence,  but  the  secret  solicitation  of  the  Scots 
themselves,  who  now  to  avoid  the  storm  of  the 
English,  ran  under  this  bush,  and  put  themselves  in 
the  pope's  protection. 
King  Ed.  S.  Hereupon  king  Edward  called  a  council  of  his 
itud  bj    lords  at  Lincoln,  where  perusing  the  contents  of  the 


■  Fox,  Acta,  &c.  I.   444-7.  Trivet,  p.  319,  "  per  bead  Pe. 

[It    is    a    curious    ^t,    for  "  tri   apostoli  venerandi  reli- 

tlie  origin  of  wbich  I  cannot  "  quias."    Whereas  in  the  ori- 

account,  that  all  our  cfaroni-  ginal  it  is, "  per  beati  Andres" 

clers  who   have  given  an  ab-  &c.      See   Wilkina.    II.    357. 

ffrac'of  this  l«tterof  thepope.  Feed.  I.  907.     Mat.  Westmo- 

have  copied  the  oversight  of  nast.  p.  420.  Trivet,  3 18.] 


CENT.  xiY.  of  BriiiUn.  S87 

{>ope's  prescripl;,  he  returned  a  large  answers  wherein  a.  d.  1301 . 

he  endeavoured  by  evident  reasons  and  ancient  pre — 

cedents,  to  prove  his  propriety  in  the  kingdom  of  ^1^;^ 
Scotland.     This  was  seconded  by  another  from  the^hS'own 
English  peerage,  subscribed  with  all  their  hands, '*^*' 
the  whole  tenor  whereof  deserves  to  be  inserted,  but 
this  passage  must  not  be  omitted,  being  directed  to 
no  meaner  than  his  holiness  himself. 

"  Wherefore,  after  treaty  had  and  diligent  deli- 
"  beration  of  the  contents  in  your  foresaid  letters, 
^^  this  was  the  common  agreeing  and  consent  with 
*'  one  mind,  and  shall  be  without  fail  in  time  to 
"  come  by  God's  grace ;  that  our  foresaid  lord  the 
"  king  ought  by  no  means  to  answer  in  judgment  in 
"  any  case,  or  should  bring  his  foresaid  rights  into 
"  doubt ;  nor  ought  to  send  any  proctors  or  mes- 
"  sengers  to  your  presence:  especially  seeing  that 
**  the  premises  tend  manifestly  to  the  disheriting  of 
"  the  right  of  the  crown  of  England,  and  the  plain 
'^  overthrow  of  the  state  of  the  said  realm,  and  also 
"  hurt  of  the  liberties,  customs,  and  laws  of  our 
"  fathers :  for  the  keeping  and  defence  of  which  we 
"  are  bound  by  the  duty  of  our  oath  made,  and  we 
"  will  maintain  them  with  all  power,  and  will  defend 
"  them  (by  God's  help)  with  all  strength  d." 

The  pope  perceived  he  had  met  with  men  which 
imderstood  themselves,  and  that  king  Edward  was 
no  king  John,  to  be  frighted  or  flattered  out  of 
his  right,  he  therefore  was  loath  to  clash  his  keys 
against  the  other's  sword,  to  try  which  was  made  of 
the  hardest  metal;  but  foreseeing  the  verdict  would  go 

<^  pn  Trivet,  3  20.]  the  29th  of  the  reign  of  king 

^  It  is  extant  in  Fox  ut  £dwardtheFir8t^p.3ii.  [Also 
supra,  as  also  in  Holinshed,  in    in  Trivet^  SB^O 


S8B 


The  Ckmrtk  Huimnf 


in. 


A.D.  ijof.agaiiMt  him,  wiselj  nonsuited 


WheveMlnd 


!2 !!Ll  tbui  unjmrt  challenger  met  with  a  timorous  defendant, 

it  had  been  enough  to  have  created  an  undeniable 
title  to  him  and  his  successors.  The  best  is,  nuBum 
temjms  occurrit  papa,  ^  no  process  of  time  doth  pre- 
**  judice  the  pope's  due ;"  but  whensoever  he  pleasetb 
to  prosecute  his  right,  Scotland  lieth  stiU  in  the 
same  place  where  it  did  before. 
A.  D.  1501.  3'  About  this  time  a  subject  brought  in  a  bull  of 
^^^  **^or  excommunication  against  another  subject   of   this 


•J2^ ^^ realm,  and  published  it  to  the  lord  treasurer  of  Eng- 
iiMpop0*t  land,  and  this  was  by  the  ancient  common  law  of 

buIL 

England   adjudged   treason   against  the    king.  Ids 
crown  and  dignity,  for  the  which  the  offender  should 
have  been  drawn  and  hanged,  but  at  the  great  in- 
stance of  the  chancellor  and  treasurer,  he  was  only 
abjured  the  realm  for  ever  ^.^     And  this  case  is  the 
more  remarkable,  because  be  was  condemned  by  the 
common  law  of  England  before  any  particular  sta- 
tute was  enacted  in  that  behalf. 
A.D.  1305.      4.  But  the  courage  of  king  Edward  most  appeared 
bishop  of'  in  humbling  and  ordering  Robert  Winchelsea,  arcli- 
JIJJUJJ^*''^  bishop  of  Canterbury  8^.     He  was  an  insolent  man, 
bphe       hated   even   of  the   clergy,   because,  though  their 


«  Brook  tit.  prsemunire,  pi. 
I  o,  [as  quoted  by]  sir  Edward 
Coke ;  Reports,  part  v.  de  jure 
Reg.f.  12. 

9  [Winchelsea's  great  fault 
was  in  advancing  and  support- 
ing the  papal  power.  Arch- 
bishop barker  gives  him  a 
more  favourable  character, 
justly  discriminating  his  merits 
as  a  prelate  and  lover  of  his 
country,  from  his  errors  as  a 
violent  adherent  to  the  pope. 


"  Cujus  acta  si^  quo  animo  in 
*'  patriam  et  rempublicam  gesta 
"  sint,  existimari  debeant, 
"  recta  judicanda  sunt  ;  sin 
"  Romanam  consuetudinem 
*'  pravitatemque  spectes,  scele- 
"  rata  atque  impia."  Antiq. 
Brit.  p.  302.  His  chiefest  crime 
was  in  humbling  the  pride  of 
the  abbots  and  monks  ;  and 
therefore  what  is  stated  by  the 
chroniclers  to  his  prejudice 
must  be  received  with  caution.] 


CENT.  XIV.  of  Britain.  289 

champion  to  preserve  them  from  civil  and  secular  a.  d.  1305. 
burdens,  yet  the  pope's  broker,  to  reserve  them  for  ^1 — H-I 
his  unconscionable  exactions,  as  if  keeping  churchmen 
to  be  vRTonged  by  none  but  himself.  Long  had  the 
king  looked  on  him  with  an  angry  eye,  as  opposite 
to  his  proceedings,  and  now  at  the  last  had  him  at 
his  mercy  for  plotting  treason  with  some  others  of 
the  nobility  against  him,  projecting  to  depose  him, 
and  set  up  his  son  Edward  in  his  room^. 

5.  The  archbishop  throwing  himself  prostrate  atOuiitineM 
the  king's  feet,  with  tears  and  lamentation',  confessed  prou? men 
his  feult  in  a  posture  of  cowardly  dejection,  de-***"* 
scending  now  as  much  beneath  himself  as  formerly 
he  had  arrogantly  insulted  over  others^;  some^  are 
loath  to  allow  him  guilty  of  the  crime  objected, 
others  conceive  him  only  to  have  done  this,  pre- 
suming on  the  king's  noble  disposition  for  pardon. 
But  such  must  yield  him  a  traitor  either  to  the 
king's  croMn,  or  to  his  own  innocence,  by  his  un- 
worthy acknowledging  his  offence.  Thus  that  man 
who  confesseth  a  debt  which  he  knows  not  due, 
hoping  his  creditor  will  thereupon  give  him  an 
acquittance,  scarce  deserveth  pity  for  his  folly,  if 
presently  sent  to  prison  for  non-payment  thereof. 
Then  he  called  the  king  his  master,  a  term  where- 
with formerly  his  tongue  was  unacquainted,  (whom 
neither  by  word  or  letter  he  would  ever  acknowledge 
under  that  notion,)  tendering  himself  to  be  disposed 
at  his  pleasure. 

^  Annal.  Eccl.  August.  Cant.         i    [Parker's]     Antiq,     Bri- 

[By  this  reference  I  imagine  tan.    p.    311.    ex   Tho.    Wal- 

Fuller  means  the  Chronicle  of  singham. 
W.  Thorn,  where  the  process         "^  Harpsfield  Hist.  Eccl.  Ang. 

against  the  archbishop  is  de-  p.  446. 

tailed.      Twysden,    p.     J 970.         1  Worthily;     see    Godwin 

2005.]  de  Prsesul.  p.  102. 


cc 


S40  The  Church  History  book  in. 

A.D.-130S.     6.  No,   quoth    the    kinir,  "I  will  not   be  both 

33  Edw.  I 

1-* "  party  and  judge,  and  proceed  against  you  as  I . 

^^^jg    "  might  by  the  common  law  of  the  land.     I  bear 
betwSTthe  "  ^^'^  respect  to  your  order,  whereof  you  are  as 
king  and    "  unworthy  BS  of  my  favour :  having  formerly  had 
^^  experience  of   your  malice   in  smaller   matters, 
"  when  you  so  rigorously  used  my  chaplains  attend- 
"  ing  on  me  in  their  ordinary  service  beyond  the 
seas ;  so  that  though  I  sent  my  letters  unto  you, 
you  as  lightly  regarded  what  I  wrote,  as  what 
"  they  pleaded  in  their  own  behalf."     Winchelsea 
having  but  one  guard  for  all  blows,  persisted  in  his 
submission,  desiring  (a  precedent  unparalleled)  that 
the  king  would   give  him  his  blessing.      No,  said 
the  king,  "  it  is  more  proper  that  you  should  give 
"  me  your  blessing.     But,  well,  I  will  remit  you  to 
your  own  great  master  the  pope,  to  deal  with  you 
according  to  your  deserts"".'*     But  the  archbishop, 
loath  belike  to  go  to  Bome,  and  staying  longer  in 
England  than  the  king's  command,  and,  perchance, 
his  own  promise,  lurked  in  a  convent  at  Canterbury 
tm  fourscore  monks  were  by  the  king's  command 
thrust  out  of  their  places  for  relieving  him  out  of 
their  charity ;  and  were  not  restored  till  the  afore- 
said archbishop  was  banished  the  kingdom". 
Winchelsea     7.  Not  loug  after  he  appeared  before  pope  Cle- 
favour  from  mcut  the  Fifth  at  Bourdeaux,  where  having  been  so 
and^S^    great  a  stickler  for  his  holiness,  (insomuch  that  his 
present  disfavour  with  the  king  was  originally  caused 
by  his  activity  for  the  pope,)  he  might  rationally 
have  expected  some  courtesy.     But  though  he  had 

*»    [Parker,]     Antiquitates     [quoted   by   Parker,    ibid.   p. 
Brit.  ib.  312.] 

n  Annal.  Eccl.  August.  Cant. 


CENT.  XIV.  of  Britain.  241 

used  both  his  hands  to  scrape  treasure  for  the  church  a.d.  130c;. 

of  Rome,  the  pope  would  not  lend  his  least  finger  to — 

his  support,  but  suspended  him  from  oflSce  and 
benefit  of  his  place,  till  he  should  clear  himself  from 
the  crime  of  treason  wherewith  he  was  charged- 
Whether  done  to  procure  reputation  to  the  justice 
of  the  court  of  Rome,  where,  in  public  causes,  men, 
otherwise  privately  well  deserving,  should  find  no 
more  favour  there  than  they  brought  innocence 
thither;  or  because  (which  is  most  probable)  the 
pope  loved  the  archbishopric  better  than  the  arch- 
bishop; and  knew  during  his  suspension  both  to 
increase  his  profit,  and  improve  his  power  in 
England,  by  such  cunning  factors  as  he  employed 
in  the  business  ;  namely,  William  de  Testa,  and 
Peter  Amaline,  both  strangers,  to  whom  the  pope 
committed  the  sequestration  of  Canterbury,  whilst 
the  cause  of  Winchelsea  did  as  yet  depend  un- 
determined. 

8.  These  by  papal   authority   summoned   before  a  si^ai 
them  John  Salmon  bishop  of  Norwich,  for  exacting  ti^doni"*" 
the  first-ftnits  of  vacant  benefices  from  the  clergy  of  ^^"^'^ 
his  diocese.     The  case  was  this.     Some  sixty  years  *™*^"- 
since,  Pandulph,  an  Italian,  and  pope's   legate,  (a 
perfect  artist  in  progging  for  money,)  being  bishop 
of  Norwich**,  pretending  his  church  to  be  in  debt, 
obtained  of  his   holiness  the  first-fruits   of  vacant 
benefices  in  Norfolk  and  Suffolk  to  discharge  that 
engagement.    This  grant  to  him,  being  but  personal, 
local,  and  temporary,  was  improved  by  his  successors 
to  a  constant  revenue;  yea  (covetousness  being  an 
apt  scholar,  and  profit  an  easy  lesson)  this  example 
was   followed   by   other   English    bishops   in   their 

oHarpsfield  Hist.  Eccl.  Ang.  p.  458. 

FULLER,  VOL.  If,  R 


■  -•*<•      T  — ■ 


.1  ^asOMFy  jQ^j  III 

'^■'-      ^  -     -''Uii  la-:--:?  j«]ki«i  ror  Lesiihe 
■    -— ^    ■n.^"nHii>  iDrt-imur    ".uz  ihat  the 

■r  -iitr!!!     W'^ereds  these 

ri»rr.     thai    zta^^rallv 

—  ■ 

"jLf  lEsr-fm-i     r  ill   s:mtittl 
!•:  lexr.  5  c  ±r-fir  jrtus  should 

■ 

„^^~  ■     ''-I?-:    -  r^z*i*zr^i  viij  :lr   hunlen 

-  ^^^^^      *  *-    -'        r-i^firtc  1^.  -*-_  ^T.  tnat 

:..    .>-  :: :--  '--^-  n.  .-  -la^.  iie  Lr^sr :  az:-!  rhe  load 

-  — =■  i-:    '-  ""-^^  >^u?c  Tii.-i  "'.irr   l^Ease  mettle  to 

^.-i    :    -f.  a::  "U*  T   -   i*  vtl:  :i^  fv»r  parochial 

::^   ii-  •**  rzaTif^  :-    r«cfc  ih^  usurpation  of 


4    .-."^-r^TLr^.  Tiji  ^  L^an  le^ca.  who  accordinof 

li  -    ..-  TiJit-  -amtr    T:^*r  1:1  ^^czjct  shelL  but  departed 

^*t^-    ^~*-   ■-     i>r^»-*     c  iir:  EJ::^::^::  wtalih.  complained 

•^  '  -    :.>  -r^-n*  'i :-:  n-f  ic&niament^  was  called 

•   -:     ^-.L    J'r*r    i   ^ciLiJii   caixlinal   sent  in  his 

— . ;::     1  :v*^  le  .-  c*^J::•:fe^l  and  celebrated  a  marriage 

»r-  -I*:?  'riii-v  Li"«"iri  aiid  Isabel  the  king  of  France 

-    r.u:j:.^rr      7irtri>  the  bearing  of  his  charges, 

: .  >  •u.-'Jiia.  rf;xir£«i  iweke  marks  of  all  cathedrals 

J.-..    •  11   :ac>.  iz.c  •:^  f«rish  churches  eightpence  out 

.  ^  t  r^  nari  >:  :beir  yearly  revenue.  But  the  king 

:-,a**t:  T  tr  xctcc:  with  the  moiety  of  his  demand. 

:A  >I:^ii::ir:e  intolerable  were  the  taxes  which 
■>  Vzc^  oieriry  paid  to  Rome.    The  poets  feign 

>K»-»  **"  7-"^=^."      Astiqiiitate*  "  clerum    immoderate    emun-     t 

v-..;.^.     •  **  geret."    Harpsfield,  p.  431. 

J  uir^     irriS^jvraiitem  [Trivet,  345.     Walsingham  in 

-  >^-    •---^■a.::     T»::K:i.v  in  1308.] 


CKNT.  XIV.  of  Britain,  243 

Arethusa,  a  river  in  Armenia,  to  be  swallowed  up  a. d.  1305 
by  the  earth,  and  running  many  miles  under  the  ^ — ^^ 
ocean,  in  Sicily  (they  say)  it  vents  itself  up  again,  from  Eng- 
But,  without  any  fiction,  the  wealthy  streams,  flow-^*^' 
ing  from  a  plentiful  spring  in  England,  did  suddenly 
disappear,  and  being  insensibly  conveyed  in  invisible 
channels,  not  under,  but  over  the  sea,  were  found 
fitr  off  to  arise  afresh  at  Rome,  in  the  pope's  trea- 
sury ;  where  the  Italians,  though  (being  themselves 
bred  in  a  clear  and  subtile  climate)  they  scorned  the 
dulness  of  the  wits,  and  hated  the  gross  air  of  this 
island,  yet  hugged  the  heaviness  of  the  gold  thereof; 
this  kingdom  being  one  of  the  best  places  for  their 
profit.     Although   proud  Harding  saith^S  that  the 
pope's  yearly  gains  out  of  England  were  but  as  a 
gnat  to  an  elephant.     Oh  the  overgrown  beast  of 
Rome's  revenues ! 

11.  The  death  of  king  Edward  the  First  gave  a  The  death 
great  advancement  to  the  pope's  encroaching.     Ar^rof 
worthy  prince  he  was,  fixed  in  his  generation  betwixt  ^^^" 
a  weak  father  and  son ;  as  if  made  wise  and  valiant  ^^'**- 
by  their  antiperistasis.    Equally  fortunate  in  drawing 
and  sheathing  the  sword,  in  war  and  peace ;  having 
taught  the   English   loyalty,  by  them   almost   for- 
gotten ;  and  the  Welsh  subjection,  which  they  never 
learned   before.      In   himself  religiously   disposed; 
founded  the  famous   abbey   of  Vale-royal   for  the 
Cistercians  in  Cheshire  ^  and  by  will  bequeathing 
thirty-two  thousand  pounds  to  the  holy  war.     Obe- 
dient, not  servile  to  the  see  of  Rome.     A  foe  to  the 
pride,  and  friend  to  th^  profession  of  the  clergy: 


qq  In  Confut.  Apolog.  [Juelli.] 

^  Camd.  Brit,  in  Cheshire,  [p.  461.  Trivet,  I.  260.] 

R  2 


244 


The  Church  History 


BOOK  III. 


A.D.  1307.  whom  he  watered  with  his  bounty*,  but  would  not 
£1 LI  have  to  spread  so  broad  as  to  justle,  or  grow  so  high 


"  [This  is  a  character  far  too 
favourable  to  Edward  I.,  as  far 
as  concerns  his  conduct  to  the 
clergy,  who  between  himself 
and  the  pope  were  ground  as 
between  the  upper  and  the 
nether  millstone.  Between 
the  two  there  was  little  to 
choose,  they  were  two  evils, 
and  both  intolerable:  neither 
cared  in  the  least  for  the 
clergy,  except  so  far  as  it  pro- 
moted their  own  interests. 
Enough  has  been  said  of  the 
pope  in  the  foregoing  pages; 
and  if  he  was  paid  too  much 
of  our  English  coin  before,  the 
old  score  has  been  pretty  well 
wiped  out  by  a  coin  of  another 
minting,  since  the  reformation. 
But  in  what  way  Edward  I. 
"  watered  the  clergy  by  his 
"  bounty"  may  be  seen  by  the 
following  facts. 

In  1293  he  fined  the  arch- 
bishop of  York  in  4,000  marks, 
"  for  that  he  had  excommuni- 
*'  cated  Anthony  Beake^  bi- 
"  shop  of  Durham,  being  then 
"  in  the  king's  s^vice,  and  one 
*'  of  his  council."  (Stow's 
Chron.  p.  206.)  In  1294, 
"  there  was  granted  (?)  to  the 
"  king  for  aid  in  the  wars  (in 
"  Gascony),  the  one  half  of  all 

the  goods  of  the   clergy,  a 

tenth  part  of  the  citizens', 
"  and  a  tenth  of  the  commons' 
*'  goods.  There  was  in  all 
*'  levied  of  the  clergy  at  that 
^*  time,  to  the  sum  of  three- 
"  score  hundred  thousand 
*'  pounds,  according  to  the  ac- 
'*  count,  and  as  it  was  valued 
"  in  Gascoigne  ;   to  wit,   8j. 


a 


(t 


•*  silver  to  the  pound."  (Stow, 
ib.)  The  same  year  be  "  took 
'*  into  his  hands  all  the  priories 
"  alien  throughout  England, 
"  with  all  their  lands  and 
"  goods  any  way  arising,  com. 
**  mitting  the  same  to  officers 
**  under  him,  allowing  to  every 
**  monk  eighteen  pence  the 
"  week,  and  all  the  surplus  of 
'^  their  revenues  was  appointed 
'*  towards  the  charges  of  the 
*'  king's  wars,  retaining  also  to 
'*  his  treasury  the  pensions  or 
"  annuities  due  to  the  prin- 
"  cipal  houses.  Also  in  the 
'^  same  parliament  he  obtained 
**  again  of  the  clergy  and  reli- 
'*  gious  persons  a  loan  of 
*'  money  to  the  value  of  half 
"  their  goods  and  lands,  ac- 
"  cording  to  the  former  ex- 
**  actions  of  the  tenths,  which 
"  loan  amounted  to  100,000/., 
"  whereof  the  abbot  of  Bury 
*'  paid  655/.  OS,  ii\dr  (Stow, 
ib.)  The  next  year  *'tbe  king 
"  caused  all  the  monasteries  in 
"  England  to  be  searched,  and 
'*  all  the  money  in  them  to  be 
"  brought  up  to  London.  He 
*'  also  seizea  into  his  hands  all 
'*  their  lay  fees,  because  they 
<'  refused  to  pay  to  him  such  a 
'<  tax  as  he  demanded."  (Stow, 
ib.)  In  1 296  a  papal  mandate 
having  been  published  in  Eng- 
land, (de  non  dando  aliquid 
laicis,)  and  the  clergy  hesi- 
tating in  consequence  to  make 
a  subsidy  for  the  king,  until 
they  had  consulted  the  pope, 
Edward  took  into  his  own 
hands  all  their  temporalities; 
and  thereupon  holding  a  par- 


CENT.  XIV.  of  Britain.  245 

as  to  overtop  the  regal  authority;  djdng  in  due  time  a.  d.  1507. 
for  himself,  almost  seventy  years  old,  but  too  soon  H — Il-l 
for  his  subjects,  especially  for  his  son,  whose  giddy 
youth  lacked  a  guide  to  direct  him.  In  a  word,  as 
the  arm  of  king  Edward  the  First  was  accounted 
the  measure  of  a  yard,  generally  received  in  England, 
so  his  actions  are  an  excellent  model,  and  a  praise- 
worthy platform  for  succeeding  princes  to  imitate. 

12.  Edward  his  son,  by  letters  to  the  pope,  re- Wincheisea 
quested  that  Robert  Wincheisea  might  be  restored  quest  of 
to  his  archbishopric,  which  was  done  accordingly,  J^  the 
though  he  returned  too  late  to  crown  the  king;^^*^^^ 
which  solemnity  was  performed  by  Henry  Wood-^!*"^- 
lock,  bishop  of  Winchester.     Here  let  the  peaceable 
reader  part  two  contrary  reports  from  fighting  to- 
gether, both  avowed  by  authors  of  credit.     Some 
say  S  Wincheisea,  after  his  return,  received  his  profits 
maimed  and  mangled,  scarce  amounting  to  half;  and 
that  poor  pittance  he  was  fain  to  bestow  to  repair 
his  dilapidated  palace.     Others  report,  his  revenues 
not  lessened  in  quantity,  and  increased  in  the  entire- 
nesSy  were  paid  him  all  in  a  lump ;  insomuch,  that 
hereby  (having  learned  thrift  in  exile  to  live  of  a 
'  little)  he  speedily  became  the  richest  of  all  his  pre- 
decessors^; so  that  he  gained  by  losses ;  and  it  was 
his  common  proverb,  that  there  is  no  hurt  in  adver- 

liament,  from  which  the  clergy  1965.  See  also  Godwin,  p. 
was  excluded,  declared  all  their  101.  *' Nos  quam  foelices," 
estates  forfeited.  Those  who  (Godwin  innocently  ob- 
would  not  compound,  such  as  serves,)  **  quibus  datum  est 
the  archbishop  and  others,  he  **  juxta  prsescripta  legum  no- 
treated  with  the  utmost  rigour ;  "  stris  rebus  in  omni  libertate 
not  only  denying  them  the  "  ac  tranquillitate  frui !  '*] 
common  necessaries  of  life^  but  ^  Harpsfield^  Hist.Eccl.  Ang. 
also   interdicting   the   use    of  p.  440. 

fire  and  water  to  any  who  ven-  ^  Antiq.    Brit.   p.    313,   ex 

tured  to  relieve  them.  Thorne,  Adamo  Murimutensi. 

r3 


246 


The  CAmw€k  IBtiary 


BOOK  III. 


A-D.  ijoT.atT  wheie  theie  hath 
if^^l!!:  make  his  fatme  sncees 


no  iniquily;  and  many 
an  eTidenoe  of  his  fonner 


13.  The  calamitoas  reign  of  king  Edward  the 
Second  afiwded  little  histcMj  of  the  choreh,  though 
too  much  of  the  ccMnnMmwealth  except  it  had  heen 
bettCT*.  A  debaached  prince  this  Edwaid  i¥as ;  his 
beaatr  being  the  best  (not  to  say  onlj)  commendable 
thing  about  him:  he  had  an  handsome  man-case, 
and  better  it  had  been  empty  with  weakness,  than 
(as  it  was)  ill-filled  with  Ticiousness.  Pierce  Ga- 
Teston  first  coirupted  him^,  mangre  all  the  good 
counsel  that  Robert,  archbishop  of  Canterbury,  and 
all  his  good  friends   could  giro  him.     And  when 


*  [Acoording;  howeTer,  to 
ThcMnas  de  Im  More,  the  most 
jadicions  and  accarate  historian 
of  this  period.  Pierce  de  Ga- 
Teston  deaenres  a  fax  better 
character  than  what  is  giren 
him  by  the  generality  of  our 
monkish  historians,  and  owes 
all  his  evil  £une  to  the  malice 
and  enTT  of  his  opponents. 
De  la  More  thus  describes 
him  3  "  Erat  hie  Petrus  Italus 
"  natione,  corpore  el^ans,  in- 
*'  genio  acer,  moribus  curiosus» 
"  in  re  militari  satis  exerci- 
"  tatus  ;  cujus  argumentum, 
*'  cum  is  in  Scotia  militise  prK- 
'*  sideret  Scotos  Talde  terruit, 
'*  et  a  praedis  et  aliis  vesaniis 
*^  repressit.  Quo,  per  invidiam 
"  eorum  qui  felices  ejus  pro- 
"  gressus  baud  libenter  vide- 
"  runt,revocato  invaluit  iterum 
*'  Scotorum  versutia.  Regina; 
'*  coronationi  interfuerunt  Ca- 
*'  rolus  de  Valois  f rater  regis 
'*  Franciie   et   pater    Philippi 


'*  primi  intmaoris,  et  dux  Bri- 
^  tannijt,  H.  Comes  Lucen- 
"  burghe  postea  imperator. 
**  Sed  coltu  facile  omnes  ex- 
"  cellnit  et  omamentis  Petrus: 
'*  quare  plurimum  auxit  in  se 
'*  magnatum  invidia."  p.  593. 
Of  de  la  More  Stowe  thus 
speaks  in  his  Chronicle  at  the 
end  of  his  account  of  Edward 
II.;  '' Thus  far  out  of  Thomas 
*'  de  la  More,  a  worshipful 
"  knight  that  then  lived,  and 
*'  wrote  in  the  French  tongue 
*'  what  he  saw  with  his  eyes, 
"  or  heard  credibly  reported 
*'  by  them  that  saw,  and  some 
"  that  were  actors.  All  which 
"  was  at  the  said  sir  Thorn,  de 
"  la  More*s  request  translated 
''  and  more  soberly  penned  in 
•*  the  Latin  tongue  by  Walter 
''  Baker, alias  Swinborne,  canon 
"  of  Osney  besides  Oxford." 
p.  227.  See  also  Oudinus,  III. 

799-] 


C£KT.  XIV. 


of  Britain. 


247 


Gaveston  was  killed*  and  taken  away,  the  kinff'sA.D.ian. 

badness  was  rather  doubled  than   diminished;  ex-- '- — 1 

changing  one  pander  to  vice  for  two,  the  two  Spen- 
cers. In  a  word,  the  court  was  turned  tavern, 
stews,  stage,  play-house ;  wherein  as  many  vain  and 
wanton  comedies  were  acted  before  the  king  in  his 
lifetime,  so  a  sad  and  sorrowful  tragedy  was  acted  by 
him  at  his  death. 

14.  Robert  Bruce,  king  of  Scotland,  encouraged  The  fatal 
by  the  laziness  of  king  Edward,  thought  this  a  fit  the  English 
time  to  recover  his  country,  and  which  the  English '"  ^^^"^• 
detained  from  him.     Whereupon  he  regained  Ber- a.  d.  13 13. 
wick,   inroaded    England,   invaded    Ireland.     King 
Edward  in  wrath  advanceth  against  him,  with  an 
army  rather  dancing  than  marching,  fitter  for  a  mask 
than   a  battle:    their  horses   rather  trapped   than 
armed :  in  all  points  it  appeared  a  triumphant  army. 


^  [He  was  sacrificed  by  the 
treadiery  of  Aylmer  de  Valence, 
earl  of  Pemoroke,  to  whose 
safe  keeping  he  was  committed^ 
and  who  voluntarily  suffered 
Guy,  earl  of  Warwick,  "the 
"  black  dog  of  Ardern,"  as  he 
was  called,  to  take  him  prisoner, 
and  decapitate  the  unfortunate 
favourite.  De  la  More,  ib. 
Hugh  de  Spencer  was  made 
the  king's  chamberlain  in  the 
place  of  Gaveston,  13 13,  by 
the  general  consent  of  the  no- 
bles, because  he  was  disliked 
by  the  king.  "  At  vero  is  pru- 
dentia  et  obsequio  haud 
multo  post  dirempto  regis 
animo  eum  in  sui  amorem 
facile  comnmtavit  unde  et 
illi  [sc.  proceres]  odio  eum 
vel  maximo  prosequuti  sunt. 
Hujus  Hugonis  pater  senex. 


«c 


t( 


(« 


t( 


<( 


«» 


<« 


tt 


t( 


(t 


(( 


"  adhuc  superstes  erat,  magnee 
*'  probitatis  miles,  consilio 
providus,  armis  strenuus,  cu- 
jus  confusionem  et  ignomi. 
"  niosum  finem  accumulavit 
*'  amor  naturalis  sed  disordi- 
natus  erga  filium  suum  cor- 
pore  formosissimum,  spiritu 
*'  superbissimum,  actu  flagitio. 
"  sissimum,  quem  spiritus  am- 
*'  bitionis  et  cupiditatis  a  vi- 
"  duarum  et  orphanorum  ex- 
"  hseredatione  in  necem  no- 
'*  bilium  regis  praecipitium, 
'*  et  sui  atque  patris  interitum 
**  praecipitavit."  De  la  More, 
594.  The  same  writer  after- 
wards says  of  him,  "  Talia  de 
*'  Hugone  fateor  mala,  sed  non 
"  adeo,  quin  vulgus  garrulus 
"  pejora  studuit  fingendo  de- 
"  monstare  et  malefacta  dete- 
'*  riora  rcddere."  595  ] 

B  4 


248  The  Church  Histofy  book  iiu 

A.D.  1314- saTe  that  no  field  as  vet  was  fought  by  them.    Thus, 

-! 1-^  excluding  all  influence  of  diTine  ProYidenee,  and 

concluding  it  was  fortune^s  duty  to  &Tour  them,  at 
Stirling^  they  bid  the  Scots  battle,  wherein  ten 
thousand  of  our  men  are  bv  our  own  authors  con- 
fessed  to  be  slain.  There  fell  the  flower  of  the 
English  nobiUty,  the  king  with  a  few  hardly  saving 
themselves  by  flight.  TIius,  as  malleus  Scotorum^ 
the  hammer,  or  mauler  of  the  Scots,  is  written  on 
the  tomb  of  king  Edward  the  First  in  Westminster; 
incus  Scoiorumy  the  anvil  of  the  Scots,  might  as 
properly  be  written  on  the  monument  (had  he  any) 
of  Edward  the  Second. 
Nii»««-  13.  But  leaving  these  fights,  we  proceed  to  other 
nmc^dtt  polemical  digladiations,  more  proper  for  our  pen; 
Str  namely*  the  disputes  of  schoolm^i,  which  in  this 
king's  leign  were  heightened  to  perfection ;  formerly 
those  wer^  termed  scAolastici  who  in  the  schools 
were  rhetoricians,  making  therein  declamatory  ora- 
tions. Such  exereises  ceasing  in  this  age,  the  term 
wu§  translated  to  signify  those  who  busied  them- 
selves in  controveisial  divinity,  though  some  will 
have  them  so  caUed  fiom  Soholion,  a  commentary, 
their  studies  being  generally  nothing  else  than  illus- 
trations of  the  text  of  Peter  Lombard,  the  master  of 
the  sentences.  Take  them  here  together  at  one 
view,  intending  to  resume  them  again  in  their  several 
characters^ 


7  [Tke  failtle  of  Strireliii  or     and   the   taking    of    Berwick 
Sterling    happened    in    1313.      "3 '7-] 
Tke  inTasion  of  Ireland  i  ^  i  ^. 


CEKT.  XIV. 


of  Britain, 


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290 


Tke  Chureh  HiMiory 


BOOK  in. 


A.  p.  1314.  Besides    many   other  schoolmen  of  inferior  note, 
1 — ![U1  which  we  pass  by  in  silence;  now  we  may  safely 
dare  all  Christendom  besides  to  shew  so  many  emi- 
nent school-divines,  bred  within  the  compass  of  so 
few  years ;  insomuch  that  it  is  a  truth  what  a  foreign 
writer*  saith,  Scholastica  thedogia,  ab  Anglis,  et  in 
A  nglia^  stnnpsit  exordium^  fecit  incrementum,  pervenit 
ad  per/ectiojiefH.  And  although  Italy  falsely  boasteth 
tliat  Britain  had  her  Christianity  first  from  Rome, 
England  may  truly  maintain,  that  irom  her  (imme- 
diately by  France)  Italy  first  received  her  school- 
divinity. 
Alex.  Haiet     16.  Of  thcso  schoolmeu,  Alexander  Hales  goeth 
Mid  fimiX  the  first,  master  to  Thomas  Aquinas  and  Bonaven- 
^'  ture,  whose   livery  in   some   sort  the  rest  of  the 

schoolmen  may  be  said  to  wear,  insisting  in  his  foot- 
steps. At  the  command  of  pope  Innocent  the 
Fourth  he  wrote  the  body  of  all  school-divinity  in 
four  volumes**.     He  was  the  first  Franciscan  who 


A  Alexander  Minutianus  in 
Epistola. 

^  [Summa  universie  Theo- 
logio:  quadri  partita,  Basilese 
1502,  in  fol.  and  several 
editions  subsequently.  This 
work  was  completed  by  Wil- 
liam de  Meliton  and  others  in 
1252.  See  Wadding's  Annales 
ad  an.  1  245,  and  Oudinus,  III. 
217.  Hardly  a  statement  is 
advanced  in  this  paragraph 
(§.16.)  which  has  not  been  con- 
troverted, owing  to  the  mutual 
jealousies  of  the  different  or- 
ders. According  to  a  very 
ancient  work,  entitled  Firma- 
mcnium  trium  Ordinum,  pub- 
lished about  1512^  besides 
this   Summa,    Hales   \vrote  a 


commentary  on  the  scriptures ; 
"  super  totam  Bibliam^  tarn 
*'  vetus  quam  etiam  novum 
'*  Testamentum,  ad  longuro, 
*'  nihil  dimittens  indiscussum, 
•'  opus  certe  multum  prolixum 
"  ac    laboriosum."      (f.    xlii.) 

2.  Super  Magistrum  sententia- 
rum  ad  litteram,  being  the 
first  commentary  of  the  kind. 

3.  Compendium  Theohgtce,  di- 
vided into  six  books.  4.  De 
Sacramento  pcenilentus.  5.  Ma- 
riale  magnum,  in  six  books. 
6.  Super  regulam  frainim  ML 
norum,  Bonaventura  is  the  only 
person  mentioned  in  the  Firma- 
mentum  as  having  studied  under 
Hales;  and  even  this  is  denied 
by  Oudinus,  III.  p.  133.    But 


CKVT.  XIV. 


of  Britain. 


251 


ever  took  the  deffree  of  doctor  in  the  university,  a.  D.1314. 

*i  Gdnir  IT 

(who  formerly  counted  the  height  of  a  degree  incon 1—1 

sistent  with  the  humility  of  their  order,)  as  appeareth 
by  the  dose  of  his  epitaph. 

(Factus)  egenorum,  fit  primus  Doctor  eorum. 

So  great  an  honourer  of  the  Virgin  Mary,  that  he 
never  denied  such  who  sued  to  him  in  her  name  ^: 
as  since  our  Mr.  Fox  is  said  never  to  have  denied 
any  who  begged  of  him  for  Jesus  Christ. 

17.  Roger  Bacon  succeeds.  O  what  a  sin  is  it  to  »««»  ac- 
he more  learned  than  one's  neighbours  in  a  barbarous  conjurer, 
age !  Being  excellently  skilled  in  the  mathematics, 
(a  wonder-working  art,  especially  to  ignorant  eyes,) 
he  is  accused  for  a  conjurer  by  Hieronymus  de 
Esculo,  minister-general  of  his  order,  and  afterwards 
pope,  by  the  name  of  Nicholas  the  Fourth.     The 


«< 


tC 


Thomas  de  Aquino  or  Aqui- 
nas»  as  it  seems,  was  never  his 
pupil.  The  mistake  may  not 
improhahly  have  arisen  from 
this  expression  in  the  same 
work,  ih.  "  Sicut  omnes 
'^  doctores  et  scrihentes  super 
^*  sententias  communiter  hunc 
doctorem  (de  Hales)  se- 
quuntur^  ut  patet  intuenti- 
"  bus  singulariter,  sanctus 
*^  Thomas  de  Aquino  ipsum 
''  in  omnibus  suis  scriptis  se- 
"  quitur  tanquam  discipulus 
^'  magistrum,  multaque  ab  eo 
'*  pie  furatur ;  maxime  in  se- 
**  cunda  secundae^  ut  dicit  ma- 
"  gister  Joannes  Gerson  et 
**  Stefphanus  Brulifer,  sicut 
*'  etiam  clarius  patet  intuenti- 
**  bus  amborum  summas.*' 
Hales  died  on  the  27th  of 
August,  1245)  and  was  buried 
in  the  convent  of  the  Mino- 


rites at  Paris,  in  the  chapel  of 
St.  Francis,  "  inter  cruciiixum 
**  navis  ecclesiae  et  chorum." 
In  the  same  work,  at  f.  ix,  are 
inserted  the  two  inscriptions 
to  his  memory  engraven  on 
his  monument,  of  which  Fuller 
has  quoted  one  line.  In  the 
second  of  these  he  is  called 
"  archelevita  Anglorum  : " 
which  I  imagine  means,  an 
archdeacon.  Great  confusion 
exists  in  all  the  accounts  of 
the  writings  of  Hales,  which 
many  modern  writers  have 
helped  to  increase.  And  yet 
if  any,  he,  of  all  others  of  the 
schoolmen,  deserves  a  better 
fate.  Time  however  will  do 
him  full,  though  it  will  be 
but  tardy,  justice.] 

c    [Pitt's  de   Script.    Ang. 

P-  3 » 4-1 


ass 


The  Church  History 


300X0. 


A.D.  1314*  best  is,  this  Hieronymus  before  he  was  a  pope  "waa 

'- — ^not  infallible,  and  therefore  our  Bacon  might  h^ 

scandalized  by  him :  however  he  was  committed  to 
prison  at  Rome  by  pope  Clement  the  Fomth,  and 
remained  in  durance  a  considerable  time,  before  his 
own  innocence,  with  his  friends'  endeavours,  could 
procure  his  enlargement. 
Many  Ba-  18.  For  mine  own  part,  I  behold  the  name  of  Bacon 
make  a  in  Oxford,  uot  as  of  an  individual  man,  but  corpo* 
^'**°^*^*  ration  of  men ;  no  single  cord,  but  a  twisted  cable 
of  many  together.  And  as  all  the  acts  of  strong 
men  of  that  nature  are  attributed  to  an  Hercules; 
all  the  predictions  of  prophesying  women  to  a  sibyll : 
so  I  conceive  all  the  achievements  of  the  Oxonian 
Bacons  in  their  liberal  studies  are  ascribed  to  one,  as 
chief  of  the  name.  And  this  in  effect  is  confessed 
by  the  most  learned  and  ingenious  orator  of  that 
university*.  Indeed  we  find  one  Robert  Bacon  who 
died  anno  1248,  a  learned  doctor;  and  Trithemius 
styleth  John  Baconthorpe  plain  Bacon,  which  addeth 
to  the  probability  of  the  former  assertion®.  However 
this  confounding  so  many  Bacons  in  one  hath  caused 
antichronismes  in  many  relations.  For  how  could 
this  Bacon  ever  be  a  reader  of  philosophy  in  Brasen- 
Nose  college,  founded  more  than  one  hundred  years 
after  his  death  ?  so  that  his  brazen  head  (so  much 


d  Wake's  Rex  Platonicus> 
p.  209,  210. 

c  [See  Wood*s  Antiquities 
of  Univ.  of  Oxford,  p.  136. 
Wadding's  Annales  ad  an.  1 266 
and  1278^  and  the  list  of  his 
works  quoted  by  Bale,  Script. 
IV.  §.55.  But  Robert  Bacon 
and    John     Baconthorpe    are 


clearly  distinct  persons  from 
Roger  Bacon  ;  the  former 
living  considerably  before,  the 
latter  considerably  after  Roger 
Bacon.  Besides  that,  Bacon- 
thorpe was  a  Carmelite,  and 
not  a  Franciscan.  Of  Bacon- 
thorpe, see  below,  p.  255.] 


CENT.  XIV.  of  Britain.  253 

spoken  of,  to  speak)  must  make  time  past  to  be  a.  d.  13 14. 
again,  or  else  these  inconsistencies  will  not  be  recon- 1 — ^ — 1- 
oiled.  Except  any  will  salve  it  with  the  prolepsis  of 
Brasen-Nose  hall,  formerly  in  the  place  where  the 
college  is  now  erected.  I  have  done  with  the  Oxford 
Bacons,  only  let  me  add,  that  those  of  Cambridge, 
father  and  son,  Nicholas  and  Francis,  the  one  of 
Bennet,  and  the  other  of  Trinity  college,  do  hold 
{absit  invidia)  the  scales  of  desert,  even  against  all 
of  their  name  in  all  the  world  besides. 

19.  John  Dims  Scotus  succeeds,  who  some  will  Dum  Soo- 

tllB«  WuV  SO 

have  called  Scotus,  ob  profundissimam  dicendi  obscu-  caUed. 
ritatem^i  from  his  profound  obscurity  in  writing. 
Indeed  there  was  one  Heraclitus,  to  whom  cognomen 
Scotinon  fedt  orationis  obscuritasfs,  but  others  con- 
ceive him  so  called,  either  from  Scotland  his  country, 
or  John  Scott  his  fether.  Nor  was  he  called  Duns^ 
as  some  will  have  it  contractedly  from  DomimcSy  but 
from  the  place  of  his  nativity,  though  three  king- 
doms earnestly  engage  to  claim  him  for  their 
countryman. 

England. 
It  is  thus  written  at  the  end  of  his  manuscript  Thueeking- 
works  in  Merton  College  in   Oxford,  whereof  hedaimtohii 
was  fellow;  Ea^plidt  lectura  subtilis  in  universitate 
Parisiensi  doctoris  Joannis  Duns  nati  in  quadam 
viUula  parochicB  de  Emildon  vocata  Dunston,  in  comi" 
tatu  Northumhrice^  pertinente  domui  scholarium  de 
Merton  haU  in  Oa^oniaK 


^  Sixtus  Senensis^  [Biblioth.        ^  Quoted  by  Camden  in  his 

I.  417.  ed.  1762.]  Brit.     Northnmberland^     [p- 

g   Seneca  in  Epist.    [XII.  678.] 
p.  282.  ed.  1633.] 


fM  Tkt  Ckmwdk  iBaimy  book  in. 


1 1 J14. 

Iv.fL 


Althcngh  John  ScoC  diwcmbled  himself  sm  Vug- 
KrfniBui,  to  find  the  more  &Toiir  in  Meiton  ooHege, 
lifing  in  an  age  wherein  rrael  wan  beiwixl  Ei^[laiid 
and  Scotland,  ret  hi«  tomb  cfeefed  at  Cologne  is 
bold  to  tell  the  truth,  mhereon  this  epitaqih': 

Scotia  me  gnmic  Anglia  soseepit. 
GaDia  edoeuit,  Crermania  tenet. 

Be$^ides,  the  very  name  of  Scotos  aroweth  him  to  be 

a  Scotchman. 

Ireiand. 

He  is  called  Joannes  Duns,  by  abbreviation  for 
DunefuiSf  that  is,  bom  at  DouneK  an  episcopal  see 
in  Ireland,  where  Patiicins,  Dnbiicios,  and  St.  Co- 
Inmba  lie  interred.  And  it  is  notoriously  known  to 
critics,  that  Scotus  signifieth  an  Irishman  in  the 
most  ancient  exception  thereof. 

I  doubt  not  but  the  reader  will  give  his  yerdiet, 
tliat  the  very  Scotiety  of  Scotus  belongeth  to  Eng- 
land as  his  native  country,  who  being  bom  in 
Northumberland,  which  kingdom  in  the  Saxon  hept- 
archy extended  from  Humber  to  Edinburgh  Frith ; 
it  was  a  facile  mistake  for  foreigners  to  write  him  a 
Scotchman  on  his  monument.  As  for  the  name  of 
Scotus,  it  is  of  no  validity  to  prove  him  that  country- 
man; as  a  common  surname  amongst  us,  as  some 
four  years  since,  when  the  Scotch  were  enjoined  to 
depart  this  land,  one  Mr.  English  in  London  was 


I  Archbishop  Spotswood,  in  [prefixed    to    his    edition    of 

his  History  of  the  Church  of  Duns  Scoti  Qusest.  in  V.  Lib. 

Scotland,  [p.  54.  ed.  1677.]  Sententiarum,  t.  I.  ed.  1620.] 

J  Hugh  Cavel,  in  Vita  Scoti, 


CBKT.  XIV. 


of  Britain. 


^55 


then  the  most  considerable  merchant  of  the  Scotch  a.  d.  1314. 
nation.  The  said  manner  of  Scotus  his  death  is  suf-  — IL-1 
ficiently  known,  who  being  in  a  fit  of  a  strong 
apoplexy,  was  by  the  cruel  kindness  of  his  over- 
officious  friends  buried  whilst  yet  alive,  and  recover- 
ing in  the  grave,  dashed  out  his  brains  against  the 
coffin,  affording  a  large  field  to  such  wanton  wits  in 
their  epigrams,  who  could  make  sport  to  themselves 
on  the  sad  accident  of  others'^. 

20.  I  had  almost   overseen   John   Baconthorpe,  Low,  but 
being  so  low  in  stature,  as  but  one  remove  from  aconthorpe. 
dwarf,  of  whom  one  saith, 

Ingenio  magnus,  corpore  parvus  erat^ 

His  wit  was  tall,  in  body  small. 

Insomuch  that  corpus  non  tulisseU  quod  ingenitim 


k  [Scotus  died  a  natural 
death  in  1308.  This  fabulous 
account  of  it  is  completely  re- 
futed by  Wadding  in  the  Life 
prefixed  by  him  to  his  edition 
of  the  works  of  Duns  Scotus. 
Lugd.  1639.  See  also  his  An- 
nates Minorum^  t.  VI.  40  sq. 
and  107  sq.  ed.  Rome.  Alex. 
Natalis,  Hist.  Eccl.  t.  VII. 
p.  142,  ed.  1731*  who  has  given 
a  brief  summary  from  Wad- 
ding. Hugh.  Cavelli  Apologia 
contra  Bzovium,  chap,  i  o.] 

1  Johannes  Trissa  Nemau- 
sensis  in  libro  de  viris  illustri- 
bus.  [This  and  the  following 
reference  from  Papiensis  are 
from  Bale^  who  has  the  fol- 
lowing remark  upon  John  Ba- 
con thorpe  :  '^  et  magnam  ab  eo 

facto  famam  per  litteras  sibi 

peperitj  ut  fusius  narrat  Ja- 
"  cobus  Calcus  Papiensis  in 
"  opere  suo  de  Henrici  octavi 


c< 


<« 


"  Anglorum  regis   divortio. — 

*'  Statura  quidem  pusilla  fuit 

'*  sed    magno    ingenio     atque 

"  eruditione  ut  habet  Johannes 

'•  Trissa  Nemausensis  in  libro 

*'  suo   *  De   Viris   illustribus/ 

"juxta     illud     vetus     poetae 

*'  dictum, 

^  Ingenio  magnus,  corpore  parvus 
erat.*  "     Bale  Cent.  V.  §.  i. 

After  considerable  search  I 
was  unable  to  find  either  of 
the  writers  here  referred  to, 
until  Dr.  Bandinel  pointed  out 
to  me  the  treatise  of  John 
Trissa  here  mentioned,  among 
Bale's  MS.  Collections  in  the 
Bodleian,  Seld.  41.  It  is  en- 
titled :  "  Catalogus  Parhi- 
'*  siensium  Doctorum  quo- 
*^  rundam  ordinis  Carmeli 
**  per  Johannem  Trissam  Ne- 
^*  mausensem  Carmelitam  a  Jo- 
'^  hanne  Bareto  Anglo  revisus^ 
'*  limatus    et  tersus."      Bale 


25^ 


The  Church  History 


BO(«  nr. 


\.T>.i $14- prottiliL  **hi8  body  could  not  bear  the  books  which 

7  Edw,  II. 

1—1 "  his  brain  had  brought  forth.**     Coining  to  Rome 

(being  sent  for  by  the  pope)  he  was  once  hissed  at 
in  a  public  disputation  for  the  badness  forsooth  of 
his  Latin  and  pronunciation  °^;  but  indeed  because 
he  opposed  the  pope's  power  in  dispensing  with 
marriages,  contrary  to  the  law  of  God,  whose  judg- 
ment was  afterwards  made  use  of  by  the  defenders 
of  the  divorce  of  king  Henry  the  Eighth". 

21.  William  Ocham  sided  with  Lewis  of  Bavaria 
against  the  pope,  maintaining  the  temporal  power 
above  the  spiritual;  he  was  fain  to  fly  to  the 
emperor  for  his  safety,  saying  unto  him, 

Defcndo  me  gladio,  et  ego  te  defendam  verbo. 

Defend  me  with  thy  sword,  and  I  will  defend  thee 
with  my  word. 


)duuna 

dffim. 

criftlift. 


has  slightly  altered  the  quo- 
tation, as  appears  by  this  ma- 
nuscript. To  this  work  John  Ba- 
ret  has  added  the  lives  of  some 
writers  omitted  by  Trissa,  and 
among  the  rest  that  of  Trissa 
himself  in  the  following  words: 
*'  Johannes  Trissa  Callus,  ge- 
**  nerosus,  de  provincia  Nar- 
"  bonee  et  de  Conventu  Ne- 
^'  mausi,  theologicse  laurese 
'*  Parhisii  candidatus,  suse 
"  doctrinae  specimen  exhibi- 
**  turus  accedit,  multiplici  vir- 
'*  tutum  litterarumque  ornatus 
"  congerie.  Futiirum  hunc 
*^  sanctse  sedis  antistitem  im- 
"  matura  mors  impedivit.  E- 
"  didit  iste  glossemata  (quas 
*^  legit  Parhisius)  in  sententias 
"  et  in  bibliam.  Cathalogum 
"  quoque  composuit  de  magi- 
"  stris  Parhisii  et  de  Carmeli 
"  pastoribus  primis,  atque  Ca- 


"  pitulorum  canones.  Plura 
*'  adhuc  scripsisset  si  non  oh- 
**  stitisset  mors  emula.  Non 
"  sine  multorum  ejulatu  mor- 
"  tuus  est  venerabilis  iste  pater 
"  Nemausi,  anno  Domini 
"  M.CCC.LXIII.  5a  die  Julii, 
**  longa  alioqui  vita  dignissi- 
*«  mus." 

Of  Baconthorpe,  or  de  Ba- 
con, (as  he  is  more  correctly 
called,)  or  Joannes  Anglicus, 
(as  he  is  frequently  called,) 
see  Alegre,  Paradisus  Carmeli- 
ticus,p.294,  and  the  preface  to 
his  works  by  Franciscus  de 
Medicis.] 

™  Bale,  [Scriptores,  V.  §.  i.] 
n  Jacobus  Calcus  Papien- 
sis.  ["  James  Calcus  Papiensis 
"  in  opere  suo  de  Henrici  8vi 
"  Anglorum  regis  divortio.** 
Bale,  p.  382.] 


Ar  U&  ^f^raaEKW  ik>  ^i»^ 


Aed  of  lie  fiapat  x  Xocc&suKpcoa  rszsc 


:  and  aihhoG^ii  aes  j^  iQ 
\uB  poWc  wtmSmg  he  vas  hoc  eome  to  tlie  fafe^  ^ivise 
liieieoC  (si>  Proper  far  Bortafitr.^  we  mir  i^kuiiahlT 
believe  he  lad  senMdr  cmmeiited  dhnn?<«i  in  lib 
prhrmie  medhaticMB.  ITfalawCTifr  dtw  Aiintf  m  ikuh/^ 
mMAM^  file  «W.  flW  liov  «iafr  Ji^ivr  A>  «aiijv. 

S3.  ThomB  Bkadvaidme  bringech  up  the  ivttniWjM 
thoDgli  in  kaimng'  and  {Metr  (if  not  sQpmor>  equal 'Sri^iiniju 
to  any  of  the  rest,  witness  his  woithv  book  a^sainst 
Pelagianism,  to  aasnt  the  fieeness  of  God's  grace  in 
man's  conTeraon,  which  he  justly  intituleth«  TV 
coMisaDei^j  "•  of  God's  cause;"  for  as  God  is  a  second 
in  eTeiT  good  cause,  so  he  is  a  principal  in  this« 
wherein  his  own  honour  is  so  neariy  concenunL 
And  though  the  P^mist  saith,  Plead  MiW  oirii 
coMige  O  Lard ;  yet  in  this  age,  wherein  miracles  are 
ceased,  Grod  pleadeth  his  cause,  not  in  his  person* 
but  by  the  proxy  of  the  tongues,  and  pens,  hands 


P  [Pope  John  XXII.  The 
Ronuuiists  said  of  him ;  '^Nul- 
"  las  UDquam  scriptor  S.  Ma- 
*'  tri  ecclesiae  adeo  se  simul 
**  amore  et  odio  dignum  red- 
"  didit,  ac  iste  Occamus. 
"  Dam  theologica  scribit  nemo 
"  melius ;  dum  contra  eccle- 
"  siam,  insolentior  nemo."  See 

FULLEtl,  VOL.  ir. 


Fabricius  Biblioth.  Lat.  Med. 
^vi,  VII.  158. 

q  [Bale's  Scriptores  V.  §.  84, 
See  also  Echard  Scriptores  Do. 
minicani,  i.  p.  629.] 

r  [Edited  by  sir  Henry  Sa- 
vile,  and  printed  at  London  in 
1618.3 


s 


258  The  Church  UMory  book  m. 

A.D.  i3i4«and  hearts  of  his  servants.    This  Bradwardine  urad 

7  £dw.  II. 

'- — 1  afterwards  archbishop  of  Canterbury,  and  bow  highly 

esteemed,  let  Chaucer  tell  you. 

* 

But  I  ne  cannot  boult  it  to  the  bren. 
As  can  the  holy  doctor  St.  Austin, 
Dr.  Boece,  or  the  bishop  Bfadwardin'* 

This  testimony  of  Chaucer  by  the  exact  computation 
of  time,  written  within  forty  years  after  Bradwar- 
dine's  death,  which  addeth  much  to  his  honour,  that, 
in  so  short  a  time  his  memory  was  in  the  peaceable, 
possession  of  so  general  a  veneration,  as  to  be  joined 
in  company  with  St.  Augustine  and  Boethius,  two 
such  emment  persons  in  their  several  capacities. 
Schoolmen  24.  The  schoolmeu  principally  employed  them- 
J^J^"*  selves  in  knotty  and  thorny  questions  of  controversial 
difficulties,  divinity;  indeed  as  such  who  live  in  London,  and. 
like  populous  places,  having  but  little  ground  for 
their  foundations  to  build  houses  on,  may  be  said  to 
enlarge  the  breadth  of  their  houses  in  height;  I 
mean  increasing  their  room  in  many  stories  one 
above  another ;  so  the  schoolmen  in  this  age,  lacking 
the  latitude  of  general  learning  and  languages, 
thought  to  enlarge  their  active  minds  by  mounting 
up.  So  improving  their  small  bottom  with  towering 
speculations,  though  some  of  things  mystical  that 
might  not,  more  of  things  difficult  that  could  not, 
most  of  things  curious  that  need  not  be  known 
unto  us. 
Excuses  for  25.  Their  Latin  is  generally  barbarous,  counting 
iJ^tin.  any  thing  eloquent  that  is  expressive,  going  the 
nearest  way  to  speak  their  own  notions,  though 
sometimes  trespassing  on  grammar,  abusing  if  hot 

8  The  Nonnes  Preestes  tale  [v.  15247.] 


<Jent.  xiv.  of  Britain,  S69 

breaking  Priscian's  head  therein*:  some  impute  thisA.D.1314. 
their  bald  and  threadbare  language  to  a  design  that  ^ 
no  vermin  of  equivocation  should  be  hid  under  the 
nap  of  their  words ;  whilst  others  ascribe  it  to  their 
want  of  change,  and  their  poverty  in  learning,  to 
procure  better  expressions. 

26.  Yet  these  schoolmen  agreed  not  amongst  Their  se- 
themselves  in  their  judgments.  For  Burley  being  vfsions  hi 
scholar  to  Scotus,  served  him  as  Aristotle  did  Plato  J'"^*^®"*' 
his  master,  maintaining  a  contrary  faction  against 

him.  Ocham  his  scholar,  father  of  the  nominals, 
opposed  Scotus  the  founder  of  the  reals ;  which  two 
Actions  divided  the  schoolmen  betwixt  them ;  Holcot 
being  a  Dominican,  stiffly  resisted  the  Franciscans 
about  the  conception  of  the  Virgin  Mary,  which 
they  would  have  without  any  original  sin.  How- 
ever the  papists,  when  pressed  that  their  divisions 
mar  their  unity ^  (a  mark  of  the  church  whereof  they 
boast  so  much,)  evade  it,  by  pleading  that  these 
points  are  not  de  fide^  only  in  the  outskirts  of 
religion,  and  never  concluded  in  any  council  to  be 
the  articles  of  faith. 

27.  All  of  these  schoolmen  were  Oxford,  most  au  Oxford, 
Morton  college  men.  As  the  setting  up  of  an  ton  college, 
eminent  artist  in  any  place  of  a  city  draws  chapmen 

unto  him  to  buy  his  wares,  and  apprentices  to  learn 
his  occup^ion.  So  after  Roger  Bacon  had  begun 
school-ditinity  in  Merton  college,  the  whole  gang 
and  genius  of  that  house  successively  applied  their 
studies  thereunto ;  and  many  repaired  thither  from 
all  parts  of  the  land  for  instruction  in  that  nature. 
Meantime  Cambridge  men  were  not  idle,  but  other- 

*  Opus  operatum. 


260  The  Church  History  book  hi. 

A.v.  1314.  wise  employed,  more  addicting  themselves  to  preach- 
y  Edw.  II.  .^^  whereof  though  the  worid  took  not  so  much 
notice,  positive  divinity  not  making  so  much  noise  as 
controversial,  (where  men  engage  more  earnestness,) 
yet  might  be  more  to  God's  glory,  and  the  saving  of 
the  souls  of  men. 
Why  28.  Some  will  wonder,  seeing  school-divinity  was 

J^*J^'  so  rife  in  Oxford  in  this  age,  for  some  hundred  years 
^J^  together,  viz.  from  towards  the  end  of  Henry's  to 
after  this  the  end  of  Edward's  reign,  both  the  third  of  their 
names,)  how  the  study  thereof,  should  sink  so 
suddenly  in  that  university^  which  afterwards  pro- 
duced not  such  eminent  men  in  that  kind.  But 
hereof  several  reasons  may  be  assigned : 

i.  The  wars  betwixt  York  and  Lancaster  soon 
after  began;  a  controversy  indeed,  which  silenced 
school-velitations,  students  being  much  disheartened 
with  those  martial  discords. 

ii.  Once  in  an  age  the  appetite  of  an  univeraty 
alters  as  to  its  diet  in  learning,  which  formerly  filled 
(not  to  say  surfeited)  with  such  hard  questions,  for 
variety  sake,  sought  out  other  employments. 

iii.  The  sparks  of  scholars'  wits,  in  school-divinity, 
went  out  for  want  of  fuel  in  that  subject,  grown  so 
trite  and  threadbare,  nothing  could  be  but  what  had 
been  said  of  the  same  before.  Wherefore  fine  wits 
found  out  other  ways  to  busy  themselves. 

iv.  Only  information  of  the  brain,  no  benefit  to 
the  purse,  accrued  by  such  speculations,  which  made 
others  in  after-ages  to  divert  their  studies,  a  qiuBstUh 
nibtiSy  ad  qtuBstum^  from  metaphysical  queries  to 
case-divinity,  as  more  gainftil  and  profitable;  best 
enabling  them  for  hearing  confessions,  and  propor- 
tioning penance  accordingly. 


CENT.  XIV.  of  Britain,  861 

Since  the  reformation,  school-divinity  in  both  theA.D.  1314. 
universities  is  not  used  (as  anciently)  for  a  sole  pro- 1 — ^ — .' 
fession  by  itself  to  engross  all  a  man's  life  therein, 
but  only  taken  as  a  preparative  quality  to  divinity ; 
discreet  men  not  drowning,  but  dipping  their  minds    . 
in  the  study  thereof  ^ 

28.  Return  we  now  to  the  commonwealth  which  The  sad 
we  left  bad,  and  find  amended,  as  an  old  sore  with- of^E^^^d 
out  a  plaster  in  cold  weather;  king  Edward  rather *"^ ^^"^ 
wilfiil  than  weak,  (if  wilftdness  be  not  weakness,  and 
sure  the  same  effects  are  produced  by  both,  ruin  and 
destruction,)  slighted  his  queen's  company,  and  such 
a  bed  if  left  (where  beauty  without  grace)  seldom 
standeth  long  empty.  Queen  Isabel  blinded  with 
fiiry,  mistook  the  party  who  had  wronged  her,  and 
revengeth  her  husband's  faults  on  her  own  con- 
science, living  incontinently  with  Roger  Mortimer ; 
a  man  martial  enough,  and  of  much  merit  otherwise, 
save  that  an  harlot  is  a  deep  pit,  therein  invisibly  to 
bury  the  best  deserts.  The  two  Spencers  ruled  all 
at  pleasure,  and  the  king  was  not  more  forward  to 
bestow  favours  on  them,  as  they  free  to  deal  affronts 
to  others  their  superiors  in  birth  and  estate.  Thus 
men  of  yesterday  have  pride  too  much  to  remember 
what  they  were  the  day  before ;  and  providence  too 
little  to  foresee  what  they  may  be  to-morrow.  The 
nobility  (then  petty  kings  in  their  own  countries) 
disdained  such  mushrooms  should  insult  over  them ; 
and  all  the  Spencers'  insolencies  being  scored  on  the 
king's  account,  no  wonder  jf  he  (unable  to  discharge 
his  own  engagements)  was  broken  by  suretyship  for 
others. 

29.  I  find  it  charged  on  this  king,  that  he  suffered  King  Ed- 
the  pope  to  encroach  on  the  dignity  of  the  crown,  to  cused  for 

s  3 


96ft  The  Church  History  of  Britain.         book  ni. 

A.D.  1314.  the  great  damage,  and  more  dishonour  of  the 
I — II — 1  nation^  Indeed  his  father  left  him  a  fair  stake,  and 
hispn^  SI  winning  hand,  (had  a  good  gamester  had  the 
^[*®^®  playing  thereof,)  having  recovered  some  of  his  privi- 
leges from  the  papal  usurpation,  which  since  it  seems 
his  son  had  lost  back  again,  though  the  particulars 
thereof  in  history  do  not  so  plainly  appear.  Only  it 
is  plain,  that  to  support  himself,  and  supply  his  ne- 
cessities, he  complied  with  the  clergy,  (a  potent 
party  in  that  age,)  favourably  measuring  out  the 
causes  of  their  cognizances ;  for  although  in  the 
reign  of  his  father  an  hedge  was  made  by  an  act  in 
that  nature,  betwixt  the  spiritual  and  temporal 
courts,  yet  now  a  ditch  (a  new  act)  was  added  to  the 
former  scene.  So  that  hereafter  (except  vnlfuUy) 
they  could  not  mutually  trespass  on  each  other^s 
jurisdictions. 

*  [See  however  the  Fcsdera,  I.  617.]  *'■ 


BICHADO  SBYMERE-, 

NECE88ARI0  MEO. 

Inter  amiaim  meum  et  necestarium  hoc  pono  discriminis, 
quod  file  ad  bene  este,  Mc  ad  meum  esse  quodammodo 
requiratur.  Qfio  nomine  iu  miki  ea  ealutandus,  qui  sine 
te  plane  mancus  mihi  videor.  Tua  enim  artifici  dextra, 
uaua  sum,  per  iolum  hoc  opus  in  scutis  gentili/iis  depin' 
gendis.  Made,  vir  ingenue,  ac  natales  tuos,  generosos 
taiie,  novo  splendore  iUusiriores  reddilo. 

■OLLEGES  yet  were  few,  and  students  A.D.131& 
\  now  many  in  Oxford  :  whereupon  ^  *'  ' 
Walter  Stapleton,  bishop  of  Exeter,  gf^^; 
founded  and  endowed  one  therein  byf? jj^^ 
the  name  of  Stapleton's  inn,  since  supieum. 
called  Exeter  college''.  This  bishop  was  one  of 
high  birth  and  large  bounty,  being  said  to  have 

■  [Anns.  Or,  two  angels'  his  coat,  was  probably  a  third 
wings  conjoined  Had  inverted,  son  of  that  family, 
gules,  on  a  chief  sable  three  Hanford  near  Pimperoe  is. 
martlets  argent,  a  mullet  for  still  the  seat  of  Henry  Sey- 
difference.  This  is  the  coat  of  mour,  esq,] 
Seymere  or  Seymour  of  Han-  ^  [See  Wood's  History  of 
ford,  county  of  Dorset,  and  Colleges,  &c,  p.  104.  Accord- 
according  to  the  visitation  of  ing  to  whom  Stapteton's-hall 
that  county  in  1633,  n-&»  then  and  Hart-hall  were  the  same 
■o  borne  by  sir  Robert  Sey-  places ;  bot  Mr.  Stapleton,  dis. 
mere,  one  of  the  barons  of  the  satisfied  with  the  original  site, 
exchequer,  who  married  a  removed  his  foundation  to  a 
daughter  of  sir  William  Fitt  more  convenient  one,  and  so 
of  Westminster.  This  Richard  founded  the  present  Exeter 
Severe,  from  the  mullet  in  college.] 
S4 


^64 


The  Church  History 


BOH  III. 


A.D.  1 316. 
9£dw.  II. 


Who  after, 
wards  was 
barbarously 
murdered. 


SirWiUiam 
Petre  his 
bounty. 


expended  a  year's  revenues  of  his  (then  rich)  bishopric 
in  the  solemnity  of  his  instalment.  He  also  fomided 
Hart-hall  in  Oxford.  But  oh  the  difference  betwixt 
the  elder  and  younger  brother,  though  sons  to  the 
same  father !  the  one  carrying  away  the  whole  in- 
heritance, whilst  the  other  sometimes  hath  httle 
more  than  himself  left  unto  him,  as  here  this  hall  is 
altogether  unendowed. 

2.  This  worthy  bishop  had  an  unworthy  and  un- 
timely death  some  ten  years  after.  For  being  lord 
treasurer,  and  left  by  the  king  in  his  absence  to 
govern  the  then  mutinous  city  of  London,  the  citi- 
zens, not  without  encouragement  from  the  queen, 
furiously  fell  upon  him,  and  in  Cheapside  most  bar- 
barously butchered  him,  and  then,  as  hoping  to  bray 
their  murder  with  his  body,  huddled  him  obsciirelj 
into  a  hole^.  But  afterward,  to  make  his  ghost 
some  reparation,  and  stop  the  clamour  of  the  cleig]^ 
the  queen  ordered  the  removmg  and  interring  of  his 
body  and  his  brother's,  a  valiant  knight  slain  on  the 
same  account,  in  the  cathedral  of  Exeter.  One 
would  wonder  this  bishop  was  not  made  a  martyr 
and  sainted  in  that  age,  save  that  his  suffering  was 
of  civil  concernment,  and  not  relating  to  religion^. 

3.  This  house  hath  since  found  two  eminent  bene- 
factors,  first,   sir   William  Petre,  (bom   of  honest 


n 
<( 
(( 

<( 


c  [Thos.  de  la  More,  p.  599.] 
d  '♦  [His  ita  se  hahentibus 
[a.  1326.]  vulgus  Londini  re- 
ginae  et  Rogero  de  Mortuo- 
mari  volens  complacere  bonae 
memoriae  Dominum  Wal- 
terum  episcopum  Exon  : 
decimo  quinto  Octobris  in 
medio  civitatis  furiosae  cap- 
tum  decapitavit;  et  quosdam 


'  etiam  alios,  ea  sola  causa 
'  quod  regis  ministerio  fideli- 
'  ter  adhaeserunt,  atrociter  ne^ 

*  cevere.    Caput  vero  episoopi 

*  reginae  apud  Gloverniam  sao 
^  exercitui      incumbent!^     at 

*  sacriiicium  Deo  et  benepla- 
'  citum   obtulerint/'      De    k 

More,  p.  599.     This  is  partly 
confirmed  by  Avesbury,  p.  5.] 


3CICMT.  XIV.  of  Britain,  965 

pw^itage  in  Exeter,)  principal  secretary  to  four  sue- a.d.  1316. 
ii&BAye  kings  and  queens.  One  who  in  ticklish  and  2. — !!j — I 
taming  times  did  good  to  himself,  got  a  great  estate, 
injurious  to  none  that  I  ever  heard  or  read  of,  but 
courteous  to  many,  and  eminently  to  this  college, 
wherein  he  bestowed  much  building,  and  augmented 
it  with  eight  fellowships^. 

4.  The  other,  George  Hake  will  ^,  doctor  of  divinity,  Dr.  Hake- 
late  rector  thereof,  who  though  married  and  having  this  chapd. 
children,  (must  it  not  be  a  quick  and  large  fountain, 
which  besides  filling  a  pond  had  such  an  overflovring 
stream  ?)  bestowed  more  than  one  thousand  pounds 

in  building  a  beautiful  chapel.  This  is  he  who 
wrote  the  learned  and  religious  "  Apology  for  Divine 
**  Providence,"  proving  that  the  world  doth  not  decay. 
Many  begin  the  reading  thereof  with  much  pre- 
judice, but  few  end  it  without  full  satisfaction,  con- 
verted to  the  author's  opinion  by  his  unanswerable 
arguments. 

5.  This  college  consisteth  chiefly  of  Cornish  and  Western 

men  here 
most 

e  [He  was  likewise  a  con-  **  Declaration  of  the  providence  P"*?*''' 

siderable    benefactor    to   All-  **  of  God  in  the   government 

Souls  college.]  *'  of  the  world,"   proving,  in 

^  [He  was  the  son  of  John  opposition  to  some  passages 
Hakewill,  a  merchant  of  Exeter,  advanced  by  bishop  Goodman 
and  born  in  the  parish  of  St.  in  his  "  Fall  of  Man,"  that  the 
Mary  Arches.  At  first  a  com.  world  does  not  decay.  Though 
moner  of  St.  Alban  hall,  inclined  to  the  low  church 
afterwards  fellow  of  Exeter  party,  he  suffered  in  the  great 
collie,  and  shortly  after  rebellion,  was  driven  from  the 
archdeacon  of  Surrey.  About  rectory  of  Exeter  college,  and 
the  year  16 16  he  fell  into  retired  to  Staunton  near  Barn- 
some  troubles  for  his  zeal  staple  in  Devonshire,  and  there 
in  opposing  the  Spanish  match,  died  in  1649.  See  besides 
He  was  a  writer  of  very  con-  Wood,  Lloyd's  Memoirs,  p. 
siderable  talent,  but  the  best  of  540.  Fuller's  Worthies,  p.  280. 
his  works  (which  are  enume-  Goodman's  Court  of  king  ' 
rated  by  Wood,  Athenae,  II.  James,  I.  p.  365.] 
p.   124.)   is  his   '*  Apology  or 


S66 


The  Church  History 


BOOK  III. 


0.1316.  Devonshire  men,  the  gentry  of  which  latter,  queen 
— '• — '•  Elizabeth  used  to  say,  were  courtierB  by  their  birtt 
And  as  these  western  men  do  bear  away  the  bell 
for  might  and  sleight  in  wrestling,  so  the  scholars 
here  have  always  acquitted  themselves  with  credit 
in  paUestra  literaria.  The  rectors  of  this  house 
anciently  were  annual  (therefore  here  omitted)  fixed, 
but  of  latter  years  to  continue  the  term  of  their  lives. 


Rectort, 


Bishops. 


1566.  John  Neale. 
1570.  Robert  Newton. 
1578.  ThcGlasier. 
i.;92.  Tho.  Holland. 
1611.  John  Prideaux. 
1642.  George  Hakewill. 
I  1649.  [John]  Conant. 


1641.  John  Pri- 
deaux, bishop  of 
Worcester. 

1641.  Tho.  Win. 
niff,  bishop  c€ 
Lincoln,  ir 


Benefactors.         hemmed  \ 


Edmund  Stafford, 
bishop  of  Exeter. 

Mr.John  Peryam, 
alderman  of  Ex- 
eter. 

Sir  John  Ackland, 
knight,  expend- 
ing (besides 
other  bene£eM> 
tions)  800/.  in 
building  the 
haU. 


Judge 

ridge. 
OeoigeHi 
John  Pri( 
Sir    Simon 

kerviL 
Dr.  Vduain. 
Nadi. 
Nath.Nfl 
Geoiige 


So  that  lately  therein  were  maintained,  one  rector, 
twenty-three  fellows,  a  bible-clerk,  two  pensioners, 
servants,   commoners,    and   other   students,  to   the 
number  of  two  hundred. 
B  king's      6.  Clergymen  began   now  to   complain  that  the 
wrer  to    ^^.y  judgos  intrenched  on  their  privileges,  and  there- 
P^i^^'fore  they  presented  a  petition  to  the  king  in  his 
parliament  at  Lincoln,  requesting  the  redress  of  six- 
teen grievances.   To  most  of  them  the  king  returned 
a  satisfactory  answer,  and  so  qualified  his  denials  to 
the  rest,  that  they  could  not  but  content  any  reason- 
able disposition. 

f  I   am    informed  that  Dr.  not  seen  it.  [I  have  never  been 

Prideaux,  in  a    dedication  to  able  to  discover  this  sermon.] 
one  of  his  ser  mons,  hath  reck-         ?  [Twenty  bishops  to  the 

oned  all  the  worthy  writers  of  year   1756  are  mentioned  bj 

this  house,  but  as  yet  I  have  Wood.] 


CENT.  XIV.  of  Britain,  ft&7 

7.  These  concessions  of  the  kinff  were  digested  a.  d.  131 6. 

-       ®.      _        ®           9Edw.11. 
into  laws,  and  are  pnnted  at  larffe  m  the  statutes 

Made  a 

known  by  the  title  of  Articuli  Clein.    Whereon  sir  printed 
Edward  Coke,  in  the  second  part  of  his  Institutes,  under  the 
hath  made  no  less  learned  than  large  commentary .  ^^^^^ 
So  that  though,  the  law*  of  circumspecte  agatis  had  ^''^• 
stated  this  difference,  yet  it  seems  this  statute  (as 
circumspectius  agatis)  was  conceived  very  requisite. 

8.  Moreover,  these  statutes  did  not   so   clearly  Yet  the 

t  decide   the    difference    betvidxt   the    spiritual    and  between  the 
fc  temporal  jurisdictions,  but  that  many  contests  hap- du^o"|J^*" 
^  pened  afterwards  betwixt  them ;  no  longer  ago  than  JfJ^u^"' 
Y  in  the  fifth  of  king  James,  when  the  doctors  of  the 
commons   under   Richard   Bancroft,   archbishop   of 
^  Canterbury,  their  general,  opposed  the  judges  about 
Y-  the  indeterminable  controversies  of  prohibitions.  Add 
hereunto,  that  the  clergy  claimed  to  themselves  the 
most  favourable  interpretation  of  all  statutes  in  their 
own  behalf,  whilst  the  temporal  judges  (in  the  not 
sitting  of  parliaments)  challenged  that  privilege  to 
themselves. 

9.  The  most  lasting  monument  of  the  memory  of  a.d.  1324. 
woful  king  Edward  the  Second,  was  the  building  of  le^  b^it 
Oriel  college  in  Oxford *".     Indeed  some  make  him,  ^^^^^  j^^ 
and  others  Adam  de  Brom,  his   almoner,  founder  ^«*^"^- 
thereof*,  and  both  perchance  truly,  the  king  allowing, 

his  almoner  issuing  money  for  the  building  and  en- 
dovdng  thereof.  Others  will  have  it,  that  his  almoner 
persuaded  him  on  conscientious  principles  to  this  good 
work,  pertinently  alleging  and  pressing  this  instance, 
to  prove  that  the  king's  nature  was  not  bad  in  itself, 

h  [Formerly  called  St.Mary's     served  in  a  chapel  called  after 
the  Virgin.  Wood,  p.  122.]  liis   name;     now    part    of   St. 

i  [His  memory  is  still  pre-     Mary's  church.] 


268  The  Church  History  book  iil 

A.D.  1 314*  but  too  yielding  to  the  impressions  of  others.     Now 

whereas  the  other  alms  of  this  king  were  perishing, 

as  relieving  only  poor  for  the  present;    these,  as 

more  lasting,  have  done  good  to  many  generations. 

Query  10.  I  meet  with   no   satis&ctory  reason   of  the 

name        name  which  some  will  have  to  contain  something  of 

thereof.      Eastoniess   therein:    so   situated   comparatively  to 

some  more  ancient  foundation.     Others  deduce  it 

from  oriolium,  an  eminent  room   in  monasteries^ 

and  I  cannot  but  smile  at  such  who  will   have  0 
royal  /  as  a  pathetical  admiration  of  princely  magni- 
ficence^. 
Kings  11.  However,  I  do  not  deny  but  that  the  kings  of 

fathers  to    England  have  been  very  indulgent  to  this  foundation. 
ouse.  p^j.  ijggij^g  j^jjjg  Edward  the  Second  the  founder 

thereof,  his  son  king  Edward  gave  unto  them  the 
hospital   of  St.  Bartholomew's  nigh   Oxford,   with 
lands  to  maintain  eight  poor  people,  subject  to  the 
government  of  the  provost  and  fellows  of  this  col- 
lege.    Besides,  king  James  being  informed  of  some 
legal  defects  in  this  foundation,  granted  them  a  new 
corporation  cavil-proof  against  all  exceptions. 
Lately  re-       12.  This  coUegc  being  much  decayed,  Anthony 
mostde-     Bleucow  late  provost,  bequeathed  twelve  hundred 
^"  ^'       pounds   to  the   new  building   of  a   front  thereof; 
which  being  done,  lest  it  should  be  a  disgrace  to  the 
rest  of  the  fabric,  the  whole  college  is  rebuilt  in  a 
most  decent  manner. 


^  M.  Paris  in  vitis  Ab.  Sti.  sive  messuage  bestowed  on 

Albani,  p.  loo.  chapel  by  king  Edward 

I  [More  probably  from    La  1327.] 
Oriole,  the  name  of  an  exten- 


CJSNT.  XIV. 


of  Britain. 


269 


Propotts, 

Bewffactort, 

Bishopt. 

Learned  writert. 

J326.  Adam  de  Brom. 

John     Franke 

John      Car- 

William Allen, 

I332-  William  de  Lever. 

gave  four  fel- 

penter,  bi- 

cardinal. 

ton. 

lowships. 

shop         of 

Sir  Walter  Ra- 

X347.     William         de 

John    Carpen- 

Worcester.? 

leigh,  q 

Haukesworth. 

ter,  bishop  of 

WiUiam 

1349«  William    de    Da- 

Worcester, 

Prynne. 

ventre. 

gave  one  fel- 
lowship. 

'.^73-  William    de    Co- 

lyntre. 

WiUiam  Smith, 

1385.  JohndeMiddleton. 

bishop  of  Lin- 

[1394. John  de  Maldon.] 

coln,  gave  one 

1401.  John  de  Possel. 

fellowship. 

William  de  Corffe. 

Richard    Dud- 

J414. Thomas  de  Lintle- 

ley,  D.D.  gave 

warden*. 

two      fellow. 

Henry  E^ayle. 

ships  and  two 

1425.  Nicholas  Barry". 

exhibitions. 

John  Carpenter. 

1443.  Walter  Lyhart. 

1445.  John  Halse. 

1449.  Henry  Sampson. 

Thomas  Hawkins. 

1478.  John  Taylor. 

1493.  Thomas  Cornish. 

1507.   Edmund       Myl- 

• 

forde". 

15 16.  James  More. 

¥530.  Thomas  Ware. 

1538.  Henry  Mynne. 
1540.  William  Haynes. 

1550.  John  Smith. 

1565.  Roger  Marbeck. 

1566.  John  Belly. 

1572.   Anthony      Blen- 

cowe. 

1617.  l>r.  W  illiam  Lewes. 

1621.  Dr.  John  Tolson. 

1644.  Dr.  John  Sanders. 

A.  D.  1324. 
i7£dw.  II. 


So  that  lately  were  maintained  therein,  one  provost, 
eighteen  fellows,  one  bible-clerk,  twelve  exhibition- 
ers, with  commoners  and  college  officers  amounting 
to  one  hundred  and  sixty. 


™  [Or  Leintwarden.  Wood, 
ib.l 

^  [Wood  calls  him  Herry.] 

o  [Wylsford.  Wood.l 

P  r Wood  enumerates  sixteen 


prelates  as  having  belonged  to 
this  college  to  the  year  1 766,] 
q  Before  or  after  of  Chi;i8t- 
church. 


270 


The  Church  HiMtory 


BOOK  III.' 


A.D.  1315 
i8Kdw.II 

War  be. 
tween  the 
queen  and 
king. 


Counter 
proclama- 
tiont  and 
counter 
nunoiirt. 


18.  Let  us  cast  our  eye  on  the  commonwealth 
'  only,  as  it  is  the  ring  wherein  the  diamond  of  the 
church  is  contained,  and  that  now  fiill  of  cracks, 
caused  by  the  several  state  factions.  The  two  Spen- 
cers ruled  all  things  till  the  queen  and  her  scm 
(who  politicly  had  got  leave  to  go  beyond  the  seas) 
returned  into  England  with  a  navy  and  army  landing 
in  Suffolk  ^  She  denounceth  open  war  against  h^ 
husband,  unless  he  would  presently  conform  to  hw 
desires". 

14.  The  king  proclaimed  that  a  thousand  pounds 
should  be  given  to  him  that  brought  the  head  of 
Roger  Mortimer.  The  queen  proclaimed  (such  who 
had  the  better  purse  may  give  the  greater  price) 
that  whosoever  brought  the  head  of  the  young 
Spencer  (it  seems  his  father  was  not  so  considerable) 
should  have  two  thousand  pounds.  The  queen*ft 
party  gave  out  that  the  king  of  France  had  sent  over 
a  vast  army  for  her  assistance,  and  the  king's  side 
anti-rumoured  (who  could  raise  reports  easier  than 
armies)  that  the  pope  had  excommunicated  all  such 
who  sided  against  him  ^:  now  though  both  reports 


*■  [Apud  portam  de  Herwyke 
in  parte  orientali  Anglise. 
Chron.de Lanercost.  an.  1326.] 

•  [According  to  the  Chro- 
nicle of  Lanercost,  the  king 
sent  hev  into  France  under 
the  expectation  that  she  would 
be  able  to  negociate  a  peace 
between  him  and  her  brother, 
the  king  of  France.  On  the 
same  authority  it  is  stated  that 
the  cause  of  her  enmity  to  the 
younger  Spencer,  who  was  su- 
preme in  the  king's  favour, 
arose  from  his  attempting  to 
procure  a  divorce  between  the 


king  and  queen,  for  which 
purpose  he  sent  Thomas  de 
Dunheved  and  Eobert  de  Bal- 
dock  to  Rome.  Chron.  de  La- 
nercost. an.  1325.] 

*  [Quite  the  reverse  accord- 
ing to  Thomas  de  la  More, 
p.  598.  *•  Praeterea  prosiluit 
"  mendacium  ab  exercitu  [sc. 
*'  reginse]  in  omnes  regni  pla- 
**  gas  divulgatum,  quod  sum- 
'*  muspontifexRomanus  omnes 
"  Anglos  absoluit  a  fidelitate 
"  jurata  suo  regi,  fulminaret- 
'*  que  sententiam  excommuni- 
"  cationis  in  omnes  contra  re- 


B   CBKT.  XIV. 


of  Britain. 


m 


B  were  false,  they  made  true  impressions  of  hope  in  a.  d.  1346. 
,  sach  hearts  as  believed  them.  ^^ — !^1-I 

,       15.  Three  ways  were  presented  to  king  Edward,  The  king 
i  fight,  flight,  and  concealment ;  the  first  he  was  un-  fight, 

-  able  to  do,  having  no  effectual  forces,  only  able  for 

-  a  time  to  defend  the  castle  of  Bristol,  till  many  of 
.   his  complices  were  taken  therein:  a  tower  therein 

(given  out  to  be  undermined)  being  indeed  under- 
monied  with  bribes  to  the  defenders  thereof.  Here 
the  elder  Spencer  was  taken  and  executed. 

16.  Flight  was  no  less  unsafe  than  dishonourable.  Or  flee. 
for  his  kingdom   being  an   island,  the   sea  would 
quickly  put  a  period  thereunto.     Indeed  there  was 
some  thoughts  of  his  flight  into  Ireland,  which  was 

no  better  than  out  of  a  dirty  way  into  a  very  bog; 
besides  great  the  difficulty  to  recover  the  sea,  and 
greater  to  pass  over  it,  all  ports  and  passages  were 
so  waylaid. 

17.  Concealment  was  at  the  last  resolved  on,  not  After  a 
as  the  best,  but  only  way  of  his  security;  for  a  time ceaUnent !■ 
he  lay  hid  amongst  the  Welsh"  (not  able  to  help,**^*"' 
but  willing  to  pity  him  as  a  native  of  their  country) 

.  concealed  in  the  abbey  of  Nethe,  till  men  are  sent 

"  down  with  money,  (no  such  light  as  the  shine  of 

silver  wherewith  to  discover  a  person  inquired  for,) 

and  soon  after  he  was  betrayed  into  their  hands^. 

The  younger  Spencer  taken  with  him  is  hung  on  a 


*'  ginam  arma  deferentes.  Ad 
'*  hujus  niendacii  confirmatio- 
"  nem  finguntur  duo  cardinales 
"  esse  exercitui  reginse  adhse- 
"  rentes  nuntii  praemissorum/'] 

«  [Th.  de  la  More,  p.  599. 
Avesbury,  p.  6.] 

V  [He  was  treated  with  con- 


siderable barbarity,  having  first 
been  hung,  then  decapitated, 
last  of  all  quartered ;  his  head 
was  placed  on  London  bridge, 
one  of  his  quarters  was  sent  to 
Dover,  another  to  Bristol,  a 
third  to  York,  and  the  fourth 
to  Newcastle.  Avesbury,  p.  6.^ 


273  The  Church  History  book  hi. 

A.D.  1326.  gallows  fifty  foot  high,  and  the  promised  two  thon- 
19Edw.lL  g^jj^  pounds  were  duly  paid,  and  equally  parted  be- 
twixt several  persons  employed  in  his  apprehension. 
King  Ed.        18.  Many  persons  of  quality  were  sent  down  from 
ligne^^  the   parliament   then   sitting  to   king   Eldward,  to 
crown.       Kenilworth  castle,  to  move,  alias  to  command  him 
to  resign  the  crown,  which  at  last  he  sadly  surren- 
dered.    Sir   William   Trussel,   a   lawyer    of    great 
abused  abilities,  being  rather  to  make  than  find  a 
precedent  in  this  kind,  improved  his  wits  in  the  for- 
malities thereof.     Soon  after  prince  Edward  his  son 
is  crowned  king,  whose  father  is  now  no  more  than 
plain  Edward  of  Caernarvon,  though   his   mother, 
whose  title  was  relative  to,  and  a  derivative  from 
her  husband  the   dethroned  king,  was  now  more 
queen  Isabel  than  ever  before.  Thus  the  degradation 
of  a  knight,  as  some  have  informed  me,  extendeth 
not  to  his  wife,  who  by  the  courtesy  of  England,  if 
once,  is  ever  a  lady. 
He  is  19.  Edward,  late  king,  with  many  letters  solicited 

hii  own  ^  ^^  ^^  admitted  into  the  queen's  company.     All  in 
^'^•^         vain,  she  found  embraces  at  a  less  distance  dearer 
unto  her,  preferring  the  society  of  a  lord,  who  in 
effect  had  deposed  a  king,  before  a  king,  who  had 
deposed  himself:  she  made  many  excuses  of  sickness 
and  indisposition  to  enjoy  him.     So  easily  can  that 
sex  make  plausible  pretences,  that  they  cannot  what 
they  will  not  do. 
AndcrueUy     20.  Roger  Mortimer,  whose  lust  and  revenge  was 
murdered.  gqu^Hy  uusatiablc,  could  not  be  quiet  whilst  king 
Edward  was  alive;  he  feared  king  Edward  might 
play  an  after-game  of  affection  in  his  subjects :  in 
order  therefore  to  his  death,  he  is  removed  from 
Kenilworth  (where  the  earl  of  Leicester  his  keeper 


CEKT.  XIV.  of  Britain,  273 

was  suspected   too   sympathising  with  his  sorrow)  a. d.  1326. 
unto   Berkley  castle,   where    he    was    barbarously^^ — ^^* 
butchered,  being  struck  into  the  postern  of  his  body 
with  a  hot  spit,  as  it  is  generally  reported^. 

21.  Nothing  now  remaineth  in  this  king's  reign,Ab™ce 
save  to  take  notice  how  the  clergy  (understand  such  subject^'. 
who  were  active,  for  neuters  shall  pass  for  none) 
tstand  affected  in  this  great  state-difference.     I  find 

not  enough  to  call  a  number  of  the  bishops  cordial 
to  the  king.  For  besides  Walter  Stapleton,  bishop 
of  Exeter,  of  whom  before,  only  John  Stratford, 
Insfaop  of  Winchester,  heartily  adhered  unto  him, 
and  yet  this  Stratford  was  employed  on  a  message 
from  the  parliament  to  the  king  at  Kenilworth  to 
persuade  him  to  resign  the  crown,  though  having 
no  other  design  than  the  king's  safety  therein.  He 
hoped  that  in  this  tempest  the  casting  out  of  the 
lading  would  save  the  hulk  of  the  ship,  and  the  sur- 
rendering of  the  sceptre  secure  the  king's  person. 

22.  With  John  Stratford  let  me  couple  Robert  dcAndaioyai 
Baldock  (though  no  bishop,  a  bishop's  mate)  as  a^^alJceiior. 
priest  and  chancellor  of  England*.  This  man,  unable 

to  assist,  resolved  to  attend  the  king,  and  was  taken 
with  him  in  Wales.  Hence  was  he  brought  up  to 
London,  and  committed  to  Adam  Tarleton,  bishop 
of  Hereford.  Here  the  shadow  of  Tarleton's  mitre 
(if  pleased  to  put  forth  his  power)  might  have  se- 
cured this  his  guest-prisoner  from  any  danger, 
whereas  on  the  contrary,  it  is  more  than  suspicious 

^  [Yet  Avesbury  represents  cester,  p.  6.  See  below,  p.  280.] 
his  submission  as  a  voluntary         <  [D3  la  Morei  p.  60c.     In 

deed^andseems  to  have  thought  which     commission     he     was 

his  death  was  natural.  Accord,  joined  by  Adam  Tarleton «  bi- 

ing  to  the  same  writer  he  was  shop   of  Hereford,   ot*  whom 

buried  at  the  abbey  of  Gloir-  see  afterwards.] 

FULLEE,  VOL.  II.  T 


5r74 


The  Cknrch  Hi$ioty 


BOOK  III. 


i.u  f '26.  that  lie  ^ve  a  ngnal  to  the  tnniiiltaoas  people  to 
— ^s^'izc  his  person.     For  he  was  diagged  to  Newgate. 


and  there  payed  his  life  for  his  loyalty;  yet 
fievr-r  heard  to  complain  of  the  deamees  of  his 
iM*nnvworth.  If  anv  violence  was  secretiv  ofiered 
unto  his  ]ierson,  he  might  endure  it  the  more 
l»fltienth%  having  read,  that  the  dheip/e  f>  not  aiare 
his  uinsti*r^  nor  the  servant  Itetter  than  hh  lord^.  This 
Ibihhiek  was  a  good  justicer,  nor  charged  in  onr 
rhniniclcM  with  anv  misdemeanour,  save  faithfulness 
to  an  unfortunate  master,  and  his  memory  will  tra- 
vorsc  his  innocence,  as  confessing  the  fact,  but  de- 
nying any  fault  therein*. 
knhhii.h<ip  23.  Hut  we  have  more  than  a  good  number  of 
iiitharikfiii  such  ))isIiops,  which  ungratefully  sided  with  the 
"''^'r|uc»en  against  her  husband,  and  their  sovereigD. 
Walter  Jloynolds  archbishop  of  Canterbury  leads 
tlieir  van,  ]>referred  to  that  see  at  the  king's  great 
importunity,  and  by  the  pope  his  power  ofprovisim. 
i  )n  the  same  token  that,  a  far  better  man^  Thomas 
(!obham  by  name,  dean  of  Salisbury,  (so  learned  and 
|>ious  a  person  that  he  was  generally  called  the  good 
clergyman,)  legally  elected  by  the  commons,  was  put 
by  by  the  pope  to  make  room  for  this  Reynolds.  He 
afterwards  complied  with  the  queen,  his  new  mis- 


y  ]\Iatt.  X.  24. 

2  [He,  as  well  as  Walter 
Stapleton^  was  murdered  by 
tlie  fury  of  the  London  mob^ 
ever  the  foremost  in  deeds  of 
lawlessness  and  cruelty.  When 
he  had  been  brought  to  Lon- 
don by  the  influence  of  Tarle- 
ton,  the  Londoners  laying  vio- 
lent hands  upon  him,  not 
without  the  connivance  of  the 
bishop  of  Hereford,  thrust  him 


into  Newgate,  desiring  that  he 
might  be  drawn  and  quartered 
as  a  traitor.  But  when  after 
many  examinations  they  could 
find  no  spot  of  treason  m  him, 
nor  fix  any  crime  upon  him, 
disappointed  of  their  ven- 
geance, they  handled  him  so 
brutally,  that  he  died  from  the 
effects  of  his  ill-treatment  early 
in  the  spring.] 


CENT.  XIV.  of  Britain.  276 

tress,  against  his  old  master,  active  to  perform  his  a.  d.  1326. 

desires.     This   some   seek   in   vain   to   excuse,   by-^ '— 

pleasing  her  imperious  spirit,  and  this  archbishop's 
fearAilness,  alleging  that  cowardliness  is  rather  a 
defect  in  nature  than  default  in  morality. 

24.  A  word  by  the  way  of  the   nature  of  the  The  nature 
pope's   provisions,    (lately   mentioned,)   which   nowprovis^^* 
began  to   be   a  general  grievance   of  our  nation. 
When  any  bishopric,  abbot's  place,  dignity,  or  good 
living  (aquila  non  capit  muscas)  was  like  to  be  void, 

the  pope,  by  a  profitable  prolepsis  to  himself,  pre- 
disposed such  places  to  such  successors  as  he  pleased. 
By  this  device  he  defeg-ted  (when  so  pleased)  the 
legal  election  of  all  convents,  and  rightful  pre- 
sentation of  all  patrons.  He  took  up  churches 
before  they  fell,  yea,  before  they  ever  stumbled :  I 
mean,  whilst  as  yet  no  suspicion  of  sickness,  in  in- 
cumbents younger  and  healthier  than  his  holiness 
himself.  Yea,  sometimes  no  act  of  provision  was 
entered  in  scriptis  in  the  court,  only  the  pope  was 
pleased  to  say  by  word  of  mouth  (and  who  durst 
confute  him  ?)  he  had  done  it.  So  that  incumbents 
to  livings,  who  otherwise  had  a  rightful  title  from 
their  patrons,  were,  to  purchase  their  peace,  glad  to 
buy  of  the  pope's  provisions.  Yea,  his  holiness  sold 
them  aforehand  to  several  persons,  so  that  not  he 
who  gave  the  first,  but  the  most  money,  carried 
away  the  preferment. 

25.  Next  we  take  notice   of  Henry  Burwash%Burwiwh 

biiihnn  of 

bishop  of  Lincoln,  lately  restored  to  the  favour  of  Lincoln 
king  Edward,  and  by  him  lately  esteemed.     Yet  no 

*  [In   Rymer   the   name   is     More,   p.  497.       Godwin    de 
spelt  Burghershe.     See  a  fur-     Praes.  Ang.  p.  294.] 
ther  account  of  him  in  De  la 

T  2 


276  The  Church  History  book  hi. 

.T>.  1376.  sooner  did  tlio  queen  appear  in  the  field  with  an 
'  army  against  him,  but  this  bishop  was  the  first  and 

forwardest  who  publicly  repaired  unto  her.  This 
Bumash  was  he,  who  by  mere  might,  against  aU 
right  and  reason,  took  in  the  land  of  many  poor 
])eople,  (without  making  also  the  least  reparation,) 
therewith  to  complete  his  park  at  Tinghurst.  These 
wronged  persons,  though  seeing  their  own  bread, 
beef,  and  mutton  turned  into  the  bishop's  venison, 
durst  not  contest  with  him  who  was  chancellor  of 
England,  though  neither  law  nor  equity  in  this  his 
action ;  only  they  loaded  him  with  curses  and  exe- 
crations. Tliis  mindeth  me  of  a  modem  accident, 
when,  some  twenty  years  since,  a  knight  went  about 
injuriously  to  inclose  the  conunons  of  a  town,  and 
demanded  of  his  bailiff  what  the  railing  in  of  the 
same  would  amount  to;  to  whom  his  servant  an- 
swered, '^  that  if  he  would  take  in  the  conunons,  the 
"  country  would  find  him  railings,"  as  here  they  did 
this  injurious  bishop.  Otherwise  let  me  say,  that 
inclosures  made  without  oppression  are  a  grand  en- 
riching both  to  private  persons  and  to  the  common- 
wealth. 


/ 


imiieoi'  26.  Here  let  the  reader  smile  or  frovni,  I  am 
"^^^'  resolved  to  write  what  I  find  recorded  in  a  grave 
author,  deriving  it  no  doubt  from  good  intelli- 
gence^. This  bishop  Burwash  is  said  after  his  death 
to  have  appeared  to  one  of  his  former  fieimiliar  friends, 
apparelled 

Like  a  forester  all  in  green-a. 

With  his  bow  and  quiver  of  arrows,  and  his  bugle 

^  Godwin  de  Pries.  Ang*  p.  294. 


CENT.  XIV.  of  Britain.  877 

horn  hanging  by  his  side:  to  him  he  complained  a  d.  1326. 
that  for  the  injuries  done  by  him  to  the  poor  whilst  '^  ^^'  ' 
living,  he  was  now  condemned  to  this  penance,  to  be 
the  park-keeper  of  that  place,  which  he  so  wrong- 
fully had  enclosed.  He  therefore  desired  him  to 
repair  to  the  canons  of  Lincoln,  and  in  his  name  to 
request  them  that  they  would  take  order,  that  all 
hedges  being  cut  down,  and  ditches  filled  up,  all 
might  be  reduced  to  their  property,  and  the  poor 
men  be  restored  to  their  inheritance.  It  is  added 
moreover,  that  one  W.  Bachelor  was  employed  by 
the  canons  aforesaid  to  see  the  premises  performed, 
which  was  done  accordingly. 

27.  This  pretended  apparition  seems  inconsistent  a  grave 
with  the  nature  of  purgatory,  as  usually  by  papists  ^  ^^^' 
represented  to  people.     Surely  the  smoke  thereof 
would  have  sooted  his  green  suit,  and  the  penance 
seems  so  slight  and  light  for  the  offence,  as  having 

so  much  liberty  and  pleasm'e  in  a  place  of  command. 
Some  poets  would  have  fancied  him  rather  conceived 
himself  turned  Acteon-like,  into  a  deer,  to  be  daily 
hunted  by  his  own  hound,  guilt  of  conscience,  until 
he  made  restitution.  But  it  seems  there  be  degrees 
in  piu-gatory,  and  the  bishop  not  in  the  prison  itself, 
but  only  within  the  rules  thereof,  privileged  to  go 
abroad,  whether  on  his  parole  or  with  his  keeper, 
uncertain,  till  he  could  procure  suffrages  for  his 
plenary  relaxatioB. 

28.  Adam  Tarleton,  bishop  of  Hereford,  is  the  last  a  devu 
we  will  insist  on,  bom  in  that  city,  where  afterward  ^'^^^  "^' 
he  became  bishop,  yet  not  honoured,  but  hated,  and 
feared  in  the  place  of  hia  nativity^.     He  was  thQ 

c  [Th.  de  h  More,  p,  599..! 

T  3 


278 


The  Church  History 


BOOK  III. 


A.D.  .3j6.grand  engineer  and  contriver  of  all  mischief  against 
1? — !^'  the  king.  Witness  the  sennon  preached  by  him  at 
Oxford  before  the  queen,  (then  in  hostile  pursuit 
after  her  husband,)  taking  for  this  text  the  words  of 
the  sick  son  of  the  Shunamite,  My  head^  my  TieadK 
Here  his  wit  and  malice  endeavoured  to  reap  what 
God's  Spirit  did  never  intentionally  sow,  and  urged 
that  a  bad  king  (the  distempered  head  of  a  state)  is 
past  physic  or  chirurgery  to  be  cured  by  receipts  or 
plasters,  but  the  only  way  is  to  cut  it  off  from  the 
body. 
And  as  bad  29-  His  writing  was  worse  than  his  preaching. 
For  when  such  agents,  set  to  keep  king  Edward  in 
Berkeley  castle,  were  by  secret  order  from  Roger 
Mortimer  commanded  to  kill  him,  they  by  letters 


^  [The  acconntof  the  preach- 
ing of  those  prelates  who  sided 
with  the  queen  upon  this  occa- 
sion^  as  detailed  in  the  Chro- 
nicle of  Lanercost,  is  too  cu- 
rious to  be  left  altogether  un- 
noticed^ particularly  as  it  serves 
to  correct  two  or  three  errors 
of  Fuller,  and  to  supply  a 
blank  in  the  scanty  information 
furnished  us  by  the  generality 
of  the  chroniclers  upon  this 
subject.  According  to  this 
Chronicle,  the  bishop  of  Here- 
ford preached  upon  the  feast 
of  St.  Hilary,  (Jan.  13,  1327,) 
taking  for  his  text  this  passage 
from  Ecclesiasticus :  **  Kex  in- 
^^  sipiens       perdit       populum 

"  suum" he  enlarged  much 

upon  the  follies  of  the  king, 
and  the  evils  which  had  hap- 
pened to  this  kingdom  from 
his  mismanagement.  At  the 
conclusion  of  his  discourse  the 


people    exclaimed    with    one 
voice;   We  will  not  have  this 
king  to  reign  over  us»     On  the 
following  day  John  Stratford, 
bishop  of  Winchester  preached, 
whose   text  was    taken  from 
2  Kings  iv.  19,  "  Caput  meum 
**  doleo/*  Ml/  head,  my  head, — • 
indicating  that  the  head  of  the 
kingdom  was  sick  and  unsound. 
He  was  succeeded   upon  the 
third  day  by  the  archbishop  of 
Canterbury,  Walter  Reynolds, 
who  took  for  his  text,  "  Vox 
*•  populi    vox    Dei," de- 
claring at  the  end  of  his  dis- 
course to  all  his  audience,  that 
by  the  consent  of  the  nobles 
and  commonalty  of  the  realm, 
the   king    had   been    deposed 
from  his  former  dignity,  and 
that  by  the  unanimous  consent 
of  all  his  son  £dward  should 
succeed  him.    Chron.  de  La- 
nercost,  an.  1326.] 


CENT.  XIV.  of  Britain.  279 

addressed  tliemselves  for  advice  to  this  bishop,  then  a.  d.  1326. 

,  i9Edw.  II. 

not  far  off  at  Hereford,  craving  his  counsel  what 

they  should  do  in  so  difficult  and  dangerous  a  matter. 
He  returned  unto  them  a  riddling  answer,  altogether 
unpointed,  which  carried  in  it  life  and  death,  yea, 
life  or  death,  as  variously  construed,  resolved  to  be 
guided  and  governed  wholly  by  his  direction,  not  to 
dispute,  but  do  what  from  him  was  recommended 
unto  them,  as  knowing  him  able  both  in  conscience 
and  policy  to  advise  them. 

Life  and  Death. 
To  kill  king  Edward  you  need  not  to  fear  it  is  good,  a  strange 

apparition. 

Life.  Death. 

To  kill  king  Edward  you     To  kill  king  Edward  you 

need  not,  to  fear  it  need  not  to  fear,  it 

is  good.  is  good®. 

30.  This  Adam  Tarleton  was  afterwards  accused  Arraigned 
of  treason  in  the  beginning  of  the  reign  of  king  he  escapes ' 
Edward   the   Third,   and   arraigned   by   the   king's  jj^e/^* 
officers,  when  in  the  presence  of  the  king  he  thus 
boldly  uttered  himself; 

My  lord  the  king,  with  all  due  respect  unto 
your  majesty,  I,  Adam,  an  humble  minister  and 
"  member  of  the  church  of  God,  and  a  consecrated 
bishop,  though  unworthy,  neither  can,  nor  ought  to 
answer  unto  so  hard  questions,  without  the  conniv- 
"  aiice  and  consent  of  my  lord  archbishop  of  Canter- 
bury, my  immediate  judge  under  the  pope,  and 
"  without  the  consent  of  other  bishops  who  are  my 
"  peers." 

Three   archbishops   were   there    present   in    the 

«  [*'  Edwardum  occidere  nolite  timere  bonum  est."     Th.  de 
More,  p.  602.] 

T  4 


280  The  Churck  Hiitory  of  Britain.         book  in. 


A.D.  1336.  place,  Canterbury,  York,  and  Dublin,  by  whose  in- 
i? — !L«' tercession  Tarleton  escaped  at  that  time*. 
Arraigned       31.  Not  long  after  he  was  arraigned  again  at  the 
protected  by  king's  beuch,   the  news   whereof  so    startled  the 
^cio^y-  clergy,  that  the  foresaid  archbishops  erected  their 
standards,  I  mean,  set  up  their  crosses,  and  with  ten 
bishops  more,  attended  with  a  numerous  train  of 
well-weaponed  servants,  advanced  to  the  place  (rf 
judicature.     The  king^  officers  frighted  at  the  sight 
fled  away,  leaving  Tarleton  the  prisoner  alone  at  the 
bar ;  whom  the  archbishops  took  home  into  their  own 
custody,  denouncing  a  curse  on  all  such  who  should 
presume  to  lay  violent  hands  upon  him. 
Cwtthe         82.  The  kinir  offended  hereat,  caused  a  jury  of 
f?^  Ujmen  to  be  e^p^melled.  «.d  to  i^^  JJL, 
pwi^bed.  to  form  of  law  into  the  actions  of  the  bishop  of 
Hereford.     This  was  a  leading  case,  and  the  first 
time  that  ever  laymen  passed  their  verdict  on  a 
clergyman.     These  jurors  found  the  bishop  guilty, 
whereupon  the  king  presently  seized  on  his  tem- 
porals, he  proscribed  the  bishop,  and  despoiled  him 
of  all  his  movables.     However,  afterwards  he  came 
off,  and  was  reconciled  to  the  king,  and  by  the  pope 
made    bishop    of  Winchester,   where    he   died,  a 
thorough   old  man,   and   blinded  with   age,   many 
envying  so  quiet  a  death  to  one  who  living  had  been 
so  turbulent  a  person.     But  these  things  happened 
many  years  after. 

^  [The  archbishops  of  Can-     taken  part  against  Cdward  11^ 
terbury  and  Dublin  had  both     Tho.  de  la  More^  p^  59^0 


SECT. 


TO 


MASTER  THOMAS  WILLIAMSS 


AND 


MASTER  WILLIAM  VANBRUG^ 

OF  LONDON,  MERCHANTS. 

Astronomers  affirm  that  some  planets^  Saturn^  Jupiter, 
Sfc.^  are  by  many  degrees  greater  than  the  moon  itself, 
and  this  they  can  easily  evidence  by  demonstration. 
However,  the  moon  is  bigger^  and  shetvs  brighter  to 
meris  eyes,  because  of  the  vicinity  thereof,  whilst  other 
stars  are  dimmed  and  diminished  by  their  distance. 


a  [Arms.  Argent,  a  chevron 
between  three  cocks  gules,  on 
a  chief  sable,  three  spear  heads 
argent,  embrned  gules.  This 
is  the  coat  of  Williams  of 
Gwernevet,  an  ancient  Welsh 
family,  of  which  this  Thomas 
Williams  was  probably  a  de- 
scendant.] 

b  [This  William  Vanbrugh 
or  Vanburgh  was  the  second 
but  eldest  surviving  son  of 
Giles    Vanburgh,    a    wealthy 


merchant  of  Ghent,  who  fled 
from  that  city  to  escape  the 
persecution  of  Alva,  came  to 
London,  and  settled  in  the 
parish  of  St.  Stephens  Wal- 
broke,  where  he,  ^as  well  as 
several  of  his  descendants,  lies 
buried  in  a  family  vault  built 
by  him  for  that  purpose.  His 
son  and  successor  William 
had  a  brother  Giles  Vanburgh, 
father  of  the  celebrated  sir 
John  Vanburgh,  architect  and 


28a  Tke  Church  History  book  hi. 

l/e  ix  Hot  the  happiftt  man  who  Am  the  highest  friends, 
too  remote  to  iisaist  him,  whilst  otlters  lesser  might  be 
nearer  at  his  need.  JVif  oicn  experience  can  avouch  tke 
truth  thereof,  in  relation  to  your  courtesies  besiouvd 
upon  me. 

|00N  after  his  death  king  Edward  was 

iiuich  lameiitetl  by  those  of  whom  in 

his  lifetime   he  was   never   be]oved^ 

A\"hether    this    proceeded    from    the 

mere     mutability    of     meii's     minds, 

(wt*ar}'  to    loiter  loug  in  the  lazy  posture    of  the 

same  aft'ection.)  or  whether  it  proceeded  from  the 

pride  of  Mortimn-,  whose  insolence  grew  intolerable; 

or   whether  it   was   because    his    punishment  was 

j»\>noraIIy  a]tprehende<l   to    be   too    heavy    for    his 

fiiult :  s«>  that  dei'osition  without  death,  or  (at  the 

won>t^  (K-ath  without    such   unhuman   cruelty   had 

Kvu  surtioient. 

Kii^t  Kd-        (l»e  of  our  Enjrlish  poet  historians  acquainteth  us 

svi^iiihiaf- ^^"'th  a  |»as!5age.  which  to  my  knowledge  appeareth 

Ktnitni.      ii^ij  jij  ,-,ti,^,r  authors. 

At  t.iloui.H'^tor  i.'ntoiiibe«l  £i\Tt\  and  buried 
\Vhi»r\>  stuuo  say  Ciod  shewed  for  him  great  grace 
v^ilh  that  txtut-.  uith  niinicles  laudefied 

I'lan-ttoit'iix  kin^  at  arms.  His  cut.  as  well  as  in  tliat  pretixed 

iiiu-tc  WtllUtn,   lu  wki)ni.   in  to    the    work     above-named, 

«s-tmuwt)»«iw)tlt'nu>ousother$.  Fuller    has    given   this  coat, 

^^lUCT  h«s  «W  iit^-ribed   his  with  a  slight  deviation  from 

"  l*i»)9th  Sight."  bore  as  his  correctness,  Mr.  William  Van- 

Ivkl^TiMt  i.><at  ofamts.  "(.lulw,  brugh  married  Dorothy,  daugh- 

"  »»n  H  (\>M  w  thive  twTTuleta  ler  of  sir  Dudley  Carleton,  and 

"  vort  i  it!  chief  k  donu-lion  died  at  a  very  advanced  a^e  in 

"  avjp'Ht."   which   was    subsc-  i7<^4-    He  lies  buried  in  Wal- 

t^Ht-Hllv  ittMSnucJ  t*»  hi*  ne>-  broke  churdb.] 

Iihcw  "nil  J»>hn  by  Ileirtv  S^t.  '"Exstiactuaamabitutideni." 

iwtt}!^.  ^rtcr.    "  It   w-ill   be  [ Ilor.  Ep.  I.  1.  ii.  14.] 
mvH  thM  lu  the  present  wjod- 


CJBNT.  XIV.  of  Britain,  283 

Ofte  tymes,  in  diverse  many  case  A.D.  1337. 

As  is  written  there,  in  that  same  place.  1  Edw.  iii. 

For  which  king  Rychard,  called  the  Second 
To  translate  him  was  purposed  whole  and  sounds. 

It  is  much  that  one  but  a  small  saint  whilst  alive 
should  be  so  great  a  one  when  dead,  as  to  be  mira- 
culously illustrious.  But  every  man  may  believe  his 
proportion. 

2.  Indeed  great  was  the  conformity  betwixt  this  a  pair  of 
king  Edward  and  that  king  Richard,  both  being  matched. 
secundij  the  second  of  their  name :  but  not  secundi, 
happy  in  their  success.  And  had  king  Richard  the 
Second  known  aforehand  what  casualty  did  attend 
him,  no  wonder  if  he  secretly  sjmtipathized  with  his 
condition.  Both  sons  of  valiant  and  beloved  fathers, 
both  of  proper  and  amiable  persons.  Both  debauched 

by  the  ill  counsel  of  their  dissolute  companions. 
Both  deposed  from  their  crowns.  Both  murdered 
whilst  prisoners  in  a  clandestine,  and  (as  some  report) 
self-same  way  of  cruelty. 

3.  Ingenuous   people  are  very  loath  to   believe  King  Ed- 
king  Edward   the  Third   accessary  to   his   father's  ^tU^n  his 
death,  otherwise  than  by  accepting  the  crown  which  ^^^^^  ^^' 
he    should  have  refused,  and   antedating   his   own 
sovereignty.     Which  may  be  excused  by  his  tender 
years,  thirteen  as  some,  fifteen  as  others  compute 
them*.     Nor  is  it  a  weak  argument  of  his  innocence 

with  impartial  people,  because  he  reigned  above  fifty 
years,  and  lived  to  be  a  thorough  old  man.  An 
happiness  promised  by  God  to  such  who  are  obedient 

c  Sir  John  Harding  in  the  Avesbury,  Hist.  Edwardi,  III. 

life  of  king  Edward  the  Se-  p.  5  ;  or  fourteen,  if  it  be  com- 

cond.  Qchap.  177.  ed.  J 543.]  puted  from  his  father's  death. 

^    [Thirteen,    according    to  ib.  p.  6.] 


S84  The  Church  History  book  hi. 

A. p.  1337.  to  their  parents.     Besides,  it  is  considerable,  that 

'- — '  this  king  having  a  numerous  issue  of  active  children 

of  both  sexes,  none  visibly  appear  a  cross  unto  him, 

^^ for  any  notorious  undutifulness. 

Hit  admSt.      4.  The  former  })art  of  this  king's  reign  affords  but 
Ui  his  wwi.  little  church  history,  as  totally  taken  up  vnth  his 
achievements  in   Scotland   and  France,  vrhere  his 
success  by  sea  and  land  was  above  belief,  and  even 
to  admiration.     He  conquered  both  before  his  &ce 
and  behind  his  back.    Whence  he  came  and  whither 
he  went.     North  and  south,  the  one  in  his  person, 
the  other  by  his  substitutes  in  his  absence.     Inso- 
much that  he  got  more  than  he  knew  what  to  do 
with,  exhausting  the  land  to  man  the  cities  which 
he  had  gained.    Herein  he  stands  without  a  parallel, 
that  he  had  both  the  kings  he  fought  against,  viz. 
John  de  Valois  of  France,  and  David  the  king  of 
Scotland,  his  prisoners  at  one  time,  not  taken  by  any 
cowardly  surprise,  but  by  fair  fight  in  open  field. 
And  hu-         5.  It  soundeth  much  to  the  commendation  of  his 
^"       modesty  and  moderation,  that  intending  to  found  an 
order  of  knighthood  at  his  castle  of  Windsor®,  where 
he  had  these  two  royal  prisoners,  in  the  institution 
thereof  he  neither  had  any  insolent  relation  to  his 
own   conquest,   nor   opprobrious    reflection   on  his 
enemies'  captivity,  but  began  the  innocent  order  of 
the  garter,  unreferring  to  any  of  his  former  achieve- 
ments.    But  more  hereof  in  due  time. 
England         6.  The  king  and  state  began  now  to  grow  sensible 
ignorant  in  of  the  great  gain  the  Netherlands  got  by  our  English 
dotw.     ^^^^'  ^^  memory  whereof  the  duke  of  Burgundy  not 
long  after  instituted  the  order  of  the  golden  fleece, 

^  Others  say  in  London  town. 


CENT.  XIV.  of  Britain,  286 

wherein  indeed   the   fleece   was   ours,  the  golden  a.  d.  1337. 

theirs,   so   vast  their  emolument  by  the  trade   of !^ — .' 

clothing.  Our  king  therefore  resolved  if  possible  to 
reduce  the  trade  to  his  own  country,  who  as  yet 
were  ignorant  of  that  art,  as  knowing  no  more  what 
to  do  with  their  wool  than  the  sheep  that  wear  it,  as 
to  any  artificial  and  curious  drapery,  their  best  clothes 
then  being  no  better  than  friezes,  such  their  coarse- 
ness for  want  of  skill  in  their  making.  But  soon 
after  followed  a  great  alteration,  and  we  shall  enlarge 
ourselves  in  the  manner  thereof ^ 

7-  This  intercourse  now  being  great  betwixt  the  The  king's 
English   and   the   Netherlands,   (increased   of  late  tempt  the 
since  king  Edward  married  the  daughter  of  the  earl ^^c«" 
of  Hainault,)  unsuspected  emissaries  were  employed 
by  our  king  into  those  countries,  who  wrought  them- 
selves into  familiarity  with  such  Dutchmen  as  were 
absolute  masters  of  their  trade,  but  not  masters  of 
themselves,   as   either  journeymen   or  apprentices. 
These   bemoaned    the    slavishness    of   these    poor 
servants,  whom  their  masters  used  rather  like  hea- 
thens than  Christians,  yea  rather  like  horses  than 
men.     Early  up,  and  late  in  bed,  and  all  day  hard 
work,  and  harder  fare,  (a  few  herrings  and  mouldy 
cheese,)  and  all  to  enrich  the  churls  their  masters, 
without  any  profit  unto  themselves. 

8.  But  oh  how  happy  should  they  be  if  they  To  come 
would  but  come  over  into  England,  bringing  their  EngUmcU 
mystery  with  them,  which  would  provide  their  wel- 

^  QThe  first  staple  of  wool  a  tax  was  granted  to  the  king 

in  England  was  held  at  West-  of  fifty  shillings   upon  every 

minster  in  1353,  according  to  sack   of  wool,   and    that  the 

Avesbiiryy    Hist.    Edw.    III.  yearly  export  was  reckoned  at 

p.  194.    Th&  same  writer  also  a    hundred    thousand     sacks, 

observes^  that  in  the  year  1355  p.  216.] 


286  The  Church  History  book  hi. 

A.I).  1337. come  in  all  places!  Here  they  should  feed  on  &t 
"  '*'  beef  and  mutton,  till  nothing  but  their  fulness  should 
stint  their  stomachs :  yea  they  should  feed  on  the 
labours  of  their  own  hands,  enjoying  a  proportionable 
profit  of  their  pains  to  themselves,  their  beds  should 
be  good,  and  their  bed-fellows  better,  seeing  the 
richest  yeomen  in  England  would  not  disdain  to 
marry  their  daughters  unto  them,  and  such  the  Eng- 
lish beauties,  that  the  most  envious  foreigners  could 
not  but  commend  them. 
And  oiitain      9*  Liberty  is  a  lesson  quickly  conned  by  heart, 

their  dnire*  •■        .  .      •    1         •^r  •      ^r  1  a  a 

men  having  a  principle  withm  themselves  to  prompt 
them  in  case  they  forget  it.  Persuaded  with  the 
premises,  many  Dutch  servants  leave  their  masters 
and  make  over  for  England.  Their  departure  thence 
(being  picked  here  and  there)  made  no  sensible 
vacuity,  but  their  meeting  here  altogether  amounted 
to  a  considerable  fulness.  With  themselves  they 
brought  over  their  trade  and  their  tools,  namely, 
such  which  could  not,  as  yet,  be  so  conveniently 
made  in  England. 
Their  10.  Happy  the  yeoman's  house  into  which  one  of 

w^lpUon.    these  Dutchmen  did  enter,  bringing  industry  and 
wealth  along  with  them.  Such  who  came  in  strangers 
within  their  doors,  soon  after  went  out  bridegrooms, 
and  returned  son-in-laws,  having  married  the  daugh- 
ters of  their  landlords  who  first  entertained  them. 
Yea,  those  yeomen  in  whose  houses  they  harboured 
soon  proceeded  gentlemen,  gaining  great  estates  to 
themselves,  arms  and  worship  to  their  estates. 
The  king        11.   The    king    having   gotten   this   treasury  of 
Sl^^h   foreigners,  thought  not  fit  to  continue  them  all  in 
the  Dutch,  ^j^q  placc,  Icst  ou  discontcut  they  might  embrace  a 
general   resolution  to   return,   but  bestowed   them 


CENT.  XIV. 


of  Britain, 


287 


through  all  the   parts   of  the   land,  that   clothing  a.  d,  1337, 

thereby  might  be  the  better  dispersed.     Here  I  say '- — -' 

nothing  of  the  colony  of  old  Dutch,  who  frighted 
out  of  their  own  country  with  an  inundation,  about 
the  reign  of  king  Henry  the  First,  (possibly  before  that 
nation  had  attained  the  cunning  of  cloth-making,) 
were  seated  only  in  Pembrokeshire.  This  new  ge- 
neration of  Dutch  was  now  sprinkled  every  where, 
so  that  England  (in  relation  I  mean  to  her  own 
counties)  may  bespeak  these  inmates  in  the  language 
of  the  poet. 

Quae  regie  in  terns  vestri  non  plena  laboris? 

Though  generally  (where  left  to  their  own  choice) 
they  preferred  a  maritime  habitation. 


East. 

West. 

North, 

Smth. 

1.  Norfolk,   Nor- 
wich fustians. 

2.  Suffolk,     Sud- 
bury bayes. 

1.  Devonshire, 
kersey. 

2.  Gloucestershire, 
doth. 

1 .  Westmore- 
land, Kendal 
cloth. 

2.  Ijancashire, 
Manchester 

1.  Somerset- 
shire, Taun- 
ton serges. 

2.  Hampshire, 
doth. 

3.  Essex,  Colches- 
ter   sayes     and 

3.  Worcestershire, 
cloth. 

cotton. 
3.     Yorkshire, 
Halifax  cloths. 

3.  Berkshire, 
doth. 

serges. 
4.  Kent,  Kentish 
broadcloths. 

4.  Wales,  Welsh 
friezes. 

4. 

4.  Sussex,  doth. 

I  am  informed  that  a  prime  Dutch  cloth  maker  in 
Gloucestershire  had  the  surname  of  Web  given  him 
by  king  Edward  there:  a  family  still  famous  for 
their  manufecture.  Observe  we  here,  that  mid- 
England,  Northamptonshire,  Lincolnshire,  and  Cam- 
bridge, having  most  of  wool,  have  least  of  clothing 
therein. 

12.  Here  the  Dutchmen  found  fullers'  earth,  aFuUeiV 
precious  treasure,  whereof  England  hath  (if  not  precious 
more)  better  than  all  Christendom  besides :  a  great  ^^*«^^**y- 


288  The  Church  History  book  hi. 

A. D.  1337.  commodity  of  the  quorum  to  the  making  of  good 

!  cloth,  so  that  nature  may  seem  to  pomt  out  our  land 

for  the  staple  of  drapery,  if  the  idleness  of  her  inhabit- 
ants be  not  the  only  hinderance  thereof.  This  fiillere' 
earth   is  clean   contrary  to   our  Jesuits,  who  are 
needless  drugs,  yet  still  staying  here  though  daily 
commanded    to    depart,    whilst    fullers'    earth,  a 
precious  ware,  is  daily  scoured  hence,  though  by  law 
forbidden  to  be  transported. 
Woollen         13.  And  now  was  the  English  wool  improved  to 
English      the  highest  profit,  passing  through  so  many  hands, 
wealth.      eyeiy  one  having  a  fleece   of  the   fleece,  sorters, 
combers,  carders,  spinsters,  weavers,  fiillers,  dyers, 
pressors,  packers ;  and  these  manufactures  have  been 
heightened  to  a  higher  perfection  since  the  cruelty 
of  the  duke  d'Alva  drove  over  more  Dutch   into 
England.     But  enough  of  this  subject,  which  let 
none  condemn  for  a  deviation  from  church  history; 
first,  because  it  would  not  grieve  one  to  go  a  little 
out  of  the  way,  if  the  way  be  good,  as  this  digression 
is  for  the  credit  and  profit  of  our  country.  Secondly, 
it  reductively  belongeth  to  the  church  history,  seeing 
many  poor  people  both  young  and   old,  formerly 
charging  the  parishes^  (as  appeared  by  the  accounts 
of  the  church  officers,)  were  hereby  enabled  to  main- 
tain themselves. 
The  pope's      14.  The  oxtortion  of  the  pope  being  now  some^ 
utaren      what  abated  in  England,  the  Caursines  or  Lombards, 
^^^^'  formerly  the  money  merchants  of  his  holiness,  and 
the  grand  usurers  of  England,  did  not  drive  so  full  a 
trade  as  before.     Whereupon   they  betake  them- 
selves to   other  merchandize,  and  began  to   store- 
England  with  foreign  commodities,  but  at  unreason- 


CENT.  XIV.  of  Britain.  289 

able  rates,  whilst  England  itself  had  as  jet  but  little  a.  d.  1336. 
«nd  bad  shipping,  and  those  less  employed  «^. '■ — •* 

15.  But  now  king  Edward,  to  prevent  the  en-  »«*  at  last 
grossing  of  trade  into  the  hand  of  foreigners,  and  to  hibited  by 
restore  the  same  to  his  native  subjects,  took  order     ^^' 
that  these  aliens  should  no  longer  prey  on  the  radical 
moisture  of  this  land,  but  began  to  cherish  navi- 
gation in  his  own  subjects,  and  gave  a  check  to  such 
joommodities   which    foreigners    did    import   as   in 
(Bucient  poems  is  largely  described,  whereof  so  much 

as  <M)neemeth  our  purpose : 

He  made  a  statute  for  Lombards  in  this  land, 
That  they  should  in  no  wise  take  on  hand 
Here  to  inhabit,  here  to  charge  and  discharge, 
But  forty  days  no  more  time  had  they  large, 
This^ood  king  by  wit  of  such  appriefe. 
Kept  hi8  merchants  and  the  sea  from  mischief  b. 

But  this  was  a  work  of  time  to  perform,  and  took 
not  full  eflfect  to  the  end  of  this  king's  reign ;  yea  the 
LomVards  were  not  totally  routed  till  the  reign  of 
Icing  Richard  the  Third. 

16.  Ji^bout  this  time  the  clergy  were  very  bounti-A  survey 
fid  in  contributing  to  the  king's  necessities,  in  pro- derby's 
portion  to  their  benefices.     Hereupon  a  survey  was^^®**®^*' 
exactly  taken  of  all  their  glebe  land,  and  the  same 
{ftdrly  engrossed  in  parchment)  was  returned  into 

the  exchequer,  where  it  remaineth  at  this  day,  and 
is  the  most  useful  record  for  clergymen  (and  also  for 
impropriators  as  under  their  claim)  to  recover  their 

g  [Of  the  complaints  against  sq.  and  353.  sq.] 

the  Lombards,  and  the  ordi-  ^  Liber  de  custodia  Maris^ 

nances   made   in   consequence  extant   in   Hacluit's  Voyages, 

of   such   complaints,   see    the  hook  i.  p.  191.  [ed.  1 599*3 
Rolls  of  Parliament,  II>  p*  3  3  5  • 

FULLEB,   <r0L.  II.  U 


\ 


S90  The  Ckardk  Uisimy  book  iil 

A.  IK  lAi^  risrfat '.     Manv  a  stra^slinfir  acre,  wandering  out  of 

II    KJ      111.        *"  *  »    w  C  '  tD 

^  the  w^T,  had  long  since  by  saciilegions  goides  be«i 

seduced  into  the  posi^esaon  of  false  owners,  had  not 
this  re\»rd  dirvcred  them  at  last  to  their  true  pro- 
prietaiy. 

Ptetir  «K^      IT.  The  worjt  i>.  whilst  some  dioceses  in  this  ter- 


.  rier  were  exactiT  done,  and  remain  fediiT  lesfible  at 


i|«^T>M»^ 


this  daT,  ocbers  wen?  ?•>  sliffhtlr  slubbered  over,  that 
itbou^  kepc  with  equal  caiefnlness)  they  are  useless 
in  e^ect^  as  n«>t  to  be  lead.  Thus  I  was  informed 
th>ra  a  clerk  in  that  office  lately  deceased*,  who, 
whea  living:.  w^»s  older  and  as  able  as  any  therein. 
Ai>!  rh^is  manuscfiptsw  ilike  those  men  who  wrote 
tboTj.  t  thooirh  scaniniT  ^^h  their  equals^  hold  not  aD 
out  to  the  <;uDe  Ieci:th.  their  kmmidum  radicakj 
their  ink  I  :r^ean.  noc  lasdng  alike  in  all  originals. 
OKy^raML  IS.  It  w^&s  i>>w  senenlly  complained  of  as  a  grand 
t:TiovarM\  that  the  ckf^  engroisged  all  places  of 
jiKixniturv  in  the  lai^L  Xoching  was  left  to  laym^ 
b(:t  c'ttber  militarr  commandsk.  as  graeral,  adminl, 
A:w  v>r  sach  ?uii^=s*  places  as  concerned  only  the 
vxMnr  kcter  o;  ;be  comnoNm  law:  and  thoee  also 
:?c;mvv1v  re^Mnrwi  to  the  smdents  theieof.  As  for 
ett:hfc!^>>  ir.to  toieun  pairs.  noUemen  were  em- 
jvoyvd  the«vttu  wben  exf^jiise,  not  eiqiierieiice,  wm 
n\u:Tv\i  tbiefecatiV  axKi  ceieinoDy  the  sobstance  of 
the  !«ervxv:  ocijerwise  when  anr  difficnltr  in  civil 
law,  theix  cksw^nKXr-ti  wete  exer  cnteitained.  The 
K^n.)  chazxviW  w^j^s  exer  a  bishop.  <as  if  against 
t\:tti: V  tv^  c^ixvvov  ir.v  othe*-  tberein.  *  Teau  that  court . 
^MvnfclN  *;KytKv\?  *s  x  sttkxI  of  dixinesw  wh«e  the 


^^k^  V*x^  K^:^  *?.»«'  rcKasi-         '  \rix  IEObt. 


CENT.  XIV.  of  Britain.  291 

clerks  were  clerks,  as  generally  in  orders.   The  same  a.d.  1336. 

was  also  true  of  the  lord  treasurer  and  barons  of  the '- — 

exchequer. 

19.  Some  imputed  this  to  the  pragmaticalness  of  Several 

_  ,  ,  .      ,  T  1  .  11  opinions  of 

the  clergy,  active  to  msmuate  themselves  mto  all  the  causes 

1    J.      !_  •  j^       aa     •  thereof. 

employment,  how  improper  soever  to  their  pro- 
fession I  Others  ascribed  it  to  the  king's  necessity ; 
the  war  engrossing  the  main  of  his  men  of  merit ;  so 
that  he  was  necessitated  to  make  use  of  clergymen. 
Others  attributed  it  to  the  king's  election,  (no  way 
weak  in  head  or  hand,  plotting  or  performing,)  find- 
ing such  the  fittest  to  serve  him ;  who  being  single 
persons,  and  having  no  design  to  raise  a  family,  were 
as  knowing  as  any  in  the  mysteries  of  money"*,  and 
safest  to  be  entrusted  therein.  But  more  hereof 
hereafter. 

20.  Robert  Eglesfield,  bachelor  of  divinity,  chap-  The  found- 
lain  to  queen  Philippa,  wife  to  king  Edward  theJ^J^n^g 
Third,  founded  a  college  on  his  own  ground,  by  the  o^^^'by 
name  of  Queen's  college,  (commending  the  patronage  ]^\^^^^ 
thereof  to  his  lady  the  queen,  and  to  the  queens  of 
England  successively,)  which  he  endowed  with  lands 

and  revenues  for  the  maintenance  of  a  provost  and 
twelve  fellows,  which  were  to  be  augmented  as  the 
revenues  increased. 

21.  Now  though  this  was  called  Queen's,  from  a  pair  of 

i.i  .  TiiiTfc»'j    prinoesbred 

their  honorary  patronesses,  it  may  be  styled  Prmce  s  therein. 
college,  fipom  those  pair  of  students  therein.  Edward 
the  Black  prince,  who  presently  after  this  foundation 


1  [This  is  not  strictly  cor-  they   were   the    only   persons 

rect.      See  Heylin's  Examen,  suited  for   holding  the  chan- 

p.  60.     And  doubtless  as  the  cellor's  office.] 

canon  and  civil  law  were  stu-  ^  Matters  of  weight, 
died  exclusively  by  the  clergy, 

U  2 


292 


The  Church  History 


BOOKUL 


A.D.  1340.  had  his  education  therein^  and  Henry  the  Fifth,  is 

I e  15H    Ilf 

— — '. — .*  yet  prince  of  Wales,  under  Henry  Beaufort^  chui«- 
cellor  of  the  university,  and  his  uncle ;  his  diamber 
was  over  the  college  gate,  where  his  picture  at  this 
day  remaineth  in  glass,  with  this  inscription 
under  it : 

In  perpetuam  rei  memoriam. 

Imperator  Britannise, 
Triumphator  Gallise, 
Hostium  victor,  et  sui, 
Henricus  quintus  hujus  collegii, 
Et  cubiculi  (minuti  satis) 
Olim  magnuB  incola)^. 

Which  lodging  hath  for  this  sixteen  years  belonged 
to  my  worthy  friend  Mr.  Thomas  Barlow^  that  most 
able  and  judicious  philosopher  and  divine,  being  ft 
library  in  himself,  and  keeper  of  another,  that  of  sir 
Tho.  Bodley's  erection,  out  of  which  he  hath  court- 
eously communicated  to  me  some  rarities  of  this 
university. 
Qtieens  22.  Now  according  to  the  care  and  desire  of  the 

3  to  founder.     The  queens  of  England  have  ever  been 
*     ^^  nursing  mothers  to  this  foundationP.   O  what  advan- 
tage they  have  when  lying  in  the  bosoms  of  their 
royal  consorts,  by  whom  they  cannot  be  denied  what 


"  Rossus  Warwicensis  MS. 
[Hist.  Regum  Angliae,]  in 
Henrico  quinto,  [p.  207,  ac- 
cording to  the  edition  since 
printed  by  Hearne,  1716.  This 
inscription  is  now  in  the  li- 
brary.] 

o  [Afterwards  bishop  of 
Lincoln  in  1675,  (Godwin  De 
Prassul.  p.  304),  and  provost 
of  Queen's  college,  Oxon.     In 


the  archives  of  this  library 
many  of  his  MSS.  are  stiU 
preserved ;  and  among  the  rest, 
a  copy  of  his  letter^  in  hiB  own 
hand,  to  Fuller,  containing  ob- 
servations and  information  re- 
specting the  university,  chiefly 
inserted  in  this  History.] 

P  [*'  Reginae  erunt  nutrices 
*'  tuae,**  the  motto  of  the  col- 
lege.] 


CSNT.  XIV.  of  Britain.  29S 

ig  equal,  and  of  whom  they  will  not  desire  what  is  a.  d.  1340. 

otherwise.     Thus  queen  Philippa  obtained   of  her^ '- — '- 

husband,  king  Edward  the  Third,  the  hospital  of  St. 
Julian's  in  Southampton,  commonly  called  God's 
house.  Queen  Elizabeth,  wife  to  king  Edward  the 
Fourth,  procured  of  him  the  priory  of  Sherboum  in 
Hampshire,  and  queen  Mary  by  her  intercession 
prevailed  with  king  Charles  for  the  perpetual  patron* 
age  of  certain  benefices  in  the  same  coimty. 

23.  Nor  let  not  our  virgin  queen  be  forgotten,  as  Queen  Eii- 
in  effect  refoundress  of  this  from  the  third  year  of  singular 
her   reign,   being  informed   that   the   title   of  the    ""^^' 
foundation  thereof,  with  the   lands   thereunto  be- 
longing, were  in  question,  and  subject  to  eviction ; 

by  act  of  parliament  conferred  a  sure  estate  of 
the  same. 

24.  I  meet  in  the  records  of  the  tower  rolls  withThiscoUege 
a  passage  concerning  this  college,  and  though  I  do  t^een  two 
not  perfectly  understand,  I  will  exemplify  it.  blSiops. 

"  And  a  little  after,  upon  divers  matters  moved 
**  between  the  said  archbishop  %  and  the  archbishop 
**  of  York',  upon  certain  privileges  pretended  by  the 
said  archbishop  of  York  in  the  college  called 
Queen-hall  in  the  imiversity  of  Oxford.  The  said 
archbishop  of  Canterbury,  in  presence  of  the  king 
and  of  the  lords,  promised,  that  if  the  said  arch- 
bishop of  York  could  suflSciently  shew  any  privi- 
lege, or  specially  of  record,  wherefore  the  said 
*^  archbishop  of  Canterbury  ought  not  to  use  his 
*♦  visitation  of  the  said  college,  he  would  then 
abstain.  Saving  to  himself  always  the  visitation 
of  the  said  scholars  abiding  in  the  said  college, 

<i  Tho.  Arundel.  '  Henry  Bowet. 

U  3 


294 


The  Church  History 


BOOK  III. 


(4 


44 


44 


.1340  "  according  to  the  judgment  and  decrees  made  and 
"  given  by  king  Richard  the  Second,  and  by  our 
lord  king  Henry  that  now  is,  as  in   the    record 
thereof  made*,  thereof  more  plainly  is  declared'." 
It  seems  hereby,  so  far  as  I  can  apprehend,  this 
college  was  so  parted  betwixt  the  two  metropolitans, 
that  the  dead  moiety,  viz.  the  lands  and  revenues^ 
thereof  belonged  to  the  inspection  of  the  archbishop 
of  York,  whilst  the  living  half,  namely,  the  scholars, 
especially  in  matters  concerning  their  religion,  per- 
tained to  the  visitation  of  the  archbishop  of  Canter- 
bury. 


ProvosU. 


1340.  Richard  de  Rette- 
ford. 

[William  de  Mus- 

champe.] 

1350.  John  de  Hotham. 

Heiiry  Whitfield. 

Thomas    de   Car- 
lisle. 

1404.  Roger  Whelpdale. 
1420.  Walter  Bell. 
1426.  Rowland  Byris. 
[1432.  Thomas  de  Eg- 
lesfeld.] 
1442.  William  Spenser 
[1459.  Jo^ii  Peyrson.] 
[1482.  Henry  Bost.] 
1489.  Thomas  Langton. 
1495.  Christ.  Bainbridge. 
1508.  Edward  Rigge. 

John  Pantry. 

1534.  William  Denyse. 
1559.  Hugh  Hodgeson. 
1 561.  Thomas  Francis. 
1 563.  Lancelot  Shaw. 
1565.  Alan  Soot. 

1575.  Barthol.  Bousfield. 
1 58 1.  Henry  Robinson. 
1599.  Henry  Airy. 
1 61 6.  Barnabas  Potter. 
1626.  Christopher  Potter. 
1645.  Gerard  Langbain. 


Benefaetoru, 


Robert  Lang- 
ton. 

Thomas 
Langton. 

Edmund 
Orindal^. 

Christo. 
Bainbridge. 

William 
Fettiplace. 

Henry     Ro- 
binson. 

Henry  Ayrie. 


Bishops. 


Henry  Beau- 
fort, bishop 
of  Win- 
chesteryand 
cardinal  of 
St.  Euse- 
biuB. 

Christopher 
Bainbridge, 
ardibishop 
of  York, 
and  cardi- 
nal of  St. 
Praxedis. 

Henry  Ro- 
binson, bi- 
shop of  Car- 
lisle. 

Barnabas 
Potter,    bi- 
shop of  Car- 
lisle w. 


Learned  wriien. 


John  Widdifiex. 

John  de  Tierin, 
of  whom  her^ 
after,  anno  1 397. 

This  house  hath 
lately  been  hap- 
py in  kamed 
lawyersjsir  John 
Banks,  sir  Ro. 
Berkley,  sirTha 
Tempest,  attor- 
ney general  of 
Ireland,  judge 
Atkins,  court- 
eous  to  all  men 
of  myprofessioii, 
and  myself  espe* 
dally. 

Sir  Thomas  Over- 
bury. 

Christopher  Pot- 
ter, in  his  excd- 
lent  work  of 
Charity  Mis- 
taken. 

Gerard  Lang- 
bain z. 

Thomas  Barlow. 


8  Ex  Rot.  Pari.  130.  Hen-     in  the  next  book,  sect.  11.  §. 
rici  IV.  24 — 27. 

^  See  this  recorded  at  large 


CENT.  XIV.  of  Britain.  296 

So  that  at  this  present  are  maintained  therein,  one  a.  d.  1340, 

provost,  fourteen  fellows,  seven  scholars,  two  chap- '. — .* 

lains,   two   clerks,   and   other   students   about  one 
hundred  and  sixty. 

25.  In  the  meantime  the  pope  was  not  idle,  but  T^f  pope 

,  ,  .        makes  use 

laid  about  him  for  his  own  profit,  knowing  kmg  of theking's 
Eldward  could  not  attend  two  things  at  once.  And 
therefore  whilst  he  was  busied  about  his  wars  in 
France,  his  holiness  bestirred  him  in  England, 
cropping  the  flowers  of  the  best  livings  in  their  bud 
before  they  were  blown.  Yea  in  a  manner  he  may 
be  said  to  seeth  the  kid  in  the  mother's  milk.  So 
that  before  livings  were  actually  void,  he  provision- 
ally pre-provided  incumbents  for  them,  and  those 
generally  aliens,  and  his  own  countrymen*. 

26.  Though  late,  the  king  ffot  leisure  to  look  onA.^»343- 

®  °   °  ,  The  statute 

his  own  land,  where  he  foimd  a  strange  alteration ;  of  pro- 
for  as  France  lately  was  made  English  by  his  valour,  ^nawV 
England  was  now  turned  Italian  by  the  pope's  covet- "^®* 
ousness.     In  prevention  therefore  of  future  mischief, 
this  statute  of  provision  was  made :  whereby  such 
forestalling  of  livings  to  foreigners  was  forbidden. 

27.  Our  authors  assign  another  accidental  cause  Man's 
of  the  king's  displeasure  with  the   pope,   namely,  worketh 

God's 
pleasure. 

^  [He  left  the  chief  part  of  "  finitae    lectionis     subjicere  : 

his  library  to  the  college.]  "  John  WicklifF was  commuuar 

w  [Nineteen  bishops  are  enu-  **  of  Queens  college,  after  that 

merated  in  Wood  as  belonging  **  probationer  of  Merton^  and 

to  this  college,  p^  151.]  **  head     of     Canterbury    col- 

*   Balliol,      Merton,      and  "  lege."] 

Queen's  colleges  claim  him  and  2  Eminent  for  his  review  of 

all  perchance  rightly  at  several  the  council  of  Trent, 

times.     [Hall    has    subjoined  &  [See    the    letter    of   the 

the  following  note  to  his  edi.  commons  to  the  pope  against 

tion  of  Leland*s  British  Writ-  these    reservations    and    pro- 

ers,  p.  378.     •*  Lubet  hac  de  visions  of  benefices  in  Aves- 

*•  re  verba  T.  Barlovii  viri  in-  bury,  p.  1 10.] 

U  4 


visions  rea- 


296  The  Church  History  book  ill. 

A. D.I 343. that  when  his  holineM  created  twelve  dardinab  at 

|Q    TfA      III 

'. — '.  the  request  of  the  king  of  France,  he  denied  to  main 

one  at  the  desire  of  this  king  of  England.     Surely  it 
was  not  reasonable  in  proportion,  that  his  holinflH 
giving  the  whole  dozen  to  the  king  of  Franoe,  might 
allow  the  advantage  to  the  king  of  England.     How- 
ever, betwixt  both,  this  statute  was  made  to  the 
great  enriching  of  the  kingdom,  and  contentment  of 
the  subjects  therein. 
Statutes  of      28.  Yet  this  law  of  provisions  (as  all  others)  did 
n^  p!^t.  not  at  the  first  making  meet  with  present  and  perfect 
ly  obeyed.  Q^j^^jjence.     The  papal  party  did  struggle  for  a  tlme^ 
till  at  last  they  were  patient  perforce,  finding  the 
king's  power  predominant.   True  it  is^  this  grievance 
did  continue,  and  wai9  complained  of,  all  this^  and 
most  of  the  next  king's  reign,  till  the  statute  of 
prcsmunire  was  made,  which  clinched  the  nail  that 
now  was  driven  in.    So  that  afterwards  the  land  was 
cleared  from  the  encumbrance  of  such  provisions. 
Papal  29.  A  good  author  tells  us,  habent  imperia  sues 

England  terminos^  hue  cum  venerint,  sistunt^  retrocedunt,  ruunt. 
declines.  Empires  have  their  bounds,  whither  when  they 
come,  they  stand  still,  they  go  back,  they  fall  down. 
This  is  true  in  respect  to  the  papal  power  in  Eng- 
land. It  went  forward  until  the  statute  of  mortmain 
was  made  in  the  reign  of  king  Edward  the  First.  It 
went  backward  slowly  when  this  statute  of  pro- 
visions, swiftly  when  this  statute  of  pr€Bmunire  was 
made.  It  fell  down  when  the  papacy  was  abolished 
in  the  reign  of  king  Henry  the  Eighth. 
The  pope        30.  Three   years   after    the   statute   against  the 

takes  wit  in  ,  .   .  j       .  i       i  •  .     j         i 

his  anger,  popo  s  provisious  was  made,  the  kmg  presented  unto 
him  Thomas  Hatfield  to  be  bishop  of  Durham,  one 
who  was  the  king's  secretary,  and  when  this  is,  all  is 


CBKT.  XIY. 


of  Britain. 


397 


said  that  can  be  in  his  commendation,  as  utterly  a.  d.i346. 

devoid  of  all  other  episcopal  qualifications.     How — ^ 

0Ter,  the  pope  confirmed  him  without  any  dispute  or 
delay;  and  being  demanded  why  he  consented  to 
tlie  preferment  of  so  worthless  a  person,  he  an- 
iwered,  that  rebus  sic  stantibus^  if  the  king  of  Eng- 
land  had  presented  an  ass  imto  him,  he  would  have 
ronfirmed  him  m  the  bishopric.  Indeed  as  yet  his 
holiness  was  in  hope,  that  either  the  king  would 
reyoke  the  foresaid  statute,  or  else  moderate  the 
execution  thereof. 

SI.  This  year  authors  generally  agree  (some  few  a. d.  1350. 
making  it  later,  viz.  after  John  king  of  France  wastutionor' 
taken  prisoner)  king  Edward  instituted  the  order  of  ^^^^. 
the  garter,  consisting  of 

i.  One  chief  guardian  or  sovereign,  being  the  king 
of  England. 

ii.  Five  and  twenty  knights,  whereof  the  first  set 
were  termed  founders,  and  their  successors  ever 
since  called  fellows  or  companions  of  the  order. 

iii.  Fourteen  canons  resident,  being  secular 
priests^ 

iv.  Thirteen  vicars,  or  choral  priests. 

V.  Twelve  military  gentlemen  of  the  meaner  sort, 
decayed  in  age  and  estate,  commonly  called  the  poor 
knights  of  Windsor. 


^  ["  There  are  not  fourteen 
**  canons  resident  in  the  church 
"  of  Windsor,  but  thirteen 
"  only,  with  the  dean  ;  it 
being  king  Edward's  pur- 
pose when  he  founded  that 
'*  order,  consisting  of  twenty- 
"  six  knights,  himself  being 
'*  one,   to  institute   as    many 


t€ 


H 


*'  greater  or  lesser  canons,  and 
*'  as  many  old  soldiers,  aim- 
'*  monly  called  poor  knights, 
to  be  pensioned  there  : 
though  in  this  last  the  num- 
ber was  not  made  up  to  his 
**  first  intention."  Heylin  in 
the  Appeal,  part  11.  p.  35.  See 
also  his  Examen,  p.  61.] 


(« 


t( 


« 


298 


The  Church  History 


BOOK  III. 


^*  Ed' III*     ^^'  ^^^  prelate  of  the  garter,  being  always  the 

bishop  of  Winchester. 

vii.  One  chancellor  thereof,  being  anciently  the 
bishop  of  Salisbury,  (in  whose  diocese  Windsor  is,) 
but  lately  a  lay  person.  The  truly  honourable  and 
well-experienced  statesman  and  traveller,  sir  Thomas 
Row,  if  I  mistake  not,  was  the  last  chancellor  of  the 
garter*'. 

viii.  One  registrar,  being  always  the  dean  of 
Windsor**. 

ix.  One  usher,  who  is  one  of  the  ushers  of  the 
king  his  chamber,  called  the  black  rod. 

X.  A  chief  herald,  added  for  the  more  solemnity 

by  king  Henry  the  Fifth,  and  called  garter.     This 

order  the  king  founded  within  his  castle  of  Windsor, 

to  the  honour  of  Almighty  God,  and  the  blessed 

Virgin  Mary,  and  of  the  glorious  martyr  St.  Greorge, 

and  to  the  exaltation  of  the  holy  catholic  faith. 

ThequaUfi-     32.  Four  csseutials  are  requisite  in  the  persons 

these         eligible  into  this  order,  that  they  be  gentlemen  of 

^°^«*''"-     name  and  arms,  by  father's  and  mother's  side,  for 

three  descents.     Secondly,  that  he  be  without  spot 

or   foul   reproach,  understand  it  not   convicted  of 

heresy,  or  attainted   of  treason.     Thirdly,  that  he 

have  a  competent  estate  to  maintain  the  dignity  of 

the  order.     Fourthly,  that  he  never  fled  in  the  day 


c  ["  Sir  James  Palmer,  one 
*'  of  the  gentlemen  ushers  of 
**  the  privy  chamber,  succeeded 
"  him  in  the  place  of  chancel- 
"  lor  after  his  decease,  a.  1644." 
The  above  remarks  are  from 
Dr.  Heylin.  See  The  Ap- 
peal^ part  II.  p.  35.  Examen. 
p.  62.] 


d  [A  custom  adopted  in 
later  times,  but  not  so  ori- 
ginally. See  Dr.  Heylin,  as 
above,  who  has  sharply  review- 
ed and  corrected  the  errors 
of  this  passage  :  having  written 
expres^y  on  this  subject  in  his 
History  of  St.  George.] 


CENT.  XIV.  of  Britain.  299 

of  battle,  his  sovereign  lord  or  his  lieutenant  being  a.  d.  13150. 
in  the  field.  ^^  ^^'  "^- 

33.  Their  habiliments  are  either  ordinary,  as  aThdr 
blue   ribbon  with   the  picture  of   St.  George   ap- 
pendant, and  the  sim  in  his  glory  on  the  left  shoulder 

of  their  cloak,  (added,  as  some  say,  by  king  Charles,) 
being  for  their  daily  wearing ;  or  extraordinary,  as 
their  collar  of  SS.,  their  purple  mantle,  their  gown, 
kirtle,  chaperon,  and  chiefly  their  garter.  This 
being  made  of  blue,  is  with  Hony  soit  qui  male  pense, 
in  golden  letters,  enchased  with  precious  stones, 
festened  with  a  buckle  of  gold,  and  worn  on  the  left 
leg  of  the  fellows  of  this  order. 

34.  They  take  an   oath,  that  "to  their  power.  Their  oath, 
during  the  time  that  they  are  fellows  of  the  order, 
they  shall  defend  the  honour,  quarrel,  rights,  and 
lordships  of  their  sovereign,  that  they  shall  endea- 
vour to  preserve  the  honour  of  the  order,   and, 

**  without  fraud  or  covin,  well  observe  the  statutes 
"  thereof."  This  is  taken  absolutely  by  the  natives 
of  this  kingdom,  but  by  foreigners  relatively,  and 
in  part  with  their  reference  to  some  former  order. 

35.  They  oblige  themselves,  first,  to  be  personally  Other  rites 
present  (without  a  just  cause  specified  to,  and  ac-boundTo 
cepted  by,  the  sovereign  or  his  deputy)  at  Windsor        ^ 
on  the   festival   of  St.  George.     Secondly,  that  if 
coming  within  two  miles  of  that  place,  (except  hin- 
dered   by  some    important    business,)   they  repair 
thither,   put    on    their    mantles,   (lying  constantly 
liegers  there,)  proceed  to  the  chapel,  and  there  make 

their  offering.  Thirdly,  that  they  be  never  openly 
seen  vdthout  their  Georges,  which  they  shall  neither 
engage,  alien,  sell,  nor  give  away  on  any  necessity 
whatsoever.      Lastly,   that  they  take    order  their 


€€ 
it 

it 


800  The  Omrtk  Huicrjf  boos  in, 

A.D.i3<o^nrter  at  their  demth  be  aifelT  and  acdenmlr  Bent 

16  F4.  IIL 

back  to  the  soTereign,  to  confer  the  same  oa  one  to 

succeed  him  in  the  order. 

Orte  iwv  36. 1  hare  done  when  I  hare  told  thmt  thdr  plara 
ma  J  be  racated  <m  three  occaaona.  First,  by  dndi, 
which  lajeth  this  (as  all  oth^  honoor  in  the  doat 
Secondly,  by  depriTadcm  on  the  person's  nusde* 
meanour,  or  want  of  the  foresaid  qnalificatHHa. 
Thirdly,  by  cession,  or  surrender;  when  a  fweigB 
prince  (entereth  into  enmity  with  this  crown)  ii 
pleased  to  send  his  garter  back  again. 

Eseoi  in        37-  Exccss  in  apparel  began  now  to  be  great  in 

MtnLtL  England,  which  made  the  state  take  order  to  re- 
trench it.  Some  had  a  project,  that  m^i's  clothes 
might  be  their  signs  to  shew  their  birth,  d^ree,  or 
estate,  so  that  the  quality  of  an  unknown  penson 
might  at  the  first  sight  be  expounded  by  his  ap- 
parel. But  this  was  soon  let  fall  as  impo68ibl& 
Statesmen  in  all  ages  (notwithstanding  their  seyeral 
laws  to  the  contrary)  being  fain  to  conniye  at  men's 
riot  in  this  kind,  which  maintaineth  more  poor 
people  than  their  charity.  However,  the  ensuing 
passage  must  not  be  omitted. 

A.D.1361.  38.  "  Item,  that  the  clerks  which  have  a  degree 
^^  in  a  church,  cathedral,  coUegial,  or  in  schools,  and 
'^  the  king's  clerks  which  have  such  an  estate  that 
^^  requires  fur,  do,  and  use  according  to  the  consti-^ 
^^  tution  of  the  same,  and  all  other  clerks  which 
"  have  above  two  faimdred  marks  rent  per  annum, 
'^  use,  and  do  as  knights  of  the  same  rent.  And 
^^  other  clerks  under  that  rent  use  as  squires  of  an 
^^  hundred  pound  rent.  And  that  all  those,  as  well 
'^  knights  as  clerks,  which  by  this  ordinance  may 


#c 


4€ 


CEKT.xni.  ofBrHam.  175 

**  use  for*  in  winter,  by  the  same  manner  may  nse  it  a.d.  1368. 

^  in  summer'.  

89.  Pass  we  now  from  soft  for  to  hard  steel,  I  clergymen 
„^  .  eo,nm«>d  fr«n  the  king  for  tt,e  «ming  ofX^" 
all  clergym^an,  "™^ 

40.  ^  And  besides  this,  the  king  commands  and 
reqnires  all  the  prelates  there  assembled,  that  in 
respect  of  the  great  danger  and  damage  which 
perhaps  might  happen  to  the  realm  and  church  of 
England,  bj  reason  of  this  war,  in  case  his  adver- 
sary should  enter  the  kingdom  to  destroy  and  sub«- 

^  Tert  the  same,  that  they  will  put  to  their  aid 
^  in  defence  of  the  kingdom,  and  cause  their  subjects 
'^  to  be  arrayed,  as  well  themselves,  and  their 
^  religious  men,  as  parsons,  vicars,  and  other  men  of 
^  holy  church  whatsoever,  to  abate  the  malice  of  his 
**  enemi^  in  case  they  should  enter  the  kingdom, 
^  which  prelates  granted  to  do  this  in  aid  and 
*^  defence  of  the  realm  and  holy  cimrch.  And  so  the 
^  parliament  endedfif." 

Here  we  see,  in  hostes  publicos  omnis  homo  miles,  Morescaied 
none  are  dispensed  with,  to  oppose  an  invading  **^  ^"^ 
enemy.  But  where  were  these  foreign  foes,  France 
and  Scotland,  being  now  both  of  them  ordered  into 
a  defensive  posture,  whose  invasion  was  expected  ? 
Possibly  these  dangers  were  repres^oted  through 
state-multiplying  glasses,  to  quicken  the  care,  and 
continue  the  taxes  on  the  Engliidi  nation. 

41 .  The  lords  and  commons  in  parliam^it  began  a  petiuon 
now  to  find  themselves  much  aggrieved,  that  the^^^en»g 
clergy  engrossed  all  secular  offices,  and  thereupon  ^p^^^- 

secular 

e  Pellvre  in  the  French  ori-     Rolls  of  Parliament,  II.  p.  279.]  P^***®' 
^nal.  fs  Rot.  in  Tur.  Londin.  37 

f  Rot.  37  Edw.  III.     [See    Edw.  III. 


aOSt  The  Church  History  book  iil 

A.  a  i^7o.pt^^9ontoil  the  ensuing  petition  to  the  king,  according 
*-/i!!Llli  to  tliis  oftivt  insisting  only  in  the  substance  tbereot 
42.  *^  Anil  iHvause  that  in  this  present  parliam^ 
••  it  ^\*as  dovlanxl  to  our  lord  the  king,  by  all  the 
••  oarK  lK\r\>n5s  and  commons  of  England,  that  the 
•*  jj\^vonunont  of  the  kingdom  hath  been  performed 
••  for  a  long  time  by  the  men  of  holy  church,  which 
*•  an*  not  justifiable**  in  all  cases,  whereby  great 
"  nus^^hiofe  and  damages  have  happened  in  timee 
•*  l^asl.  and  moro  may  happen  in  time  to  come  in 
*•  dishoriting  of  the  crown,  and  great  prejudice  of 
*'  tho  kin;^ionl  for  divers  causes  that  a  man  may 
**  divlan* : — ^That  it  will  please  our  said  lord  the 
^^  kii\g«  that  the  laymen  of  the  said  kingdom  which 
**  an*  surtioiont  and  able  of  estate,  may  be  chosen  for 
**  this  and  that  no  other  pennon  be  hereafter  made 
•*  ohauwUor.  tnmsurer.  clerk  of  the  privy  seal,  barons 
**  \>f  the  oxoh<\juen  chamberlains  of  the  exchequer, 
^^  ix^niptmllon  and  all  other  great  officers  and 
'^  ^*>\*n\ors  of  the  said  kingdom,  and  that  this  thing 
*^  U*  now  in  such  manner  established  in  form  afore- 
^^  saKU  chac  by  ih>  way  it  may  be  defeated,  or  any 
'^  thii\^  %K>iH*  to  the  contrary  in  any  time  to  come; 
**  sa\ii^  always  to  our  lord  the  king,  the  election 
**  and  n^iuovin^  of  §uch  officers,  but  that  always  they 
"^  Iv  la^ttH*»u  such  as  is  abovesaid^" 
-|V«kM^«¥c  4c:t  To  thb  )H*cicion  the  king  letumed,  ^  that  he 
llll)!^^  ^  *'*  \\\mKl  oAiaiu  u(K>it  thi$  p^nnc  as  it  shall  best  seem 
**  to  him  bv  che  a^lvkv  of  his  jeood  counsel.'*    He 

^  ^l«^i3aMo$.  :3t  :!is''  Fr^roA     wv*c\ij  aw:    "queux    ne  soot 
x\(^iit.iU :  v^uvc^ .  "»*  ^vshcr  'J^*C     "  rtTv?     ;u»cxcuihlis     en     tool 

i^^i(iv\t  ut  ib^^r  ew^^u^arvttt.         ^  Et   R«.    PatL   in   Toit. 
'^   uttw\«^^    ^Nr  :5.       lai  t^e     LkOsL,  hi  45  £«iv.  III.    ^Sec 


CENT.  XIV. 


of  Britain. 


SOS 


therefore  who  considereth  the  present  power  of  the  a.d.  1370. 
clergy  at  the  council  table,  will  not  wonder  if  all^^ — '■ — '- 
things  remained  in  their  former  condition,  till  the 
nobility  began  more  openly  to  favour  John  Wicliffe 
his   opinions,  which   the   next   book,  God  willing, 
shall  relate. 

44.  We  will  close  this  with  a  catalogue  of  the  Simon  Me- 
archbishops  of  Canterbury,  contemporary  with  kingbisho'p^  ' 
Edward  the  Third,  and  begin  with  Simon  Mepham,  l^^' 
made  archbishop  in  the  first  year  of  his  reign^,  so 
that  the  crown  and  the  mitre  may  seem  in  some 
sort  to  have  started  together,  only  here  was  the 
odds,  the  king  was  a  young  (yea,  scarce  a)  man, 
whereas  the  archbishop  was  well  stricken  in  years. 
Hence  their  difference  in  holding  out,  the  king  sur- 
viving to  see  him  buried,  and  six  more  (whereof 
four  Simons  inclusively')  heart-broken  as  they  say 
with  grief.  For  when  John  Grandison,  bishop  of 
Exeter,  (making  much  noise  with  his  name,  but 
more  vnth  his  activity,)  refused  to  be  >dsited  by 
him,  (the  pope  siding  with  the  bishop,)  Mepham  so 
resented  it,  that  it  cost  him  his  life™. 


^  [See  Parker's  Antiq.  Bri- 

tan.  p.  325-] 

1  [Simon  Mepham,  Simon 
Islippe,  Simon  Langham,  and 
Simon  Sudbury.] 

™  [Oct.  12,  1333.  Godwin, 
p.  106.  Parker,  ib.  p.  330. 
This  was  a  part  of  the  infa- 
mous policy  of  the  see  of 
Rome.  By  abetting  the  bishops 
and  abbots  in  their  factious  op- 
position to  their  metropolitan, 
this  usurping  see  endeavoured 
to  weaken  the  influence  and 
character  of  the  episcopal  or. 
der.    It  is  impossible  to  behold 


without  indignation  the  frau- 
dulent conduct  of  the  papal 
powers  in  thus  sowing  disaf- 
fection in  the  very  heart  of  the 
church  for  their  own  political 
aggrandizement  ;  laying  the 
very  foundation  of  that  con- 
tempt for  episcopacy  which 
was  afterwards  productive  of 
such  fatal  consequences.  From 
the  time  of  Edward  I.  to  the 
Reformation  the  history  of  the 
English  archbishops  presents 
little  else  than  a  series  of  the 
most  vexatious  and  aggravated 
insults  and  oppositions  offered 


M 


904  The  Chttrtk  HiMiary  book  ul 


V.  t  ■  1 :    1  u 


A.  D.  1370.     45.  John  Stratford  was  the  seoond, 

'first    bishop    of  Winchester    on  the    Ixwd's   dsjr, 


ford  hit      whereon  it  was  solemnly  sung,  Mamy  are  tie  ^ 


Jlictions  of  the  righteous^  whereof  he  was  very  vppn- 
hensive  then,  and  more  afterwards^  wh^a  his  own 
experience  had  proved  a  comment  thereon.  Yet 
this  might  comfort  him  whilst  living,  and  make 
others  honour  his  memory,  that  a  good  consdenoe 
without  any  great  crime  generally  caused  his  mo- 
lestation. For  under  king  Edward  the  Second  he 
suffered  for  being  too  loyal  a  subject  o,  (siding  with 
the  king  against  the  queen  and  her  son,)  and  undo: 
king  Edward  the  Third  he  was  molested  for  being 
too  faithful  a  patriot^  namely,  in  pitying  his  poor 
countrymen's  taxations,  for  which  he  was  accused 
for  correspondency  with  the  French,  and  complying 
with  the  pope,  (pope  and  king  of  France  then  blow- 
ing in  one  trumpet,)  whereat  king  Edward  was 
highly  incensed. 
His  last  his  46.  However,  Stratford  did  but  say  what  thoa- 
^'   sands  thought,  viz.  that  a  peace  with  France  was  for 


them  by  the  bishops  of  Rome,  refuge  in  the  priory  of  Christ- 
who  were  resolved  at  all  hazards  churchy  Canterbury.  The  letter 
to  lord  it  over  their  brethren.]  which  he  wrote  to  the  king  on 
^  [When  Edward  returned  this  occasion  is  printed  in 
from  Toumay  at  the  end  of  Avesbury,  p.  72,  as  also  the 
the  year  1340,  he  suddenly  indignant  letter  of  the  king  to 
entered  the  Tower  of  London;  the  dean  and  chapter  of  St. 
and  being  offended  with  his  Paul's  against  the  archbishop 
chief  officers  on  account  of  and  those  of  his  other  officers 
their  failing  to  supply  him  who  had  conspired  to  rob  him, 
with  money  for  his  wars,  he  as  he  terms  it,  of  his  expected 
imprisoned  some,  and  deposed  glory.  lb.  p.  77.  See  also 
others.  The  temper  of  the  Parker,  ib.  p.  331.  Stratford 
king  furnished  occasion  to  the  died  on  the  vigil  of  St.  Bar- 
enemies  of  the  archbishop  to  tholomew  in  1348.  Godwin, 
accuse  him,  and   he  was   ac-  p.  no.] 


cordingly   compelled    to   take 


CENT.  XIV.  of  Britain,  S05 

the  profit  of  England,  especiallj  as  proffered  upon  a.  d.  137a 
such  honourable  conditions.  This  the  archbishop  H^ii!!' 
was  zealous  for  upon  a  threefold  account:  first,  of 
piety,  to  save  the  eflfiision  of  more  Christian  blood ; 
secondly,  of  policy,  suspecting  success,  that  the  tide 
might  turn,  and  what  was  suddenly  gotten  might  be 
as  suddenly  lost;  thirdly,  on  charity,  sympathising 
with  the  sad  condition  of  his  fellow-subjects,  groan- 
ing  under  the  burden  of  taxes  to  maintain  an  unne- 
cessary  war :  for  England  sent  over  her  wealth  into 
France  to  pay  their  victorious  soldiers,  and  received 
back  again  honour  in  exchange,  whereby  our  nation 
became  exceeding  proud  and  exceeding  poor.  How- 
ever, the  end  (as  well  as  the  beginning  of  the  Psalm) 
•was  veri^ed  of  this  archbishop.  The  Lord  delivereth 
them  out  of  aU^  dying  in  great  honour  and  good 
esteem  with  the  king;  a  strong  argument  of  his 
former  innocence. 

47-  The  third  was  Thomas  Bradwardine,  whose  P<»^ 

Brad  war- 
election  was  little  less  than  miraculous.     For  com- dine  the 

mpnly  the  king  refused  whom  the  monks  chose :  the  wshop. 
pope  rejected  whom  the  monks  and  king  did  elect, 
yhereas  all  interests  met  in  the  choice  of  Bradwar- 
dine. Yea,  which  was  more,  the  pope  as  yet  not 
knowing  that  the  monks  and  the  king  had  pre- 
elected  him,  of  his  own  a<5cord  (as  by  supernatural 
instinct)  appointed  Bradwardine  for  that  place,  who 
little  thought  thereon.  Thus  omne  ttdit  punctum, 
and  no  wonder,  seeing  he  mingled  his  profitable 
doctrines  with  a  sweet  and  amiable  conversation: 
indeed  he  was  skilled  in  school-learning,  which  one 
properly  ealleth  spinosa  theoloqia^,  and  though  some 

o  Camden  in  Eliz. 

FULLER,  VOL.  II.  X 


S06  7%e  Church  History  book  hi. 

A«D.  1370- will  say,  can  figs  grow  on  thorns,  jet  his  thorny 

divinity  produced  much  sweet  devotion. 

The  bcit  48.  He  was  confessor  to  king  Edward  the  Third, 
yS^^y?  whose  miraculous  victories  in  France  some  impute 
more  to  this  man's  devout  prayers,  than  either  to 
the  policy  or  prowess  of  the  English  nation.  He 
died  before  he  vras  enthronized,  few  months  after 
his  consecration,  though  now  advanced  on  a  more 
glorious  and  durable  throne  in  heaven,  where  he 
hath  received  the  crown  from  God,  who  here 
defended  the  cause  of  God^.  I  behold  him  as  the 
most  pious  man  who  from  Anselm  (not  to  say  Au- 
gustine) to  Cranmer  sat  on  that  seat.  And  a  better 
St.  Thomas  (though  not  sainted  by  the  pope)  than 
one  of  his  predecessors  commonly  so  called^. 
Simon  laUp  49-  Simou  Islip  was  the  fourth,  a  parsimonious 
bishop.  "  (but  no  avaricious)  man,  thrifty  whilst  living,  there- 
fore clandestinely  enthronized,  and  when  dead, 
secretly  interred  vrithout  any  solemnity :  yet  his  fru- 
gality may  be  excused,  (if  not  commended  herein,) 
because  he  reserved  his  estate  for  good  uses,  founding 
Canterbury  college  in  Oxford.  Thus  generally 
bishops,  founders  of  many  colleges  therein',  denomi- 
nated them  either  from  that  saint  to  whom  they 
were  dedicated,  or  from  their  see,  (as  Exeter,  Can- 
terbury, Durham,  Lincoln,)  putting  thereby  a  civil 
obligation  on  their  successors  to  be  (as  visitors,  so) 
benefactors  thereunto.  This  Canterbury  college  is 
now  swallowed  up  in  Christ  Church,  which  is  no 


P  He  wrote  De  Causa  Dei  survived  his  consecration  only 

[contra  Pelagium.    See  above,  five  weeks  and  four  days.  God- 

P-  357O  win,  p.  112.] 

^  [See  Parker,  ibid.  p.  363.        ^  £xcipe  Merton  college. 
He  died  Aug.  26^  i349>  having 


CENT.  XIV. 


of  Britain. 


807 


single  star  as   other  colleges,   but   a  constellation  a.  d.  1370. 
of  many  put  together'.  ^  ^'  "'' 

50.  Simon  Langham  is  the  fifth,  much  meriting  by  Langham, 
his  munificence  to  Westminster  abbey*.  He  waSand&S^' 
made  cardinal  of  St.  Praxedis,  and  by  the  pope  bishop  ^"^^ 
of  Prseneste  in  Italy,  with  a  faculty  to  hold  as  many 
ecclesiastical  preferments  as  he  could  get.  Hereupon 
he  resigned  his  archbishopric  of  Canterbury,  lived 
for  a  time  at  Avignon  in  France,  and  there  buried 
(according  to  his  own  directions)  in  a  temporary 
tomb,  in  a  religious  house  of  his  own,  till  three  years 
after  removed  to  Westminster.  William  Wittlesey 
succeeded  him^  famous  for  freeing  the  university  of 
Oxford  from  the  jurisdiction  of  the  bishop  of  Lin- 
coln, formerly  the  diocesan  thereof.  As  for  Simon 
Sudbury,  the  last  archbishop  of  Canterbury,  in  the 
reign  of  king  Edward  the  Third,  of  him,  God  willing, 
hereafter. 


»  [Parker,  ibid.  p.  365.  Islip 
died  at  Mayfield,  April  26, 
1366,  Godwin,  p.  1 14.] 

(  [His  benefactions  to  West- 


minster   are    enumerated     in 
Parker,  ib.  p.  375.] 

^  [Oct.  II,  1368.     Godwin, 
p.  117.  Parker,  ibid.  p.  379.] 


X  2 


1 


THE 


CHUKCH  HISTORY 


OP 


BRITAIN. 


THE  FOURTH  BOOK, 


FROM  THE  FIRST  APPEARING  OF  JOHN  WICKLIFFE  UNTIL 
THE  REIGN  OF  KING  HENRY  THE  EIGHTH. 


X  3 


■  .  ■     . 

■  •  i 


t.-: 


■  n 


■    •  ■. 


.■•  •- 


f- 


•••. 


i:'f 


<.'■ 


7     '■' 


THE  RIGHT  HONOURABLE 

JAMES   HAY, 

EARL  OF  CARLISLE,  VISCOUNT  DONCASTER,  BABON 
OF  SAULEY  AND  WAI.THAM.« 


E  read  in  Holy  Writ,  when  the  Israelites 
fled  before  the  Philistines,  who  spoiled 
a  field  of  barley,  how  Eleazar  the  son 
e^  of  Dodo  made  them  pay  dear  for  their 
trespass,  so   stopping  them   in   the   full   speed  of 


■  [•'  The  right  honourable 
"  James  Hay,  ear!  of  Carlisle, 
"  son  of  James  Hay,  the  itrat 
"  earl  of  that  name,  created 
"  Sejit.  13,  1633  :  a  prodigal 
"  of  his  estate  to  serve  Lis 
"  sovereign  and  his  frieDds  io 
"  the  time  of  war,  as  bin  father 
"  was  to  serve  his  in  the 
"  arts  of  peace  ;  os  feastings, 
"  masques,  &e. 

"  Royal  was  king  James  his 
><  munificence  towards  his  fiu 
"  ther,  and  noble  his  towards 
'*  king  James  his  son.  One 
"  of  his  ancestors  sayed  Scot. 
'*  land  against  an  army  of 
>*  Danes,  with  a  yoke  in  his 
"  hand ;  his  father  saved  king 


"  James  from  the  Gowrlee  with 
"  a  knife  in  his  hand :  and  he 
"  (the  son)  would  have  de- 
"  fended  king  Charles  I.  with 
"  a  sword  in  Lis  hand,  first  aa 
■'  a  volunteei  at  Newbury, 
"  1643, wherehe  was  wounded, 
"  and  afterwards  as  colonel, 
"  till  he  yielded  himself,  at  the 
"  same  time  with  his  sovereign, 
"  paying  800/.  composition,  and 
"  giving  what  be  could  save 
"  ^m  his  enemies  in  largesses 
"  to  his  friends,  especially  the 
"  learned  clergy,  whose  prayers 
"  and  good  converse  he  reck- 
"  oned  much  upon,  as  they  did 
"  upon  his  charities,  which 
"  completed  his  kindness  witb 
4 


312  DEDICATION. 

their  conquest  that  he  saved  Israel  by  a  great 
deliverance  \ 

Inspired  truths  need  not  the  security  of  human 
history  to  pass  them  into  our  belief.  However, 
other  writers  afford  examples  how  one  man,  in  a 
manner,  hath  routed  a  whole  army,  and  turned 
the  flight  of  his  party  into  an  unexpected  victory. 

Thus  the  Chronicles*^  inform  us,  that  when  the 
Scots  fled  from  the  Danes,  at  a  place  called  Long 
Carty,  one  Hay,  an  husbandman,  then  at  plough 
with  his  two  sons,  snatching  the  yoke  into  his 
hand,  (it  is  the  man  makes  the  weapons,  not  the 
weapons  the  man,)  not  only  stopped  the  enemies' 
further  pursuit,  but  beat  them  back  with  a  great 
overthrow;  whose  valour  king  Keneth  the  Second 
(seven  hundred  years  since)  rewarded  with  as  much 
groimd  of  the  best  in  Scotland  as  a  &lcon  flew 
over  at  one  flight  before  it  did  take  a  stand.  And 
the  memory  hereof  is  continued  in  your  arms,  who 
doth  carry  a  chronicle  in  your  coat,  crest,  and 
supporters. 

Let  none  quarrel  at  your  supporters,  being  two 
men  holding  each  a  yoke  in  his  hand,  seeing  they 


**  bounty,  as  that  adornod  his  ^'  language    that   was    courtly 

bounty  with  courtesy;  cour-  "  and  yet  real."     Lloyd's  Me- 

tesy  not  affected^  but  natu-  moirs^  p.  676. 
rally  made  up   of  humility         To   this    nobleman    Fuller 

"  that  secured  him  from  envy,  dedicated  his  History  of  WaL 

"  and  a  civility  that  kept  him  tham  Abbey.] 

"  in  esteem;    he  being  happy         ^  i  Chron.  xi.  13. 

'<  in   an   expression  that   was         ^  Buchanan,  Hist.  Scot.  p. 

*'  high  and  not  formal,  and  a  55. 


DEDICATION.  813 

are  the  supporters  general  of  all  mankind,  Solomon 
(being  himself  a  king)  observing  that  the  king 
himself  is  maintained  by  husbandry  ^.  Besides,  those 
yokes  procured  the  Scotch  liberty,  who  otherwise 
had  been  miserably  enslaved  to  the  Danish  inso- 
lence. And  if  the  bearing  of  arms  were  so  ancient 
amongst  the  Jews  bb  the  rabbles  will  have  it,  it 
is  proportionably  probable  that  the  posterity  of 
Shamgar  gave  the  goad  «  for  the  hereditaxy  ensigns 
of  their  family. 

Nor  must  your  motto  be  forgotten,  Conscientia 
miUe  scuta,  ^*  A  good  conscience  is  a  thousand 
shields,"  and  every  one  of  proof  against  the  greatest 
peril.  May  your  honour  therefore  be  careful  to 
preserve  it,  seeing  lose  the  shield  and  lose  the 
field,  so  great  the  concernment  thereof. 

No  family  in  Christendom  hath  been  ennobled 
on  a  more  honourable  occasion  ^,  hath  flourished  for 
longer  continuance,  or  been  preserved  in  a  more 
miraculous  manner. 

It  is  reported  of  the  Roman  Fabii  s,  no  less 
numerous  than  valiant,  (three  himdred  and  sixty 
patricians  flourishing  of  them  at  once,)  they  were 
all  slain  in  one  battle,  one  only  excepted,  who, 
being  under  age  to  bear  arms,  was  preserved 
alive. 

A  greater  fatality  befell  your  family,  in  a  fight 


^  Ecdes.  V.  9.  for   saving  king  James  from 

«  Judg.  iii.  31.  the  Gtownes.] 

^   [His  father  was  ennobled        9  Titus  Livius,  lib.  2. 


814  DEDICATION. 

at  Duplin  Castle,  in  the  reign  of  our  Edward  the 
First,  when  the  whole  household  of  Haves'*  was 
finally  extirpated,  and  not  one  of  them  visible  iu 
the  whole  world.  Only  it  happened  that  the  chief 
of  them  left  his  wife  at  home  big  with  child,  from 
whom  your  name  is  recruited,  all  springing  as  it 
were  from  a  dead  root,  and  thence  deriving  a 
posthume  pedigree. 

This  puts  me  in  hopes  that  God,  who  so  strangely 
preserved  your  name  in  Scotland,  will  not  suffer 
it  so  soon  to  be  extinct  in  England,  but  give  you 
posterity  by  your  noble  Consort  when  it  shall  seem 
seasonable  to  his  own  will  and  pleasure '. 

All  that  I  will  add  is  this,  that  seeing  yooir 
honour  beareth  three  smaller  shields  or  in-ese^ 
cheons  in  your  arms,  the  shadow  of  the  least  of 
them,  with  its  favourable  reflection,  is  sufficient 
effectually  to  protect  and  defend  the  weak  endea- 
vours of 

Your  most  obliged 
Servant  and  Chaplain, 
THOMAS  FULLER. 


^  Camd.Brit.in  Scot.  Strath-         i  [He  died  without  issue,  in 
®"*>  P^-  7°5-  1660.] 


CHURCH    HISTORY 


BRITAIN. 


HE    Romanists    observe,   that    several  a.d.  1371. 

J     +S  Edward 

auvantagea   concurred   to    the   speedy     iii. 
pi'opagation  of  Wickliffe's  opinions ;  asseverai 
namely,  the  decrepit  age  of  Edward  ^^^o^- 
■'  the  Third,  and  infancy  of  Richard  his^P'!^^ 
Buccessor,  being  but  a  child,  as  his  grandfather  was  ■*?*'•  ^°^ 
twice  a  child,  bo  that  the  reins  of  authority  were 
let  loose  ;  secondly,  the  attractive  nature  of  novelty, 
drawing  followers  unto  it ;  thirdly,  the  enmity  which 
John  of  Gaunt  bare  unto  the  clergy,  which  made 
him  out  of  opposition  to  favour  the  doctrine  and 
person  of  Wicklifle ;  lastly,  the  envy  which  the  pope 
had  contracted  by  his   exactions  and    collations  of 
ecclesiastical  benefices  ■.     We  deny  not  these  helps 

*■  HarpaHeld  in  his  Historia  was  compiled  chiefly  from  Tlio- 

WickliffiaoB,  cap.  i.  [published  tnasWaldenais,orThoinaaNet- 

at  the  end  of  his  Historia  Ang.  ter  of  Walden,  in  Essex,  a  Car- 

Ecclesiastica.  Whatever  Harps-  melite,  the  strenuous  opponent 

field    has    written    respectinz  of  WicklifFe,  and  who  was  sent 

Wickliffe  ought  to  be  receired  to  the  council  of  Constance, 

with  caution,  since  his  account  niiere  Wickliffe's  errors  were 


816 


The  Church  History 


BOOK  lY. 


Widclifle 
guilty  of 
many 
errors. 


^•^^37^- were  instrumentally  active  in  their  seyeral  degreeg, 
III-  but  must  attribute  the  main  to  Divine  Providence 
blessing  the  gospel,  and  to  the  nature  of  troth 
itself,  which,  though  for  a  time  violently  suppressed, 
will  seasonably  make  its  own  free  and  clear  passage 
into  the  world. 

2.  And  here  we  will  acquaint  the  reader^  that 
being  to  write  the  history  of  Wickliffe,  I  intend 
neither  to  deny,  dissemble,  defend,  or  excuse  any 
of  his  faults.  We  have  this  treasure  (saith  the 
apostle)  in  earthen  vessels^;  and  he  that  shall  en- 
deavour to  prove  a  pitcher  of  clay  to  be  a  pot  of 
gold,  will  take  great  pains  to  small  purpose.  Yea, 
should  I  be  over-officious  to  retain  myself  to  plead 
for  Wicklifie's  faults,  that  glorious  saint  would 
sooner  chide  than  thank  me,  unwilling  that  in 
favour  of  him  truth  should  suffier  prejudice.  He 
was  a  man,  and  so  subject  to  error,  living  in  a 
dark  age,  more  obnoxious  to  stumble,  vexed  with 
opposition,  which  makes  men  reel  into  violence; 
and  therefore  it  is  unreasonable  that  the  constitu- 
tion and  temper  of  his  positive  opinions  should  be 
guessed  by  his  polemical  heat,  when  he  was  chafed 
in  disputation.  But  besides  all  these,  envy  hath 
falsely  fathered  many  foul  aspersions  upon  him. 
The  learn-  3.  We  cau  givo  uo  accouut  of  Wickliflfe's  parent- 
wickiiffe.  age,  birthplace,  or  infancy ;  only  we  find  an  ancient 


condemned.  His  most  celebrated 
work  against  Wickliffe^  entitled 
"Doctrinale  Antiquitatum  fidei 
ficdesise  Catholicse  adversus 
Wiclivitas,"  was  first  published 
at  Paris^  in  three  vols,  folio^  in 
1532^  and  passed  through  va- 
rious editions ',  he  wrote  also 
another  treatise  of  considerable 


importance,  viz.  '*  Fasciculiu 
zizaniorum  cum  tritico,"  which 
has  never  been  published^  bat 
a  very  fine  MS.  of  it  is  still 
preserved  in  the  Bodleian.  Of 
Walden,  see  Alegre,  p.  337; 
Oudin.  iii.  2214.] 
^  2  Cor.  iv.  I  a. 


^     CBNT.  XIV. 


of  Britain. 


311 


t  fionily  of  the  Wickliffes  in  the  bishopric  of  I^-^'^{^^^' 
p  ham  S  since  by  match  united  to  the  Brakenburies  ^,     in. 

persons  of  prime  quality  in  those  parts'^.  As  for 
'  this  our  Wickliffe,  history  at  the  very  first  meets 
!  with  him  a  man,  and  full  grown,  yea,  graduate  of 
Merton  College  in  Oxford®.  The  fruitful  soil  of 
his  natural  parts  he  had  industriously  improved  by 
acquired  learning,  not  only  skilled  in  the  fashionable 
arts  of  that  age,  and  in  that  abstruse,  crabbed 
divinity,  all  whose  fruit  is  thorns,  but  also  well 
versed  in  the  scriptures,  a  rare  accomplishment  in 
those  days.  His  public  acts  in  the  schools  he 
kept  with  great  approbation,  though  the  echo  of 
his  popular  applause  sounded  the  alarum  to  awaken 
the  envy  of  his  adversaries  against  him. 

4.  He  is  charged  by  the  papists,  as  if  discontent  wickiiflre 
first  put  him  upon  his  opinions.   For  having  usurped  ambition 
the  headship  of  Canterbury  College^,  founded  by teift.^"*^**' 
Simon   Islip,  (since,  like  a  tributary  brook,  swal- 
lowed up  in  the  vastness  of  Christ  Church,)  after 
a  long  suit,  he  was  ejected  by  sentence  from  the 
pope,  because   by  the   statutes  only  a  monk  was 
capable  of  the  place.     Others  add,  that  the  loss  of 


c  Camd.  Brit,  in  the  bishop- 
ric of  Durham,  [p.  60 1 .] 

^  [More  probably  about  the 
y^r  1324^  in  the  parish  of 
Wickliffe^  near  Richmond,  in 
Yorkshire.  According  to  Le- 
land's  Itinerary  he  was  born  at 
Spreswell^  a  poor  village  about 
a  mile  from  Richmond^  v.  p. 
99.  ed.  1 7 1 1 .  See  Lewis's  Life 
of  Wickliffe,  p.  i .] 

c  Bale's  Cent.  vi.  §.  i.  [He 
was  first  admitted  a  commoner 
of  Queen's  Collese,  in  Oxford, 
then  newly  founded  by  Robert 


Egglesfield;  was  afterwards  a 
probationer  in  Merton  College, 
and  eventually,  in  the  year  1365, 
was  appointed  by  archbishop 
Islip  to  be  the  warden  of  his  new 
college^  called  Canterbury  Hall« 
from  which  he  was  shortly 
afterwards  expelled  by  Simon 
Langham,  ^o  succeeded  Islip, 
a  monk  of  Canterbury  who  fa- 
voured his  own  body.  Lewis, 
lb.  13.] 

'  Harpsfieid,  Hist.  Wickliffi- 
ana,  cap.  i. 


318  The  Church  History  book  n. 

^•^J37^'the  bishopric  of  Worcester,  which  he  desired,  in- 
^^  censed  him  to  revenge  himself  by  innovations.  And 
can  true  doctrine  be  the  fruit,  where  ambition  and 
discontent  hath  been  the  root  thereof?  Yet  such 
may  know,  that  God  often  sanctifies  man's  weak- 
ness to  his  own  glory;  and  that  wise  Architect 
makes  of  the  crookedness  of  men's  conditions 
straight  beams  in  his  own  building,  to  raise  his 
own  honour  upon  them.  Besides,  these  things  are 
barely  said,  without  other  evidence ;  and  if  his  foes' 
affirming  be  a  proof,  why  should  not  his  friends' 
denial  thereof  be  a  sufficient  refutation?  Out  of 
the  same  mint  of  malice  another  story  is  coined 
against  him,  how  Wickliffe,  being  once  gravelled  in 

public  disputation,  preferring  rather  to  say  nons 

than  nothing,  was  forced  to  affirm  that  an  accident 
was  a  substance*^.  Yet  methinks,  if  the  story  were 
true,  such  as  defend  the  doctrine  of  accidents  sub- 
sisting in  the  sacrament  without  a  substance,  might 
have  invented  some  charitable  qualification  of  his 
paradox,  seeing  those  that  defend  falsehoods  ought 
to  be  good  fellows,  and  help  one  another. 

The  em-        5.  Seven  years  Wickliffe  lived  in  Oxford,  in  6ome 

ployment  of 

Wickliffe  tolerable  quiet,  having  a  professor's  place  and  a  cure 
*"  *  of  souls ;  on  the  week-days  in  the  schools  proving 
to  the  learned  what  he  meant  to  preach,  and  on 
the  Lord's  day  preaching  in  the  pulpit,  to  the  vul- 
gar, what  ke  had  proved  before :  not  unlike  those 
builders  in  the  second  temple,  holding  a  sword  in 
one  hand  and  a  trowel  in  the  other  ^,  his  disputing 
making  his  preaching  to  be  strong,  and  his  preaching 
making  his  disputations  to  be  plain.   His  speculative 

ft  Idem  ibidem.  b  Nehemiah  iv.  17. 


I    CKNT.  XIV. 


of  Britain. 


319 


■  positions  against  the  real  presence  in  the  eucharistA.  D.1371. 
I  did   offend   and  distaste,   but  his  practical   tenets*^  iil 
I  against  purgatory  and   pilgrimages  did  enrage  and 
k  bemad  his  adversaries ;  so  woundable  is  the  dragon, 
i    under  the  left  wing,  when  pinched  in  point  of  profit. 
\    Hereupon  they  so  prevailed  with  Simon  Sudbury, 
archbishop  of  Canterbury,  that  Wickliffe  was  silenced 
and  deprived  of  his  benefice  ^     Notwithstanding  all 
which,  he  wanted  nothing  secretly,  supplied  by  in- 
visible persons,  and  he  felt  many  a  gift  from  a  hand 
that  he  did  not  behold,  .^^^'' 

6.  Here  it  will  be  seasonable  to  rive  in  a  list  P^fferenoe 

in  the  niiin- 

of  Wickliffe's  opinions,  though  we  meet  with  much  ber  of 
variety  in  the  accounting  of  them.  opinions. 

i.  Pope  Gregory  the  Eleventh  observed  eighteen 
principal  errors  in  his  books  ^,  and  Wickliffe  is 
diarged  with  the  same  number  in  the  convocation 
at  Lambeth  ^ 

ii.  Thomas  Arundel,  archbishop  of  Canterbury,  in 
a  synod  held  at  Preaching  Friars,  in  London,  con- 
demned three-and-twenty  of  his  opinions;  the  ten 
first  for  heretical,  and  the  thirteen  last  for  erro- 


neous ". 

i  [It  was  not  Sudbury,  but 
his  successor,  William  Courte>. 
n^,  who  was  so  active  against 
Wickliffe.  Gregory  XI.,  in- 
deed, sent  his  bulls  to  arch- 
bishop Sudbury  to  proceed 
against  Wickliffe;  but  the  pope 
dying  before  the  proceedings 
were  ended,  no  sentence  was 
passed.  Lewis,  ib.  49,  80,  97. 
Wickliffe  was  not,  however, 
either  silenced  or  deprived, 
enjoying  his  living  of  Lutter- 
worth, and  preaching  there  till 
the  day  of  his  death.  Lewis, 
122.] 


k  Harpsfield  in  Hist.  Wick* 
liffiana,  p.  684. 

A  Foxe,  Martyr,  i.  564. 
[Nineteen  Errors.  They  are 
printed  in  Wilkins's  Concilia, 
iii.  123,  from  the  register  of 
archbishop  Sudbury.] 

"™  Idem.  i.  568.  [Printed 
in  Wilkins*s  Concilia,  iii.  157. 
This  synod  was  held  in  the 
year  1382,  by  William  Courte- 
nay:  twenty-four  errors  were 
condemned,  but  not  nominally 
attributed  to  Wickliffe.  See 
Wilkins,  ib.  p.  157.] 


320  The  Church  History  book  it. 

wi^  iii.  In  the  council  at  Constance  five-and-fbrty 
articles  of  false  doctrines  were  exhibited  agiunst 
Wickliffe,  then  lately  deceased  °. 

iv.  Thomas  Waldensis  computeth  fourscore  errore 
in  him. 

V.  John  Lucke,  doctor  of  divinity  in  Oxford, 
brings  up  the  account  to  two  hundred  sixty-six  ^ 

Lastly,  and  above  all,  John  Cochlaeus  (it  is  fit 
that  the  latest  edition  should  be  the  largest)  swells 
them  up  to  full  three  hundred  and  three  p. 

Wonder  not  at  this  difference,  as  if  Wickliffe*8 
opinions  were  like  the  stones  on  Salisbury  Plain, 
falsely  reported  that  no  two  can  count  them  alike. 
The  variety  ariseth,  first,  because  some  count  only 
his  primitive  tenets,  which  are  breeders,  and  others 
reckon  all  the  young  fiy  of  consequences  derived 
from  them.  Secondly,  some  are  more  industrious 
to  seek,  perverse  to  collect,  captious  to  expound, 
malicious  to  deduce  far  distant  consequences;  ex- 
cellent at  the  inflaming  of  a  reckoning,  quick  to 
discover  an  infant  or  embryo  error  which  others 
overlook.  Thirdly,  it  is  probable  that  in  process 
of  time  Wickliffe  might  dilate  himself  in  supple- 
mental and  additional  opinions,  more  than  he  at 
first  maintained ;  and  it  is  possible  that  the  tenets 
of  his  followers  in  after-ages  might  be  falsely 
fathered  upon  him.  We  will  tie  ourselves  to  no 
strict  number  or  method,  but  take  them  as  we  find 
them,  out  of  his  greatest  adversary,  with  exact  quo- 
tation of  the  tome,  book,  article,  and  chapter  where 
they  are  reported. 

^  Foxe,  i.  586.  P  In    Historia    Hussitarum 

^  HarpsfieldfHist. Wickliffe,     in  Prolog,  torn!  primi. 
p.  669.  See  Wilkins,  ib.  339. 


CENT.  XIV. 


of  Britain. 


SSI 


Thomas    Waldensis  accuseth    Wicliffe   to  have  a.  d.  1371. 


maintained  these  dangerous  heretical  opinions. 

Of  the  Pope. 

i.  That  it  is  blasphemy  to  call  any  head  of  the 
Church,  save  Christ  alone. — Tom.  1.  book  2.  art.  1. 
chap.  1  X 

ii.  That  the  election  of  the  pope  by  cardinals  is 
a  device  of  the  devil. — Tom.  1.  b.  2.  art.  3.  ch.  39 ''. 

iii.  That  those  are  heretics  which  say  that  Peter 
had  more  power  than  the  other  Apostles. — ^Tom.  1. 
b.  a.  art.  1.  ch.  2  \ 

iv.  That  James,  bishop  of  Jerusalem,  was  pre- 
ferred before  Peter. — ^Tom.  1.  b.  2.  art.  1.  ch.  4  \ 

V.  That  Rome  is  not  the  seat  in  which  Christ's 
vicar  doth  reside. — ^Tom.  1.  b.  2.  art.  3.  ch.  41 ". 


45  Edward 
III. 


<1  [i.  "  Si  Augustinus  timuit 
**  vocare  Christum  hominem 
"  Deum^  ex  hoc  quod  ejus  sen- 
*'  sus  non  est  patulus  ex  scrip- 
'^  tura,quanto  magis  timendum 
'*  est  vocare  Christianum  ali- 
**  quern  caput  Ecclesise  ne  forte 
**  blasphemetur  in  Christum, 
**  cum  hoc  nomen  ex  Trinitatis 
*'  consilio  tanquam  illi  pro- 
"  prium  est  servatum."  f.  75* 
ed.  1532.  Quoted  from  Wic- 
liffe's  work^  De  Christo  et  An- 
tichristo,  ch.  5.] 

^  [a.  De  Electione  Papce. 
"  Quse  major  infidelitas  quam 
**  approbare  electiones  Cardi- 
**  nalium  qui  ex  vobis  sine 
'*  dubio  sunt  diaboli  incarnati/* 
f.  131.  Quoted  from  his  work, 
De  Veritate  et  Mendacio,  ch. 
16.] 

s  [3.  **  Erubescant  heretici 
'^  dicentes  quod  Petrus  habet 
*'  ceteris  apostolis  excellentio- 
*'  rem  potentiam  quia  est  epi- 

FULLER,  VOL.  II. 


•*  Scopus  Romanorum.'*  f.  74,  a. 
Quoted  from  his  work,  De 
Christo,  &c.^  ch.  6.] 

t  [4.  "  Patet  secundo  quod 
*'  isti  tres  princi  pales  Apostoli 
'*  non  contulerunt  sensum  vel 
"  notitiam  Evangelii  Sancto 
'*  Paulo.  Sed  quod  Jacobus 
"  qui  erat  episcopus  Hieroso- 
"  lymitanus,  ubi  Christus  fuit 
"  Episcopus,  a  Deo  in  hoc  Evan. 
*'  gelio  Simoni  antefertur." 
f.  77.  Quoted  from  the  same.] 

*  [5-  *'  Quod  Roma  est 
"  locus  aptus  ut  Papa  imme- 
'*  diatus  Christi  vicarius  ibi 
"  resideat  revera  non  est  color, 
*'  nisi  in  altera  infami  istarum 
''  causarum ;  primo  quia  Papa 
"  ibi  infideliter  perdit  vitas 
**  animarum^  sicut  prius  Caesar 
•*  infideliter  ibi  perdidit  vitas 
'*  corporum  Christi  martyrum." 
f.  i33>  b.  Quoted  from  his 
De  Sermone  Domini  in  Monte, 
c.  28.] 

Y 


322 


The  Church  History 


BOOK  IV. 


A.D.  i37».      vi.  That  the  pope,  if  he  doth  not  imitate  Christ 

III.      and  Peter  in  his  life  and  manners,  is  not  to  be  called 

the  successor  of  Peter. — ^Tom.  1.  b.  2.  art.  3.  ch.  S5\ 

vii.  That  the  imperial  and  kingly  authority  are 
above  the  papal  power. — Tom.  1.  b.  2.  art.  3.  ch.  38^. 

viii.  That  the  doctrine  of  the  infallibility  of  the 
Church  of  Rome,  in  matters  of  faith,  is  the  greatest 
blasphemy  of  Antichrist. — ^Tom.  1.  b.  2.  art.  3.  ch. 
48  ^ 

ix.  That  he  often  calleth  the  pope  Antichrist. — 
Tom.  1.  b.  2.  art.  3.  ch.  54*. 

X.  That  Christ  meant  the  pope,  by  the^  abomina- 
tion of  desolation,  standing  in  the  holy  place. — 
Tom.  1.  b.  2.  art.  3.  chap.  32*^. 


X  [6.  "  Si  papa  non  sequitur 
**  Christum  in  moribus,  nee 
**  imitatur  Petnim  in  conver- 
**  satione  sancta,  sed  vivit 
**  omnino  contrarie,  quid  ipsi 
**  et  Petro,  ut  ex  vita  Petri 
"  habeat  illud  nomen  ? — Non 
"  sequitur  nisi  a  contrario 
"  sensu."  f.  125,  b.  Quoted 
from  the  same,  c.  29.] 

y  [7.  ''Papa  et  cardinales 
"  fuerunt  non  ordinati  a  Do- 
*'  mino  sed  per  diabolum  intro- 
"  ducti.  In  cuJQssignum  nomen 
"  papse  vel  cardinalis  non  inse- 
"  ritur  in  Scriptura." — **  Cum 
''  hoc  nomen  papa  sit  terminus 
extra  fidem  scriptur»,  videtur 
quod  in  dotatione  ecclesiae 
'•  prsesumpta^  per  Csesarem  est 
''  inventum;et8icsiconnotetis- 
*<  tam  ordinationem  tunc  nimis^ 
salubre  foret  ecclesise  quod 
non  forent  papa  vel  aliqui 
"  cardinales."  f.  129.  Quoted 
from  his  Dial.  Veritatis  et 
Mendacii,  ch.  24^  and  Con- 
clusio  xii.] 


u 


€€ 


<C 


€€ 


*  Q8.  **  Radicalia  fundatio. 
'  ficta  in  ista  materia  stat  in 
'  istO;  quod  Romanaecclesia  sic 
'  determinat ;  sed  ipsa  non  po- 
'  test  peccare,  et  specialiter  in 
'  materia  fidei,  ergo  sic  gene- 
'  raliter  est  credendum;et  inter 
'  omnes  blasphemias  quae  un- 
'  quam  de  Antichristo  surrep- 

'  seranthaec  est  major."  f.  145. 
Quoted  from  his  Sermo  £pi- 
stolaris^  58.] 

*  [9.  "Christus  in  scriptura 
'  non  docuit  aliquam  speciem 
'  ordinis  de  capitulo  Anti- 
*  christi. — Capitulum  istud  in 
^  istis  speciebus  continetur,  ut 
'  est  papa,  cardinales,  patri- 
'  archae,  archiepiscopi,  epi- 
'  scopi,  archidiaconi,  officiales, 
'  et  decani,  monachi  et  canon. 
'  ici.  Fratres  in  istis  quatuor 
'  ordinibus  sunt  et  qusestores." 

f.  154,  b.  Quoted  from  his 
De  Ecclesia,  ch.  6.] 

^  Matt.  xxiv.  15. 

c  [10.  ••  Cum  videritis  aho^ 
"  minatumenf,  &c.     Probabile 


CKNT,  XIV. 


of  Britain, 


323 


Of  Popish  Prelates.  a.  d.  r  3  7 1 . 

•^         ^  45  Edward 

xi.  That  from  the  words,  and  works,  and**  silence      ^^^' 
of  prelates  in  preaching,  it  seemeth  probable  that 
they  are  devils  incarnate. — Tom.  1.  b.  2.  art.  2.  ch. 
16«. 

xii.  That  bishops'  benedictions,  confirmations,  con- 
secrations of  churches,  chalices,  &c.,  be  but  tricks  to 
get  money. — Tom.  1.  b.  2.  art.  3.  ch.  57  ^ 

Of  Priests. 

xiii.  That  plain  deacons  and  priests  may  preach 
without  license  of  pope  or  bishop. — Tom.  1.  b.  2. 
art.  3.  ch.  70  e^. 

xiv.  That  in  the  time  of  the  apostles,  there  were 


''  quod  Christus  intelligit  per 
"  haec  verba  papam  sive  Ro- 
**  manum  pontificem."  From 
his  Sermo  Domini  in  Monte, 
ch.  22.] 

^  Ex  verbo,  opere,  et  taci- 
turnitate  praelatorum. 

«  [11.  "Ex  verbo  et  opere 
"  et  taciturnitate  prselatorum 
"  ecclesise  sic  vocatse  suppo- 
'*  nendum  videtur  atque  proba- 
'*  bile  quod  sint  diaboii  incar- 
*'  nati."  Et  post  concludit : 
"  Sed  quia  ignoramus  con- 
•*  versionem  vel  exitus  eorum 

non  videtur  de  ipsorum  dam- 

natione  temere  judicandum, 
"  sed  istud  videtur  esse  sanum 
"  atque  catholicum  quod  Cbris- 
'^  tianus  non  communicet  cum 

eis    in     sacramentis,     &c." 


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« 


Sermo  Iv.] 

^[12.  **  Suppono    quantum 

*'  ad    istos    duos  or  dines,   sc. 

'^  confirmationem  et  dationem 
ordinis  quod  non  est  ratio 
quare    inferiores   presbyteri 

•*  non  possent  eos  dare."   From 


<t 


*t 


bis  De  quatuor  Sectis«  cb.  4. 
'*  De  tribus  dignitatibus  sive 
**  officiis  quBPi  episcopus  sibi 
"  servat,  quae  sunt  juvenum 
"  confirmation  clericorum  or- 
"  dinatio  et  locorum  conse- 
**  cratio;  omnia  sonant  in  cu- 
"  pidinem  lucri."  f.  159,  b. 
From  bis  Speculum  de  Eccle- 
sia,  ch.  14.] 

s  [13.  "  Ex  suggestione  dia- 
**  boli  quia  discipulorum  Anti- 
"  christi  negant  episcopi  evan- 
"  gelizationem  pauperum  sa- 
"  cerdotum  nisi  habeant  ab  eis 
**  licentiam. — Sacerdotes  prae- 
"  dicti  habent  ex  speciali  dono 
**  Dei  notitiam  et  animum 
"  evangelizandi,  sed  nee  licet 
"  Deo  nee  homini  impedire 
•*  eos,  ne  in  hoc  impleant  ver- 
**  bum  Dei,  ut  currat  sermo 
**  Christi  liberius.  Ergo  non 
'^  licet  Episcopis  in  hoc  impe- 
"  dire  dictos  presbyteros."  f. 
181,  b.  From  his  Sermo  Epi- 
stolaris,  62.]] 

Y  2 


dS4 


The  Church  History 


BOOK  IV. 


A. D.  137 1. only  two  orders,  namely,  priests  and  deacons,  and 
III.     that  a  bishop  doth  not  differ  from  a  priest. — Tom.  1. 
b.  2.  art.  3.  ch.  60''. 

XV.  That  it  is  lawful  for  laymen  to  absolve  no  less 
than  for  the  priests. — Tom.  3.  ch.  68*. 

xvi.  That  it  is  lawful  for  clergymen  to  marry. — 
Tom.  2.  ch.  128K 

xvii.  That  priests  of  bad  life,  cease  any  longer  to 
be'  priests. — ^Tom.  1.  b.  2.  art.  3.  ch.  81  ™. 

Of  the  Church. 

xviii.  That  he  defined  the  church  to  consist  only 

of  persons  predestinated. — Tom.  1.  b.  2.  art.  2.  ch.  8". 

xix.  That  he  divideth  the  church  into  these  three 


^  [14.  **  Possunt  quidam  viri 
"  religiosi  ista  nomina  [rc.  epi- 
"  scoporum]  habere  et  carere 
"  veneno  quod  est  modo  sub  isto 
"  nomine  introductum ;  ut  olim 
"  omnes  sacerdotes  vocati  fue- 
"  runt  episcopi ;  et  sic  de  aliis 
"  nominibus  quae  modo  sapiunt 
"  consuetudinem  diaboli  in  ec- 
*'  clesia  introductam."  f.  163, 
b.  From  his  Treatise  De 
Ecdesia,  ch.  6.] 

i  [15.  '*  Tam  necessarium 
"  est  sacramentum  poenitentise 
"  quam  sacramentum  baptismi; 
**  sed  laicus  potest  unum  mi- 
"  nistrare  in  casu  necessitatis 
"  ergo  et  alterum."  f.  146,  b. 
From  his  work,  De  Papa,  ch. 

k  [16.  "Conjugium  secun- 
"  dum  legem  Christi  eis  licitum 
**  oderunt  ut  venenum  [cleri- 
"  ci]."  f.  133.  From  his  work, 
De  Officio  Pastorali,  xxix.] 

1  Waldensis,  in  several  places 
of  his  book. 


™  [17.  **  Sicut  rex,  princeps 
' '  vel  dominus  tempore  quo  est  in 
"  mortal!  peccato  non  sortitur 
"  nomen  sui  officii  nisi  nomine- 
"  tenus  et  satis  eequivoce  ,*  sic 
'*  nee  papa,  episcopus  vel  sacer- 
"  dos,  dum  lapsus  fueritin  mor- 
"  tale."  Wicliffe  inter  Conclu- 
siones  Damnatas,  cap.  93.  See 
also  I,  2,  2,  8.]| 

»  [18.  "  Patet  ex  fide  scrip- 
"  turse  et  multiplici  testimonio 
**  sanctorum  quod  nullum  est 
"  niembrum  sanctse  matris  ec- 
''  clesise  nisi  persona  praedesti- 
nata,  et  de  ilia  ecclesia  lo- 
quitur fides  nostra,  et  non  de 
ecclesia  malignantium  vel  de 
'*  ecclesia  falso  nuncupata.  Se- 
"  cundo  videtur  mihi  quod 
"  quoscumque  prselatos  Csesa- 
"  reos,  vel  a  fide  scripturse  no- 
"  torie  delinquentes,  debemus 
*'  non  supponere  esse  membra 
"  sanctae  matris  ecclesiae."  f. 
81,  b.  From  Wicliffe's  De 
Dotatione  Ecclesiae^  ch.  2.] 


« 


« 


<« 


CENT.  XIV. 


of  Britain. 


3^ 


members;  clergjanen,  soldiers,  and  labourers. — ^Tom.A.D.1371. 
1.  b.  2.  art.  1.  ch.  12«.  ^^  ^u^ 

XX.  That  the  church  was  not  endowed  with 
any  immoveable  possessions  before  Constantino  the 
Great. — Tom.  1.  b.  4.  art.  3.  ch.  37  p. 

xxi.  That  it  is  no  sacrilege  to  take  away  things 
consecrated  to  the  church.— Tom.  1.  b.  4.  art.  3. 
ch.  41  a. 


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^  [19.  '•  Ecclesia  dicitur 
•*  communiter  tripartita;  sc. 
'*  ecclesia  clericorum  qui  debent 
esse  Christo  propinquissimi 
et  ecclesiae  triumpbanti,  et 
"  juvare  residuum  militantis 
ecclesiae,  ut  sequitur  Cbris- 
turn  propinquius  qui  est 
caput  nostrum  totius  eccle- 
siae; ut  patet,  Ephes.  i. 
Secunda  pars  militantis  ec 
"  clesiae  dicitur  esse  militum. 
*'  Ita  quod  sicut  prima  pars 
'^  istius  ecclesiae  dicitur  instru- 
**  entium  oratorum,  ita  se- 
**  cunda  pars  ecclesiae  dicitur 
corporalium  defensorum. 
Tertia  vero  pars  ecclesiae  di- 
citur vulgarium  vel  laborato- 
•«  rum."  f.  88.  From  De 
Cbristo  et  Anticbristo,  cb.  i. 
De  Veritate  et  Mendacio^  et 
alibi.] 

P  [20.  "Episcopi  possent 
"  vivere  continue  in  paupertate 
"  evangelica  et  pauperibus  dis- 
••  tribuere  fideliter  quod  super- 
"  est  de  eleemosynis  sibi  datis. 
Quod  a  probabili  fecerunt 
apostoli  qui  erant  episcopi 
"  et  multi  alii  episcopi  in  tre- 
•*  centenario  illo  in  quo  vixe- 
"  runt  exproprietarie  ante  do- 
'*  tationem  ecclesiae."  f.  280. 
From  bis  Dialog.  Veritatis, 
cap.  ig,  &c.] 


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<l  [21.  **Non  dubium  quin 
"  clerus  noster  bodiernus  isto 
*•  vae  specialiter  irretiantur  ut 
"  magniiicans  sacrilegium  tau- 
"  quam  peccatum  gravissimum 
"  et  introducens  opinionem  de 
"  re  sacra  quod  quicquid  da- 
*'  tum  vel  dedicatum  ecclesiae 
"  illud  eo  ipso  est  sacrum  et 
"  auferre  illud  a  vocata  eccle- 
"  sia  est  summus  gradus  sacri- 
"  legii,  sicut  dicunt.  Et  sic 
"  bona  possunt  per  laicos  con- 
"  ferri  ecclesiae,  sed  in  nuUo 
''  casu  auferri  ab  ea,  et  ita 
"  cumulantur  tempondia  us- 
"  que  ad  putredinem,  tam  eo- 
rum^  quam  clericorum  occu- 
pantium  :  quia  simile  est  ac 
si  ilia  temporalia  fuissent  in 
'*  tartaris  devorata,  quia  ut 
"  asserunt,  licet  laicis  valde 
"  meritorie  dare  illis  bona  tam 
"  mobilia  quam  immobilia. 
"  Sed  postquam  ilia  fuerint 
"  per  illam  donationem  stoli- 
'*  dam  consecrata  non  licet  clero 
••  reddere  ilia  bona — quia  ut  in- 
**  quiunt  committerent  grave 
''  sacrilegium  sic  reddendo." 
f.  284,  a.  From  De  Sermone 
Domini^  ii.  cb.  13.  And  in  bis 
Trialog.  iv.  c.  1 8.  "  Nos  au- 
tem  dicimus  illis  quod  nedum 
possunt  auferre  temporalia 
"  ab  ecclesia  babitualiter  de- 

Y  3 


(e 


n 


i< 


<( 


n 


326 


The  Church  History 


BOOK  IV. 


A.  D.  1371.  xxii.  That  all  beautiful  building  of  churches  is 
^^  ^L  blameworthy,  and  savours  of  hypocrisy. — ^Tom.  3. 
ch.l43'. 

Of  Tithes. 

xxiii.  The  parishioners  by  him  were  exhorted  not 
to  pay  tithes  to  priests  of  dissolute  life*. — ^Tom.l. 
b.2.  art.  3.  ch.  65*. 

xxiv.  That  tithes  are  pure  alms,  and  that  pastors 
ought  not  to  exact  them  by  ecclesiastical  censures. 
—Tom.  1.  b.  2.  art.  3.  ch.  64". 

Of  the  Scripture. 

XXV.  That  wise  men  leave  that  as  impertinent, 
which  is  not  plainly  expressed  in  scripture. — ^Tom. 
1.  b.  2.  art.  2.  ch.  23*. 


"  linquente^  nee  solum  quod 
"  licet  illis  hoc  facere,  sed  quod 
"  debent  facere  sub  poena  dam- 
''  nationis  gehennee,  quoniam 
"  debent  de  sua  stultitia  pceni- 
**  tere  et  satisfacere  pro  pec- 
'*  cato  quo  Christi  ecclesiam 
"  taliter  macularunt."] 

'  [22.  "  Christus  videtur  pa- 
"  rum  curare  de  templi  aedificio 
''  sumptuoso ;  et  sic  de  basilicis 
"  ab  hypocritis  in  ecclesiam 
"  introductis,  ut  patet,  Matt. 
"  xxiv.  Talia  autem  sensi. 
"  bilia  mundo  splendentia  vi. 
"  dentur  aperire  ostium  domus 
"  et  introducere  in  suum  cu- 
"  biculum  inimicos."  f.  296,  b. 
£x  Sermone  Domini,  c.  6.] 

^  [The  same  is  stated,  in  a 
summary  of  Wicliffe's  teach- 
ing, by  Walsingham,  p.  284.] 

t  [23.  "  Fideles  ex  istis  eli- 
"  ciunt^  quod  deficiente  curato 
"  notorie  in  suo  officio  pasto- 


"  rali  licet  subditis  immo  de- 
**  bent  subtrahere  ab  ipso  ob. 
"  lationes  et  decimas,  et  quic- 
"  quid  fuerit  occasio  ad  tale 
"  facinus  nutriendum."  f.  172. 
£x  lib.  De  Cura  Pastorali,  ch. 
8.] 

V  [24.  "  Ex  istis  a  quibus- 
"  dam  colligitur  quod  curatus 
"  non  debet  decimas  a  suis 
**  subditis  per  excommunica- 
"  tionem  vel  censura  alias  ex- 
**  torquere.  Patet  per  hoc 
**  quod  curatus  non  debet  circa 
"  talia  cum  subdito  suo  con- 
"  tendere,  in  cujus  signum 
*'  Christus  et  ejus  apostoli  non 
"  exigebant  sic  decimas  sed 
*<  fuerunt  de  alimento  et  tegu. 
"  mento  debitis  contenti."-  f. 
170.  Ex  eod.  c.  6.] 
X  [25.  "  '  Prudentes  habent 
banc  consuetudinem  quando 
difficultas  circa  veritatem 
*<  aliquam   ventilatur^  in   pri« 


<< 


(< 


CENT.  XIV. 


vf  Britain, 


mi 


XXVI.  That  he  shghted  the  authority  of  general  A.D.1371. 

45  Edward 
IIL 


councils. — ^Tom.  1.  b.  2.  art.  2.  ch.  26  y. 


Of  Heretics, 

xxvii.  That  he  called  all  M^riters,  since  the  thou- 
sandth year  of  Christ,  heretics. — Tom.  2.  ch.  81  ^. 

Of  Prayer. 

xxviii.  That  men  are  not  bound  to  the  observa- 
tion of  Vigils,  or  canonical  hours.; — Tom.  3.  ch.  23. 
andch.  25*. 


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mis  oonsiderant  quid  fides 
Scripturae  loquitur  in  hoc 
puncto,  et  quod  fides  in  hac 
materia  definierit  credunt 
stabiliter  tanquam  fidem.  Si 
autem  fides  Scripturae  neu- 
tram  ejus  partem  expresserit, 
dimittunt  illud  tanquam  eis 
impertineiis  et  non  litigant 
vel  contendunt  quae  pars  ha- 
beat  veritatem.*  Haec  Wit- 
clef,  De  Veritate  etc.  c. 
xvi."  AUCTOR.  "Ex  hoc 
fundamento  maxime  infideli 
videtis  quomodo  destruit  ar- 
ticulum  fidei  quo  credimus 
ecclesiam  Catholicam/'  &c.] 
y  Q26.  "Concilii  generalis 
auctoritas  est  universali  ec- 
clesiae  in  auctoritate  multum 
consimilis^  quamvis  secun- 
dum rei  veritatem  disparts 
ponderis.  Sed  et  contra 
auctoritatem  ejus  loquitur 
Witcleff   in    secunda  parte 

sermone  xlv. 
*  Conformiter 

debet  de  con- 
ciliis  suis  generalibus  quae 
adeo  solemnizant.  Nonenim 
accipi  debet  vel  credi  con- 
cilium apostolorum,  nisi  de 


(< 


(< 


sermonum, 
WITCL. 
autem   dici 


quanto  creditur  quod  Spiritus 
Sanctus  confirmavit  eorum 
sententiam^  sed  cum  multi 
"  concurrentes  ad  modernum 
"  concilium  sunt  ut  plurimum 
"  apostatae,  stolidi  et  ignari^ 
"  blasphema  foret  lex  vel  regu- 
"  la  quae  dictaret  quod  gene- 
**  raliter  standum  est  et  ere- 
^'  dendum  judicio  majoris  par- 
"  tis.' "] 

2  [27.  The  passaeeto  which 
reference  is  here  made  X  cannot 
find,  except  it  be  the  following; 
*'  Haec  verba  numquid  sancti 
"  omnes  jaculabuntur  in  Wit- 
"  clefiT,  quorum  sententias  per 
"  glossam  suam  facit  esse. 
Berengarios  de  Catholicis."] 
*  [28.  "  Fortis  instantia  con- 
tra orandi  instantiam  vagam 
praedicans  libertatem  sequitur 
''  ibi,  cap.  7.  de  quatuor  Sectis. 
"  *Si  quis  quaerat  quid  talis 
*'  presbyter  ita  de  ratione  fa- 
'*  ceret  cum  non  debet  Deum 
**  taliter  deprecari  ?  Dictum 
"  est^  quod  unus  debet  in  casu, 
"quo  Deus  inclinaverit,  prae- 
"  dicare,  alius  dicere  orationem 
"  Dominicam,  vel  aedificare 
"  proximum^    aut  spiritualiter 

Y  4 


t< 


(f 


(C 


3528 


The  Church  History 


BOOK  IV. 


D.  1371.     xxix.  That  it  is  vain  for  laymen  to  bargain  with 
hl"^  priests  for  their  prayers.— Tom.  3.  ch.  11  ^ 

XXX.  That  to  bind  men  to  set  and  prescript  forms 

of  prayers,  doth  derogate  from  that  liberty  God  hath 

given  them. — ^Tom.  3.  ch.  21  ^. 


"  aut  corporaliter  secundum 
**  quod  Deus  inclinftverit  faci- 
"  enduiUj  et  sic  standum  est 
**  consuetudini  loci,  de  quanto 
"  non  repugnat  regula;  Christi 
"  vel  etiam  rationi.*  Haec 
**  Witclef.  Hoc  ultimum  sic 
'^  intelligitur  apud  ejus  asse- 
**  clas :  Et  sic  non  est  ceden- 
"  dum  consuetudini  loci  de 
**  quanto  sihi  videtur  re- 
"  pugnare  regulae  libertatis 
*•  Christi  vel  etiam  rationi.** 
ell.  25.  '^  Quod  tamen  matuti- 
"  narum  vigiliarum  celebri- 
"  tatem  jam  diximus  noctibus 
"  frequentandam  Witcleff  in- 
"  digne  contrectat,  increpans 
"  ex  ea  religiosos  nostros,  trac- 
"  tatu  suo  secundo,  de  Ser- 
"  mone  Domini  in  Monte,  cap. 
''65,  ubi  sumens  textum 
"  Matthaei,  Quomodo  media 
**  nocte  clamor  foetus  est,  Ecce 
**  Sponsus  veniV:— et  deinde 
*'  expositionem  Hieronymi, 
**  *  quod  subito  intempesta 
"  nocte,  et  securis  omnibus, 
"  quando  gravissimus  sopor 
"  est^  per  angelorum  clamorem 
"  et  tubas  praBcedentium  for- 
**  midinem  Christi  resonabit 
"  adventus,  et  sic  Christum 
''  venturum  in  similitudinem 
"  iEgyptii  temporis ;  ita  reor 
"  (inquit  Hieronymus)  tra- 
"  ditionem  apostoli  jam  per- 
*'  mansisse,  ut  de  vigilia 
"  Paschseante  noctis  dimidium, 
*•  populos  dimittere  non  li- 
"  ceat  expectautes   adventum 


"  Christi.* — Sequitur  :  •  Unde 
'^  et  psalmista  dicebat :  Media 
"  nocte  surgebam  ad  confiten^ 
"  dum  ^t6t/— Subdit  et  Wit- 
"  cleff :  '  Patet  ex  dictis  istius 
"  sancti  quamlevis  evidentiaest 
"  in  medio  noctis  surgere  et  di- 
"  cere  matutinas  mode  quo 
••  religiosi  nostri  privati  fo- 
"  ciunt.  Ex  isto  sermone 
"  nudo  psalmistse  psallimns. 
"  Ac  si  nostri  religiosi  fatui  sic 
"  arguerent ;  psalmista  sic  fecit 
"  semel  ad  minimum,  sicut  de 
"  ^gypto  exivit  populos 
"  Israeliticus  semel  in  medio 
"  noctis,  semelque  veniet 
"  Christus  ad  judicium,  ergo 
"  illi  debent  regulariter  sur- 
"  gere,  et  dicere  ilia  hora  matu- 
tinas.' "] 

^  [29.  '^  Contra  haec  sc.  quod 
Deuspossitimpediri  aut  sanc- 
"  torum  precibus  retineri  ne 
usque  ad  quantum  culps 
justitia  postulat,  ipse  sae- 
"viat;  Witcleff  rixatur  sic: 
"  '  Posset  stultus  dimittere 
"  opera  meliora  et  intendere 
*'  orationi^  ac  si  necessitaret 
''  Deum  ad  dandum  homini 
"  illud  quod  petit.' "  Cap. 
Secundo  de  Oratione.] 

c  [30. «'  Denique  subjicit  in 
"  secundo  capitulo  illius  li. 
"  belli  de  oratione  contra  actam 
"  obligationem  ad  canendum 
"  divinum  officium,  secundum 
"  aliquem  usum  limitatum, 
"  specificans  usum  Sarum  in 
**  Anglia.     '  Ut  dictum  est  de 


(( 


« 


M 


C< 


CENT.  XIV. 


of  Britain. 


329 


xxxi.  That  to  depress  the  benefit  of  other  men's  a. d.  1371. 
purchased  prayers,  he  recommended  all  men  to  hope^    iii. 


and   trust   in   their    own    righteousness. 
ch.8d. 


Tom.  3. 


Of  Alms. 

xxxii.  That  we  ought  not  to  do  any  alms  to  a 
sinner,  whilst  we  know  him  to  be  so. — ^Tom.  1.  b.  2. 
art.3.  ch.81«. 

Of  the  Sacraments. 

xxxiii.  That  chrisme  and  other  such  ceremonies 
are  not  to  be  used  in  baptism.  —  Tom.  3.  ch.  45. 
and  ch.  46  ^ 


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confessione,  videtur  generalis 
obligatio  sub  tanta  poena  ad 
usus  talis  observantiam :  talis 
usas  non  est  prudens^  cum 
apostoli  longe  magis  profue- 
rint  ecclesise  sine  observantia 
talis  usus ;  ideo  obligare  tarn 
generaliter  et  tarn  stricte  ho. 
mines  ad  orationes  hujus- 
modi,  videtur  libertate  Do- 
mini  derogare.' "] 
^  [3^*  "  Quis  Christianis 
imbutus  principiis  non  com- 
pungitur  audiendo  Witcleff 
tarn  indulgere  Pelagio  in 
laude  operum  quae  vocat 
bonam  ?itam^  et  divinae  gra- 
tis nihil  tribuendum  docet ; 
nee  propter  ea  orandum,  nee 
in  ea  coniidendum,  sed  in 
justitia  propria  vitse  huma- 
nse.  In  libro  de  Oratione, 
c.  I.  '  Deus  non  vult  nos 
esse  in  oratione  vocali  nimis 
prolixos^  sed  omnino  ut  ora- 
tion! justae  vitee  vel  operis 
intendamus.  £x  istis  colli- 
gitur  quod  nemo  sperat  in 


(( 


(( 


*'  nuda  oratione  alterius,  sed 
"  omnino  in  propria  justitia 
"  vitffi  suae;  "J 

®  [32.  From  his  work  de 
Dominio  civili,  ch.  Ixxii.  "  Nos 
"  non  debemus  praestare  vel 
"  donare  aliquid  peccatori  dum 

cognoscimus  ipsum  esse  ta- 

lem,  quia  sic  foveremus  pro- 
*'  ditorem  Domini  nostri."] 

'  [33*  "Christus  exemplar 
"  totius  ecclesiae  non  fiiit  in 
"  persona  sua  taliter  confirma- 
"  tus,  nee  in  baptismo  suo 
"  chrisma  hujusmodi,  sed 
"  aquam  simplicem  requisivit. 
*'  Nee  sic  dedicavit  ecclesias, 
"  sed  episcopi  hoc  accipiunt 
*'  ex  singular!  opere  Salomo- 
"  nis ;  et  sic  difficultatur 
"  ecclesia  infideliter  propter 
"  solemnizationem  talis  con- 
"  suetudinis  introductae." 

From  Wicliffe*s  De  Sermone 
Domini  in  Monte,  pars  ii.  13. 
ch.  46.  "Sic  ipse  [Witcleff] 
"  concludit  post  multa,  libro 
'^  de  Papa»  c.  1 1.    '  Cum  enim 


sso 


The  Church  Hutory 


BOOKIV. 


Award 
II. 


xxxiv.  That  those  are  fools  and  presnmptaous 
which  aflinn  snch  infants  not  to  be  saved  which  die 
without  baptism :  and  also,  that  he  denied  that  all  sins 
are  abolished  in  baptism. — ^Tom.  2.  ch.  99  and  108^^. 

xxxY.  That  baptism  doth  not  confer,  bnt  only 
signify   grace,   which   was  given  before. — Tom.  2. 

ch.97K 

xxxvi.   That  in  the  sacrament  of  the  altar  the 

host  is  not  to  be  worshipped,  and  such  as  adore  it 

are  idolaters. — ^Tom.  2.  ch.  26*. 


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ngna  ista  non  sint  nisi  gra- 
tia ngnatoniniy  signata  per 
ae  safficiont  sine  signis.*  "^ 
e  Q34.  "  Argumentum  ejus 
tertiam  est,  1 1.  cap.  Trialogi. 
Delato  infante  fidelium  ad 
eoclesiam  ut  secundumChristi 
regulam  baptisetur,  et  de- 
ficiente  aqua>  vel  requisitis 
aliis,  stante  pia  intentione 
totius  populi,  interim  mortuo 
natonuiter  nutu  Dei,  videtor 
grave  damnationem  infantis 
hujusmodi  definire.  Re- 
spondet  in  capitulo  sequenti. 
'  Concedo  quod  Deus  si  volu- 
erit  potest  damnare  infantein 
talem,  et  si  voluerit  potest 
ipsum  salvare;  nee  audeo 
partem  alteram  definire ; 
nee  laboro  circa  reputatio- 
nem  vel  evidentiam  in  ista 
materia ;  sed  ut  mutus  sub- 
ticeo.*  Sequitur.  '  Illi  au- 
tem  qui  ex  auctoritate  sua 
sive  scientia^  in  ista  materia 
definiunt,  tanquam  pree- 
sumptuosi  et  stolidi  non 
se  fundant/  Ch.  108.  Inter 
Condusiones  ter  damnatas, 
208.  '  Baptismus  delet 
omne  peccatum  originale  vel 
actuale,  mortale  aut  veniale 


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"  quod  invenit;  sed  de  veniali 
"  omissionis  non  oportet/ 
"  Haec  Witcleff."] 

^  Il35-  **  Dicit  rWTdiffe]  in 
*'  eodem^  cap.  1 2,  Quarti  Tria- 
logi. *  ^ptismns  flaminis 
est  baptismus  Spiritos  Sancti. 
**  Ideo  duo  baptismi  priores 
"  sunt  signa  antecedentia,  et 
**  ex  suppositione  neoessaria 
"  ad  istum  tertium  baptismum 
"  flaminis.  Ideo  absque  dubi- 
"  tatione  si  iste  insensibilis 
baptismus  affuerit,  baptizatus 
a  crimine  est  mundatus,  et  si 
"  iUe  defuerit  quantumcnmque 
"  adsint  priores>  baptismus  non 
"  prodest  animae  ad  salutem. 
"  Ideo  cum  iste  sit  insensibilis 
"  et  tantum  nobis  ignotus, 
"  videtur  mihi  imprudens  prae- 
"  sumptio  taliter  damnationem 
"  hominis  vel  salvationem  ex 
*'  baptismate  diffinire.* "] 

*  [36.  "Hanc  tamen  ado- 
'*  rationis  Christianae  spedem 
'*  ipse  vocatidololatriam  bestia- 
"  lem:  De  Eucharistia  cap.  ix. 
"  versus  finem ;  ubi,  '  Nimis 
**  multi  (inquit)  sunt  laici  et 
"  bestiales  nimis  sensibilibus 
*'  intendentes^  et  multi  (ut  ait 
"  Apostolus)  in  adorando  hos- 


CENT.  XiV. 


of  Britain, 


831 


xxxvii.  That  the  substance  of  bread  and  wine  still  a.d.  1371. 
remain''  in  the  sacrament.— Tom.  ii.  ch.  231  ^^  ^!'"^ 

xxxviii.  That  Grod  could  not,  though  he  would,  "" 

make  his  body  to  be  at  the  same  time  in  several 
places. — ^Tom.  2.  ch.  55°*. 

xxxix.  That  the  sacrament  of  confirmation  is  not 
much  necessary  to  salvation. — ^Tom.  2.  ch.  Ill  °. 

xl.  That  confession,  to  a  man  truly  contrite,  is 
superfluous,  used  by  Antichrist,  to  know  the  secrets 
and  ^ain  the  wealth  of  others. — ^Tom.  2.  ch.  144  <>. 


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'^  tiam  tanquam  gentes  ad  si- 
*'  molachra  muta,  prout  dace- 
"  bantur  captivati  euntes  ad 
**  idololatrandum.  Qui  autem 
'*  adorat  humanitatem  Christi 
'^  ut  talem  in  hostda^  adorat  in 
*'  ipsa  Christum  hjrperdulia,  et 
**  nemo  rite  adorat  ipsam  sub 

ratione  propria.     £t  sic  vere 

concluditur  quod  homo  sit 
**  multipliciushonorandusquam 
*^  hostia,  et  adorandus  tanquam 
**  imago  Dei,  vas  virtutum,  et 
**  sic  Christi  verius  quam  hos- 
*•  tia  oonsecrata/  "  Compare 
also  ch.  25.] 

^  This  is  scattered  in  seve- 
ral places  of  his  book. 

*  [37.  •* '  Si  (inquit)  panis  sit 
**  factus  identice  corpus  Christi 
''  et  illud  corpus  est  realiter 
^*  ipse  Christus,  ergo  ille  panis 
"  est  factus  realiter  Christns 
*'  Deus.  Sed  quae  idololatria 
'*  foret  amplius  detestanda  ? 
*'  Sic  enim  haberet  queelibetec- 
'*  clesia  dominum  Deum  suum^ 
'*  qui  reciperet  preedicationes 
"  abominabiles/  "  [Wicliffe  in 
Trialog.iv.8.]  ch.S7.  "'NihU 
"  horribilius  quam  necessario 
*'  manducare  carnaliter  car- 
*^  nem,  et  bibere  carnaliter  san- 
"  guinem  hominis  tarn  tenere 


'  prsedilecti.'  (DeEucharistia^ 
"  c.  I .)  ch.  24.  De  Simonia  c. 
'*  20.  'Corpus  (inquit)  panis^ 
"  servando  panis  substantiam 
"  est  miraculose  factum,  cum 
".hoc  corpus  Domini  non  au- 
*'  deo  dicere  identice  secundum 
*'  substantiam  vel  naturam,  sed 
"  tropice  secundum  significan- 
'*  tiam  vel  figuram.'  "] 

™  [38.  This  reference  has 
escaped  my  search.  I  have  no 
doubt  of  its  being  incorrectly 
printed,  as  many  of  the  others 
were  in  the  old  edition.] 

^  [39.  ** '  Non  (inquit)  video, 
"  quod  generaliter  sit  hoc  sa- 
'*  cramentum     de     necessitate 

salutis  fidelium.     Nee  quod 

preetendentes  se  confirmare 
"  pueros  regulariter  hoc  con- 
"  firmant,  nee  quod,  hoc  sa- 
'*  cramentum  sit  specialiter 
"  episcopis  Csesareis  reserva- 
'*  tum.  Et  ulterius  videtur 
'*  mihi  quod  foret  plus  religio- 
"  sum  et  conformius  modo  lo- 
'*  quendi  Scripturee,  negare 
*'  quod  nostri  episcopi  dant 
*'  Spiritum  Sanctum  vel  con- 
**  firmant  ulterius  Sancti  Spi- 
•*  ritus  dationem.' "  Trialog. 
iv.  14.] 

o    [40.  *'  *  Quantumcumquc 


€* 


CC 


882 


The  Church  History 


BOOK  IV. 


A.  D.1371.     xli.  That  that  is  no  due  marriage,  which  is  con- 
^*  mT"^  tracted  without  hope  of  having  children. — Tom.  2. 

ch.lSOP. 

xlii.  That  extreme  unction  is  needless,  and  no 
sacrament. — Tom.  2.  ch.  163^. 

i 

Of  Orders. 

xliii.  That  religious  sects  confound  the  unity  of 
Christ's  church,  who  instituted  but  one  order  of 
serving  him. — Tom.  1.  b.  2.  art.  2.  ch.  15'. 

xliv.  That  he  denied  all  sacred  initiations  into 
orders,  as  leaving  no  character  behind  them. — 
Tom.  2.  ch.  109". 

xlv.  That  vowing  of  virginity  is  a  doctrine  of 
devils. — ^Tom.  8.  ch.  91  *. 


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(inquit)  magnusfueritChristi 
episcopus  non  potest  quem- 
quam  absolvere. — Immo  con- 
"  tritus  quasi  secure  absolvitur 
"  etsi  humana  absolutio  non 
'*  sequatur/  "] 

P  [41.  *'  Conjugium  sive  ma- 
*'  trimonium  describit  Witdeff, 
**  dicens  iv©  libro  ter  damnati 
Trialogi  cap.  ii.  quod  conju- 
gium sit  legitima  copulatio ; 
"  qua  secundum  Dei  legem 
"  licet  eis  sine  crimine  iilios 
**  procVMre.  Ordinavit  enim 
"  Deus  quod  Adam  et  £va 
*'  et  per  consequens  quod 
"  cuncti  duo  conjuges  in  pro. 
'^  creatione  carnali  taliter  co- 
"  pulentur."] 

q  [42.  ''Si  ista  corporalis 
'*  unctio  foret  sacramentum  ut 
"  modo  fingitur,  Christus  et 
*'  cseteri  Apostoli  ejus  promul- 
''  gationem  et  executionem  de- 
**  bitam  non  tacerent."  Tria- 
log.  iv.  15.] 


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'  [43.  '*  '  Unitas  sectse  requi- 
'*  rit  unitatem  regulae  et  pa- 
"  troni ;  tunc  cum  istss  sects 

quatuor  tarn  in  patrono  quam 

in  regula  variantur  a  secta 
"  Christie  evidens  est  quod  istae 
**  sectse  sunt  dispares,  sicutsunt 
**  ordines,  ex  confusions  pro- 
"  pria  variati/  Haec  ille,  [in 
•*  libro  de  An tichristo  cap.  ii.]" 
See  also  ch.  13.] 

s  [44.  *'  Quidam  multipli- 
''  cant  in  ordinibus  et  sacra- 
"  mentis  multis  characteres ; 
''  sed  istorum  fundationem  et 
**  fructum  nee  in  Sacra  Scrip- 
"  tura  nee  in  rations  consi> 
•'  dero."  Trialog.  iv.  15.] 

*  [45.  "ErubescatergoWit- 
**  cleff  infelix  qui  virginitatem 
"  Deo  dicatam  et  Christo  pro- 
"  fessam  damnat  et  doctrinam 
'*  dsemoniorum  dicit. — Quanto 
''  magis  damnandus  est  Wit- 
"  deff  qui  contra  Christi  apo- 
"  stolos»  contra  ecclesiam,  con- 


CENT.  XIV. 


of  Britain, 


888 


Of  Saints.  A.  D.1371. 

45  Edward 

xlvi.  That  such  Christians,  who  do  worship  saints,     ^^^' 
border  on  idolatry. — Tom.  3.  ch.  130  ". 

xlvii.  That  it  is  needless  to  adorn  the  shrines  of 
saints,  or  to  go  in  pilgrimage  to  them. — Tom.  S. 
ch. 131  \ 

xlviii.  That  miracles  conceived  done  at  saints' 
shrines  may  be  delusions  of  the  devil. — Tom.  3. 
ch.  124, 1253^. 


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tra  naturam  boni,  tales  pro- 
fessiones  damnat  et  vulgi 
religionem  carnalem  exaltat ; 
ita  ut  conversationes  eorum 
communes  in  ecclesiis  con- 
globationes  aut  globos  indig- 
nanter  appellet,  in  opere  de 
Ecclesia  et  Membris  cap.  xv. 
et  alibi."] 

^  [46.  "  Quid  aiunt  Gen- 
tiles? quod  colimus  plures 
deos.  Quid  Witcleff  in  dia- 
logo  suo  Mendacii  cap.  xvi.  ? 
'  Erubesce  esse  de  genera- 
tione  adultera  nisi  docere 
sciveris  quod  hsec  signa  mor- 
tua  miraculose  fiunt  ab  ho- 
mine  quem  asseris  esse  sanc- 
tum.* Sequitur.  'Idem  est 
legem  Christi  postponere  et 
ista  apocrypha  chronicorum 
anteferre,  et  Antiquum  die- 
rum  relinquere^  et  deos  re- 
centes  infideliteracceptare."'] 
*  [47-  "  Jungatur  patribus 
suis  Witcleff  dicens  libro  ii. 
de  Sermone  Domini  in 
Monte,  cap.  xvii.  *Quid 
rogo  valet  omare  sepulchra 
hominum  mortuorum,  et  in 
ista  hypocrisi  laborare  ?  Nam 
nee  animee  nee  corpora  sunt 
nunc  in  istis  sepulchris  quee 
incolunt    collocata^    ct     ta- 


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men  ex  fide  patet  quod 
Christus  est  essentialiter  in 
qualibet  creatura,  et  virtua- 
liter  secundum  humanitatem 
per  omnem  partem  ecclesise 
militautis ;  quare  ergo  non 
honoramus  istud  caput  eccle- 
sise  et  hypocrisim  sepul- 
chrorum  dimittimus?'."] 
y  [48.  ''  Talia  miracula  sunt 
illusiva  quia  diabolus  in  per- 
sona defuncti  potest  facere 
his  majora."  Trialog.  iii.  30. 
Quantum  ad  orationes  et 
miracula  patet  quod  sunt 
illusiones  diaboli  somniatse 
cum  publicatur  hodie  quod 
quilibiet  sacerdos  consecrando 
eucharistiam  facit  infinita 
miracula,  et  tanta  et  quanta 
fecit  Dominus  Jesus  Chris- 
tus,  et  secundum  apostoluni, 
I  Corinth,  xiii.  Si  viator 
hahuerit  omnem  Jldem  ita  ut 
montes  transfirat,  charitatem 
autem  non  hahuerit  nihil  est. 
Multo  ergo  magis  signa 
ostensa  sive  a  Deo  sive  a 
diabolo  in  presentia  corporis 
mortui  non  indicant  quod  sit 
sanctum ;  ideo  una  de  prse- 
cipuis  cautelis  diaboli  per 
quam  seduxit  viantes  est  de- 
ceptio  in  his  signis.      Cre- 


384 


The  Church  History 


BOOK  lY. 


'«•     xlix.  That  saints*  prayers  (either  here  or  in  heaven) 
are  only  effectual  for  such  as  are  good. — ^Tom.  3. 
^ch.ll5». 


Of  the  King. 

1.  That  it  is  lawful  in  causes  ecclesiastical,  and 
matters  of  faith,  after  the  bishop's  sentence,  to  ap- 
peal to  the  secular  prince.  —  Tom.  1.  b.  2.  art.  3. 

ch.  79  •. 

li.  That  dominion  over  the  creature  is  founded  in 
grace. — ^Tom.  1.  b.  2.  art.  3.  ch.  81  ^. 


**  damus  igitur  vivis  operibus 
"  conformibus  legi  Dei  et  di- 
**  mittamus  hsec  signa  frivola." 
(Dialog.  Majoris  Mendacii, 
cap.  xvi.)] 

'  [49.  "  Dixit  cap.  iii.  de 
"  Oratione.  *  Dicunt  quidam 
''  presbyteri  Dominis  qui  ro- 
"  gant  orationum  suarum  suf- 
**  ^agia,  quod  vivant  juste  ser- 
*'  vando  Dei  mandata ;  et  erunt 
*'  orationum  suarum  et  meriti 
"  ecclesifls  totius  participes  ve- 
*'  liut  nolint ;  et  quantumcum- 
*'  que  clamaverunt  sine  tali  jus- 
"  titia  secularis  Domini  privata 
"  oratio  nihil  valet/  "] 

a  [50.  "'Cum/  inquit  [Wit- 
"  cletf  in  opere  suo  Epistolari 
*'  Sermone  xxvii.],  *  Papa  ex- 
''  pleat  multos  casus,  in  quibus 
'*  excommunicttus  debet  ex- 
'*  communicationem  pro  suo 
"  perpetuo  tolerare,  et  hi  se- 
"  cundum  legem  quam  in  reg- 
"  num  nostrum  induxerunt 
"  debent  post  xl  dies  pro  tali 
"  excommunicatione  detrudi  in 
"  carcerem ;  manifeste  sequitur 
'*  quod  rex  et  regnum  nostrum 
*'  facti  sunt  in  casu  tortores 
"  pauperum,  quia  faciunt  sicut 


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debent.  Mota  est  autem 
propter  salvationem  r^ni 
et  extinctionem  nequitiae  Aji- 
tichristi  qusedam  evangelica 
medicina,  quod  liceat  cui- 
cumque  coUegio  regni  ab 
excommunicatione  tali  cu- 
juscumque  sacerdotis  r^is 
nostri  ad  regem  et  ejus  con- 
silium appellare.  Et  fadt 
argumenta  primo.  Non  du- 
bium  quin  ad  regem  et  ejus 
militiam  pertinet  in  tali  casu 
cognoscere,  quia  pertinet  ad 
eos  consensum  talem  nefa- 
rium  pracavere ;  ergo  perti- 
net ad  eos  eum  corrigere,  et 
ne  omissione  damnentur  er- 
rori  hujusmodi  contraire.* "] 
^[51.  "  Sententia  ejus  de 
humano  dominio  seculari  se- 
ditioni  videtur  annexa,  qua 
ponit  et  sustinet  nullum 
posse  censeri  dominum  secu- 
Larem  vere,  sine  gratia  gra- 
tum  faciente,  in  libro  suo 
de  Dominio  Civili  cap.  ii.  et 
deinceps ;  unde  est  conclusio 
ter  damnata,  c.  xciv.  '  Om- 
nis  homo  in  peccato  mortali 
caret  quocumque  dominio  et 
usu  licito  operis  etiam  boni 


CENT.  XIV. 


of  Britain. 


335 


lii.  That   God   divesteth   him   of  all   right  whoA.  D.1371. 
abuseth  his  power— Tom.  1.  b.  2.  art.  3.  ch.  83  ^.        ^^  niT^ 

Of  Christ. 

liii.  That  Christ  was  a  man,  even  in  those  three 

days  wherein  his  body  did  lie  in  the  grave ^Tom.  1. 

b.  1.  art.  3.  ch.  43^. 


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de  genere.'  £t  de  Civili  Do- 
minio  c.  xx. '  Civilis  dominus 
excedendo  limites  suos  forte 
facit  perdendo  dominum  et 
abligando  se  perpetuo  car- 
een^ eoque  ipso  est  excom- 
municatus,  et  exulans  omni 
dominio  prius  habito  priva- 
retur;'  et  conclusione  ter 
damnata^  c.  xciii .  '  Sicut  rex» 
princeps  vel  dominus  tem- 
pore quo  est  in  mortal!  pec- 
cato  non  sortitur  nomen  sui 
officii  nisi  nomine  tenus,  et 
satis  sequivoce ;  sic  nee  papa, 
episcopus^  vel  sacerdos  dum 
lapsus  fuerit  in  mortale  Sec' 
et  conclusione  c.  Ixxv.  '  Ad 
verum  seculare  dominium 
requiritur  vera  justitia  do- 
minantis,  sic  quod  nullus 
existens  in  peccato  mortali 
est  dominus  alicujus  rei.'"] 
c  [52.  *'De  justitia  tituli 
quam  a  diebus  patrum  nos- 
trorum  certam  credidimus, 
Witcleff  redigit  ad  incertum 
per  hoc  medium,  quod  cum 
dominus  temporalis  peccat 
mortaliter  eo  quod  contra- 
venit  primae  justitis,  eo  et 
ipso  Deus  spoliat  eum  omni 
jure  ad  dominium  ejus,  nee 
habet  de  csetero  nisi  ad 
abusum.  Unde  de  Dominio 
Civili  cap.  vi.Witcleff :  'Deiis 
limitans  omni  famulo  suo 
continuum  servitium  con- 
stituit  utrobique  usus  limites 


tt 


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"  abusum  penitus  interdicens ; 
"  ideo  non  dubium  quin  eo 
"  ipso  quo  abutitur  potesta- 
"  tern,  injuste  occupat  bona 
*'  Dei  sine  licentia  ad  hoc  data, 
*' et  per  consequens  Omnipo- 
tens  eo  ipso  spoliat  ipsum 
jure  suo,  quia  aliter  indubie 
"  oporteret  quod  Deus  autho* 
*'  rizet  abusum  quern  injustus 
•'  continuat  quicquid  facit.' "] 

^  [53.  The  discussion  con- 
cerning the  divine  and  human 
nature  of  our  Lord  occupies 
several  chapters.  The  passages 
to  which  Thomas  de  Walden 
objects  are  chiefly  taken  from 
Wicliflfe's  Trialogus,  ch.  vii. 
and  his  treatise  de  Incarna 
tione  Domini,  ch.  iv.  *'  Instat 
Witcleff ;  •  Nunquid  Christus 
pro  sancto  triduo  fuit  verus 
"  Christus  ?  Immo  vero  Chris- 
"  tus.  Igitur  (dicit)  fuit  Deus 
''  et  homo  pro  sancto  triduo 
conjunctim:  et  ultra:  ergo 
anima  rationalis  et  caro  con- 
junctim erant  ille  homo  pro 
'*  illo  triduo :  et  sic  Christus 
"  non  fuit  vere  mortuus,  quia 
^'  anima  non  distabat  a  carne.' " 
—  *V  Arguit  iterum  Witcleff 
'^  demonstrative  ducendo  ad 
"  inconveniens,  ch.  iv.  *  Si 
'*  Christus  desiit  esse  homo 
"  pro  sancto  triduo  et  in  resur- 
"  rectione  iterum  fuit  homo, 
"  igitur  bis  factus  est  homo.' "] 


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The  Church  History 


BOOK  lY. 


A.  D.1371.      liv.  That  the  humanity  of  Christ  being  separated, 
45  ^^'^^  is  to  be  worshipped  with  that  adoration  which  is  |  b 

called  latria. — ^Tom.  1.  b.  1.  art.  3.  ch.  44  ®. 

Iv.  That  Christ  is  the  humanity  by  him  assumed.  Ig 
— ^Tom.  1.  b.  1.  art.  3.  ch.  44«. 


Of  God. 

Ivi.  That  God  loved  David  and  Peter  as  dearly, 
when  they  grievously  sinned,  as  he  doth  now  when 
they  are  possessed  of  glory. — Tom.  2.  ch.  160^ 


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*  [55«  After  quoting  this 
pasnage  from  the  Athanasian 
Creed,  "  Sicut  anima  rationalis 
"  et  caro  unus  est  homo^  ita 
'*  Deus  et  homo,  unus  est 
"  Christus,"  the  writer  then 
refers  to  the  summary  of  Wic- 
liffe's  doctrine,  which  he  had 
placed  at  the  head  of  his  chap- 
ter, viz.  '*  Christi  humaniiatem 
"  a  diviniiate  sejunctam  latria 
'*  adorandam  esse,  dicehat  Wit- 
'*  cleffe"  Then  he  proceeds, 
**  Sed  forsan  quseritur;  Unde 
"  hoc  mihi  occurrit  in  dictis 
ejus,  ubi  dicit  sine  figura 
loquendi,  carnem  solam  ve- 
*'  rum  Christum  et  verum  ho- 
"  minem.  Nam  si  caro  sola 
"  a  carne  disjuncta  est  verus 
"  homo  :  sed  sicut  anima  ratio- 
"  nalis  et  caro  unus  est  homo, 
'*  ita  Deus  et  homo  unus  et 
'*  Christus ;  ergo  si  de  potentia 
"  majestatis  humanitas  Christi 
"  esset  a  Verbo  disjuncta,  hu- 
**  manitas  ilia  esset  adhuc  ve- 
'*  rus  Christus ;  et  tunc  non 
**  esset  verus  Deus ;  esset  ergo 
'*  Christus  alius  et  sequivocus 
**  Christo  nostro  qui  Deus  est  et 
'*  homo.  Quicquid  ad  casum 
*'  dixeris,  non  potest  habere 
"  calumniam,  immo  in   scrip- 


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*'  tis  tuis  confirmationem  prae- 
'*  validam ;  ubi  dicis  in  cap.  z. 
"  '  Quod  si  per  impossibile  hu- 
"  manitas  Christi  loret  dimissa 
'^  propris  personalitati,  con- 
"  versans  nobiscum  ut  proxi- 
'^  mus,  diligeres  earn  ut  salva- 
torem  et  redemptorem  tuum 
adoraresque  eum  latria,  sicut 
prius:  quia  nnlli  alteri  ho- 
"  minem  a  Deo  poteris  obli- 
"  gari.  Si  ergo  ille  esset  sal- 
"  vator  et  redemptor  tuus,  jam 
"  dimissus,  jam  esset  Christus. 
"  Nullus  enim  alius  a  Christo 
"  foret  redemptor  tuus ;  quod 
*'  si  digne  adorares  eum  latria, 
**  esset  Deus  tuus.  Sicque 
"  pure  creatura  esset  tibi 
**  Christus  et  verus  Deus.' 
"  Procul  absit  ilia  logica  ab 
"  ecdesia  sancta  Dei  quae  est 
"  merse  idolatrise  tarn  affinis."] 
^[56.  For  Wicliffe's  senti- 
ments on  predestination  Tho- 
mas  de  Walden  refers  fre- 
quently to  the  Trialogus  iii.  7, 
and  according  to  these  passages 
Wicliffe  held  the  doctrine  af- 
terwards adopted  by  Hus  and 
his  followers,  that  the  predesti- 
nate cannot  fall  from  grace: 
*'  Mihi  videtur  quod  gratia  ista 
quae  dicitur  pra^destinationis. 


u 


CENT.  XIV. 


of  Britain, 


337 


Ivii.  That  God  giveth  no  good  things  to  his  ene-A.D.1371. 
mies. — ^Tom.  1.  b.  2.  art.  8.  ch.  82.8^  ^*  iiiT 

Iviii.  That  God  is  not  more  willing  to  reward  the^ 
good  than  to  punish  the  wicked. — Tom.  2.  ch.  153.^ 

lix.  That  all  things  come  to  pass  by  fatal  neces- 
sity.i— Tom.  j^  ^  j  a^.  1.  ch.  21.»^ 


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vel  charitatis  finalis  perse- 
verantise  non  potest  a  quo- 
quam  excidere;  quia  si  ex- 
cidit  non  est  ilia.'  Hsec  Wit- 
cleffe  in  prsefato  libro  ch. 
vii." — "Haec  etsimilia  tuipse 
scribi^,  capite  13.  tertii  Tria- 
logi  ter  damnati.  *  Est 
gratia  prsedestinationis  vel 
finalis  consummationis,  qua- 
liter  solum  prsedestinati  sunt 
Deo  chari  vel  grati ;  et  alia 
est  gratia  vel  chari tas  secun- 
dum  pr«esenten)  justitiam,qua 
creatura  rationalis  est  ad  mo- 
dum  chara  Deo;  et  ilia  est 
satis  fluxibilis  in  viante;  et 
propter  assistentiam  vel  de- 
ficientiam  talis  gratise  Deus 
non  magis  vel  minus  afficitur 
creaturse;  ut  tantum  dilexit 
Petrum,  David  et  cffiteros 
quando  graviter  peccaverunt, 
sicut  quando  modo  in  patria 
sunt  beati.' "] 

e  [57.  *' '  Deus  non  dat  ali- 
quid  nisi  justis,  dicens  adeo 
notasse  scripturam,  quod 
Deus  pluit  super  justos  et 
injustos,  et  solem  facit  oriri 
super  bonos  et  malos^  non 
autem  dicit  quod  aliquid  do. 
nat.'  Heec  Witcliff,  cap.  2^° 
de  Dominio  divino."] 
h  [58.  "'Quantum  ad  illud 
(inquit)  quod  Deus  est  pro- 
nior  ad  praemiandum  quam 
ad  puniendum  satis  istud  est 
imbrigabile   apud    scholastic 

FULLER,  VOL.  11. 


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**  COS ;  specialiter  cum  Deus  sit 
"  in  infinitum  pronus  ad  pu- 
*'  niendum.  Ideo  cum  in  pu- 
**  nitione  sua  sit  summa  jus- 
"  titia,  videtur  quod  non  sit 
*•  proclivior  ad  aliquem  pr«- 
''  miandum ;  ideo  vel  hoc  dic- 
tum magistrale  taceo,  vel 
glosso  illud  secundum  ter- 
minos  magis  certos,  et  minus 
**  impugnabiles ;  quia  non  vi- 
"  deo  magnam  prudentiam 
verba  hujusmodi  defenden- 
do.'  H«c  Wicliffe,  [in  4 
Trialog.  cap.  12.]"] 
'  Waldensis  in  several  places 
layeth  this  to  his  charge. 

^  [59*  **  *  Omnia  quae  eve- 
"  nient  (inquit)  de  necessitate 
"  evenient,  quia  sic  sequitur 
"  ex  praedictis,  cum  omnia  fu- 
"  tura  sint,  et  non  potest 
'*  Deus  aliter  rem  facere  quam 
**  ut  fecit,  vel  facturus  est. 
'*  Omnia  ergo  futura  fixa,  et 
"  immutabili  necessitate  fa- 
*'  tura  sunt  quod  sunt.'  Unde 
"  primo  Trialogi  cap.  ix.  Wit- 
**  cleffe;  '  Quis  rectiloquus  (in- 
"  quit)  negaret  banc  conse- 
"  quentiam ;  Deus  intelligit 
"  hoc,  ergo  hoc  est  intellectum 
"  a  Deo }  Sed  de  quacumque 
'*  creatura  signata  antecedens 
"  est  absolute  necessarium  et 
**  aeternum,  ergo  et  consequens. 
*  Et  in  barbarizatione  cujus- 
daui  Evangelii  feriae  secundae 
hebdomadae  quintae  quadra. 


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The  Church  History 


BOOK  IT. 


^'  ^}^''h     Ix.  That  Grod  could  not  make  the  woild  otherwise 

45  Edward  ^^ 

III'     than  it  is  made. — ^Tom.  1.  h.  1.  art.  1.  ch.  IS.  * 

Ixi.  That  God  cannot  do  any  thing  which  he  dotti 
not  do. — ^Tom.  1.  h.  1.  art.  1.  ch.  10."* 

Ixii.    That  God    cannot   make    that   something 

should  return  into  nothing. — Tom.  1.  b.  1.  art.  L 

ch.  17.  ° 

Mochpity      7.  Here  the  ingenuous  reader  must  acknowledge 

lifle'i  own  that  many  of  these  opinions  are  truths,  at  this  day 

lost.         publicly  professed  in  the  protestant  church.    For  the 

rest,  what  pity  is  it  that  we  want  Wicliffe's  works, 

to  hear  him  speak  in  his  own  behalf.     Were  they 

all  extant,  therein  we  might  read  the  occasion,  inten- 


'^  gesixnse :  Christus  (inquit) 
"  multotiens  dixit  quod  quic- 
"  quid  erit,  necessario  erit/  "] 

1  [6o.  "  •  Deus',  inquit  (Wit- 
cleff,  inter  conclusiones  i55.)> 
*'  'non  potest  mundum  majo- 
'^  rare  vel  minorare,  sed  ani- 
**  mas  ad  certum  numerum 
"  creare  et  qon  ultra.  Quae- 
'*  runt  fideles  nunquid  pro- 
'*  ducto  iUo  numero  sic  sig- 
*'  nato  potest  adhuc  unam  ani- 
'*  mam  recentem  producere? 
"  Quod  si  non  unde  venit  ilia 
**  impotentia  vel  evenit?  Non 
**  ex  parte  creaturee,  quia  ilia 
"  divinam  potentiam  ullatenus 
'*  alligare  non  potest.*  Brevi- 
"  ter  dicit ;  *  ipsa  Dei  voluntas, 
'*  quae  hunc  sibi  numerum  ani- 
'^marum  fixit,  ipsam  Dei  po. 
'*  tentiam  alligavit  quia  non 
*'  potest  plura  secundum  suam 
"  omnipotentiam  quam  ante 
"  decrevit  setema  voluntas."] 

™  6i.  ['*  *  Omnipotentia  Dei 
"  et  ejus  actualis  creatio  cose- 
*'  quantur ;  et  inde  est  Deus 
''  omnipotens  quia  omne  possi. 


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**  bile  producit.  Quia  nolo  (in- 
"  quit)  vagari  circa  intelligi- 
**  bilitatem^sive  potentiam  pro- 
"  ducendi  res  quae  non  sunt, 
*'  concedens  quia  nihil  est  pro- 
*'  ducibile,  nisi  quod  est.'  Hsec 
Witdeff."] 

^  [62.  '*  Declarat  autem  hoc 
in  tractatu  Universalium, 
cap.  xiii.  '  Suppono  (inquit) 
"  primo,  quod  sicut  creatio  est 
'*  productio  de  puro  esse  intel- 
"  ligibili,  et  sic  de  nihilo  in 
"  effectu  ad  esse  essentiale 
'*  extra  Deum  ;  sic  annihilatio 
'*  si  foret,  esset  cessio  creaturs 
"  in  purum  nihil  in  effectu ; 
"  sic  quod  existentia  creaturs 
"  haberet  purum  esse  intelli. 
"  gibile.  £x  quo  videtor  primo 
"  quod  Deus  non  posset  ad- 
"  nihilare  aliquam  creatoram 
"  nisi  adnihilaret  totam  uni- 
"  versitatem  creatam ;  et  tamen 
"  id  non  potest  propter  Chris- 
<*  tum  et  beatos;  ideo  videtur 
*<  quod  non  potest  adnihilare.'**] 
[See  also  ch.  20.] 


CENT.  XIV.  of  Britain,  389 

tion,  and  connexion  of  what  he  spake;  together  with  a.  D.1371. 
the  limitations,  restrictions,  distinctions,  qualifica-  m. 
tions,  of  what  he  maintained.  There  we  might  see 
what  was  the  overplus  of  his  passion,  and  what  the 
just  measure  of  his  judgment.  Many  phrases^  here- 
tical in  sound,  would  appear  orthodox  in  sense.  Yea, 
some  of  his  poisonous  passages,  dressed  with  due 
caution,  would  prove  not  only  wholesome,  but  cor- 
dial truths;  many  of  his  expressions  wanting,  not 
granum  ponderis^  but  salisy  no  weight  of  truth,  but 
some  grains  of  discretion.  But  now,  alas !  of  the 
two  hundred  books,  ®  which  he  wrote,  being  burnt, 
not  a  tittle  is  left,  and  we  are  fain  to  borrow  the 
bare  titles  of  them  from  his  adversariesP,  from  whom 
also  these  his  opinions  are  extracted,  who  winnow 
his  works,  as  Satan  did  Peter,  not  to  find  the  com, 
but  the  chaff  therein^.  And  how  candid  some  papists 
are  in  interpreting  the  meaning  of  protestants,  ap- 
pears by  that  cunning  chymist  ^  who  hath  distilled  the 
spirits  of  Turcism  out  of  the  books  of  Calvin  himself. 

8.  Now  a  synod  was  called  by  Simon  Sudbury,  a.  d.  1376. 
archbishop  of  Canterbury  %  at  Paul's  in  London,  (thoap^earebe- 
parliament  then  sitting  at  Westminster,)  whither  ^^  in  st^" 
Wicliffe  was  summoned  to  appear;  who  came  ac-^*^'^- 
cordingly,  but  in  a  posture  and  equipage  different 

o  iEneas  Sylvius,  Hist.  Bo-  Museum ;  and  some  few  in  the 

hem.   ch.  xxxv.   p.  104.    [ed.  college  libraries  in  Oxford.] 

^B^I-  '55'*]  ^  Luke  xxii.  31. 

P  So  Jo.  Bale,  ib.  [This  is  a  ^  See  the  book  called  Cal- 

great  mistake.     The  MSS.  of  vino-Turcismus.    [Written  by 

Wicliffe  are  extremely  nume-  Dr.    Wm.  Reynolds,    a    Ro- 

rous ;    probably  none  of   his  manist,  and  published  at  Ant- 

treatises  are  lost.  A  very  large  werp,  1597.  8vo.] 

collection  of  them  is  in  Trinity  [^  Translated  from  London 

college   Dublin,  in  the   Bod-  to    Canterbury,    A,  D.  1375. 

leian  library,  among  the  Har-  Walsingham,  p.  188.] 

leian    MSS.    in    the    British  . 

z  2 


840  The  Church  History  book  it. 

A.  D.I 376.  from  expectation.    Four  friars  were  to  assist^  the 
ni.     lord  Piercy  to  usher,  John  duke  of  Lancaster  to 
accompany  him.    These  lords  their  enmity  with  the 
prelates  was  all  Wicliffe's  acquaintance  with  them; 
whose  eyes  did   countenance,  hands   support,  and 
tongues  encourage  him,  bidding  him  to  dread  no- 
thing, nor  to  shrink  at  the  company  of  the  bishops, 
for  "  they  are  all  unlearned'*  (said  they)  **  in  respect 
**  of  you."*    Great  was  the  concourse  of  people ;  as  in 
populous  places,  when  a  new  sight  is  to  be  seen, 
there  never  lack  lookers  on ;  and  to  see  this  man- 
baiting,  all  people  of  all  kinds  flocked  together. 
The  brawl      9,  The  lord  Picrcy,  lord  marshal  of  England,  had 
bishop  and  much  ado  to  break  through  the  crowd  in  the  church, 
^  S!ureh!  80  ^hat  the  bustle  he  kept  with  the  people  highly 
offended  the  bishop  of  London,  as   profsuiing  the 
place  and  disturbing  the  assembly.     Whereon  fol- 
lowed a  fierce  contention  betwixt  them;  and  lest 
their  interlocutions    should   hinder   the    entireness 
of  our  discourse,  take  them  verbatim  in  a  dialogue, 
omitting   only  their  mutual   railing*,   which,  as  it 
little  became  persons  of  honour  to  bring,  so  it  was 
flat  against  the  profession  of  a  bishop  to  return; 
who,  by  the  apostle's^  precept,  must  be  patient^  not  a 
brawler. 

Bp.  Courtney^  Lord  Piercy,  if  I  had  known  be- 
forehand what  masteries  you  would  have  kept  in  the 
church,  I  would  have  stopped  you  out  from  coming 
hither. 

t  [See  Lewis,  p.  97.     The  Foxe's  acooant  is  very  incor- 

dialogue  which  follows  is  taken  rect  in  many  particukors.] 

from  Foxe,  who  does  not  men-  ^  i  Tim.  iii.  3. 

tion  a  sjmod  having  been  called :  <  [Translated  from  Hereford 

nor  was  it  likely,  for  Widiffe  to  London  in  1375.    Wakings 

appeared    merely   before    the  ham,  ib.] 
archbishop    as    his    ordinary. 


CENT.  XIV.  of  Britain.  341 

Duke  of  Lancdst.  He  shall  keep  such  masteries  a.  d.  1376. 
here,  though  you  say  nay,  ^°  111. 

Lord  Pier cj/.  Wicliflfe,  sit  down,  for  you  have 
many  things  to  answer  to,  and  you  need  to  repose 
yourself  on  a  soft  seat. 

Bp.  Courtney.  It  is  unreasonable  that  one,  cited 
before  his  ordinary,  should  sit  down  during  his  an- 
swer.    He  must  and  shall  stand. 

Duke  of  Lancast  The  lord  Piercy  his  motion  for 
Wicliffe  is  but  reasonable.  And  as  for  you,  my  lord 
bishop,  who  are  grown  so  proud  and  arrogant,  I  will 
bring  down  the  pride,  not  of  you  alone,  but  of  all  the 
prelacy  in  England. 

Bp.  Courtney.  Do  your  worst,  sir. 

Duke  of  Lancast.  Thou  bearest  thyself  so  brag 
upon  thy  parents^^,  which  shall  not  be  able  to  help 
thee ;  they  shall  have  enough  to  do  to  help  them- 
selves. 

Bp.  Courtney.  My  confidence  is  not  in  my  parents, 
nor  in  any  man  else,  but  only  in  God  in  whom  I 
trust,  by  whose  assistance  I  will  be  bold  to  speak  the 
truth. 

Duke  of  Lancast.  Bather  than  I  will  take  these 
words  at  his  hands,  I  would  pluck  the  bishop  by  the 
hair  out  of  the  church'. 

These  last  words,  though  but  softly  whispered  by 
the  duke  in  the  ear  of  one  next  unto  him,  were  not- 
withstanding overheard  by  the  Londoners ;  who,  en- 
raged that  such  an  affiront  should  be  offered  to  their 
bishop,  fell  furiously  on  the  lords,  who  were  fain  to 
depart  for  the  present,  and  for  awhile  by  flight  and 

y  His  father  Hugh  CouTtney>     field  in  Hist.  Wicliffiana,  683  k 
earl  of  Devonshire.  [Walsingham,  p.  191*] 

56  Foxe  Martyr.  558.  Harps- 

z3 


84« 


The  Church  History 


BOOK  IT. 


A.D.  1375.  secreey  to  secure  themselves ;  whilst  what  outrages 
III.     were  offered  to  the  duke's  palace,  and  his  servants, 
historians  of  the  state  do  relate*. 
Why  tbe        ]0.  Woudor  not  that  two  persons  most  concerned 
undWic^  to  be  vocal  were  wholly  mute  at  this   meeting; 
^*white!  namely,  Simon  the  archbishop,  and  Wicliffe  himself. 
The  former  (rather  acted  than  active  in  this  busi- 
ness) seeing  the  brawl  happened  in  the  cathedral  of 
London,  left  the  bishop  thereof  to  meddle,  whose 
stout  stomach  and  high  birth  made  him  the  meeter 
match  to  undertake  such  noble  adversaries.     As  for 
Wicliffe,  well  might  the  client  be  silent,  whilst  such 
council  pleaded  for  him.     And  the  bishops  found 
themselves  in  a  dangerous  dilemma  about  him;  it 
being  no  pity  to  permit,  nor  policy  to  punish,  one 
protected  with  such  potent  patrons.     Yea,  in  the 
issue  of  this  synod,  they  only  commanded  him  to 
forbear  hereafter  from  preaching  or  writing  his  doe- 
trine ;  and  how  far  he  promised  conformity  to  their 
injunctions  doth  not  appear, 
widiffe's        11.  In  all  this  synod,  though  Wicliffe  made  but  a 
marJdcms-  dumb  shcw,  rather  seen  than  heard,  yet  the  noise  of 
Mid*^'   his  success  sounded  all  over  the  kingdom.   For  when 
■    a  suspected  person  is  solemnly  summoned,  and  dJs- 
missed   without   censure,  vulgar  apprehensions  not 


a  [The  citizens  would  have 
executed  their  purpose  on  the 
duke  and  others  of  the  nobility 
had  they  not  been  prohibited 
by  the  bishop  himself.  But  in 
order  to  shew  their  sense  of  the 
indignity  which  the  duke  had 
offered  to  the  bishop,  they  re- 
versed his  arms  in  the  Chepe — 
**  arma  ejus  in  foro  sunt  pub- 
**  lico  reversata."  The  duke 
and  Henry  Percy  during  the 


commotion  which  they  had 
caused  were  at  dinner,  but 
hearing  that  the  citizens  were 
in  quest  of  them  fled  with  all 
speed  to  Kennington,  where 
Richard  the  prince  and  his 
mother  were  then  staying.  But 
the  duke  afterwards  took  his 
revenge  by  deposing  the  mayor 
and  some  of  the  aldermen. 
Walsingham,  p.  192.] 


cKjJT.xiv.  of  Britain.  848 

only  infer  his  innocence,  but  also  conclude,  either  a.  d.  1376. 
the  ignorance  or  injustice  of  his  adversaries.  In  ^  in. 
public  assemblies,  if  the  weaker  party  can  so  subsist  """""^ 
as  not  to  be  conquered,  it  conquers  in  reputation,  and 
a  drawn  battle  is  accounted  a  victory  on  that  side. 
If  Wicliffe  was  guilty,  why  not  punished  ?  if  guilt- 
less, why  silenced?  And  it  much  advantaged  the 
propagating  of  his  opinions,  that  at  this  very  time 
happened  a  dangerous  discord  at  Rome,  long  lasting, 
for  above  forty  years,  and  fiercely  followed ;  begun 
betwixt  Urban  the  Sixth  and  Clement  the  Seventh : 
one  living  at  Rome,  the  other  residing  at  Avignon. 
Thus  Peter^s  chair  was  like  to  be  broken  betwixt 
two  sitting  down  at  once.  Let  Wicliffe  alone  to 
improve  this  advantage;  pleading,  that  now  the 
Romish  church,  having  two,  had  no  legal  head ;  that 
this  monstrous  apparition  presaged  the  short  life 
thereof;  and  these  two  antipopes  made  up  one  anti- 
christ. In  a  word,  there  was  opened  unto  him  a  great 
door  of  utterance^  made  out  of  that  crack  or  cleft 
which  then  happened  in  this  seasonable  schism  at 
Rome. 

12.  Edward,  the  third  of  that  name,  ended  his  The  death 
life,  having  reigned  a  jubilee,  fiill  fifty  years.     A^*^ofkSJ^ 
prince  no  less  successful  than  valiant ;  like  an  am-  ^^  ^^ 
phibion,  he  was  equally  active  on  water  and  land. 
Witness  his  naval  victory  nigh  Sluys,  and  land  con- 
quest at  Cressy,  Poictiers,  and  elsewhere.     Yet  his 
achievements  in  France  were  more  for  the  credit 
than  commodity,  honour  than  profit,  of  England. 
For  though  the  fair  provinces  he  conquered  therein 
seemed  fat  enough  to  be  stewed  in  their  own  liquor, 
I  mean  rich  enough  to  maintain  themselves,  yet  we 
find  them  to  have  sucked  up  much  of  our  English 

z  4 


844  The  Church  HUtory  book  iv. 

A.D.iayy.sauce,  to  have  drained  the  money  and  men  of  tliis 
^'  HL^land  to  defend  them.  This  made  kmg  Edward  to 
endeavour  to  his  power  to  preserve  his  people  firom 
popish  extortions,  as  knowing  that  his  own  taxes  did 
burden,  and  the  addition  of  those  other  would  break 
the  backs  of  his  subjects.  He  was  himself  not  un- 
learned, and  a  great  favourer  of  learned  men ;  col- 
leges springing  by  pairs  out  of  his  marriage  bed; 
namely.  King's  hall,  founded  by  himself  in  Cam- 
bridge ;  and  Queen's  college,  by  Philippa  his  wife  in 
Oxford.  He  lived  almost  to  the  age,  and  altogether 
to  the  infirmities  of  king  David,  but  had  not,  with 
him,  a  virgin  Abishag,  a  virgin  concubine,  to  heat 
him :  but  (which  is  worse)  in  his  decrepit  age  kept 
Alice  Pierce,  a  noted  strumpet,  to  his  own  disgrace 
and  his  people's  disprofitK  For  she,  (like  a  bad 
tenant,  which,  holding  an  expiring  lease  without  im- 
peachment of  waste,  cares  not  what  spoil  he  maketh 

^  [If  we  may  trust  Walsing-  *'  ac  etiam  contra  jura  posto- 

ham  she  greatly  abused  her  in-  ^'  lare  minime  verebatur ;  unde 

fluence  with  the  king,  who  had  "  propter  scandalum  et  grave 

now  grown  old  and  infirm.  Ac-  "  dedecus,  quaeexinde  regi  Ed- 

cordingly  in  the  year  1376  the  **  wardo  non  solum  in  hac  terra 

parliament  made  an  open  com-  "  sed  in  exteris  regionibus  ni- 

plaint   against  her.     **  Milites  "  mium  resultabant  milites  pe- 

*'  parliamentales  graviter  eon-  *'  tierunt  banc  ab  illo  penitus 

"  questi  sunt  de  quadam  Alicia  **  amoveri."  Hist.  Angl.  p.  189. 

"  Peres  appellata,  fcemina  pro-  A  curious  picture  of  the  man- 

''  cacissima,  quae  nimis  familia-  ners  of  the  times,  if  not  over- 

"  ris    extiterat    domino    regi.  drawn;  but  it  must  be  remem- 

*'  Hanc  utique  accusabant  de  bered,  that  it  was  a  very  com- 

"  malis   plurimis   per  eam   et  mon  practice  in  those  days,  to 

"  fautores  ejus  factis  in  regno,  pick  out  some  obnoxious  indi- 

'*  Ilia  etenim    modum    mulie-  vidual,  especially  if  high  in  the 

rum   nimis  est   supergressa.  king's  favour,  as  a  sacrifice  to 

Sui  etenim  sexus  et  fragili-  popular  discontent.    This  good 

tatis   immemor,  nunc  juxta  deed    she    did;    she   restored 

justiciarios   regis   residendo,  Wickham's  fortune,  which  had 

"  nunc  in  foro  ecclesiastico  jux-  been  confiscated  by  the  means 

"  ta  doctores  se  collocando  pro  of  John  of  Gaunt*  otow#p.333. 
**  defensione  causarum  suadere. 


« 


CENT.  XIV. 


of  Britain. 


345 


thereon,)  senBible  of  what  ticklish  terms  she  stood  a. d.  1377. 
on,  snatched  all  she  could  rape  and  rend  unto  her-^'  mT 
self.  In  a  word,  the  bad  beginning  of  this  king,  on 
the  murder  of  his  &ther,  must  be  charged  on  his 
mother's  and  Mortimer^s  account.  The  failings  at 
his  end  may  be  partly  excused  by  the  infirmities  of 
his  age,  the  rather  because  whilst  he  was  himself  he 
was  like  himself,  and  whilst  master  of  his  own  ac- 
tions he  appeared  worthy  of  all  conmiendations^. 
Richard  the  Second,  his  grandchild  by  Edward  the 
Black  Prince**,  succeeded  him,  being  about  twelve 
years  of  age,  and  lived  imder  his  mother's  and  imcle's 
tuition.  ^ 

13.  A   parliament   was    called    at   Westminster,  Lwty  Uan- 
wherein  old  bandying  betwixt  the  laity  and  clergy,  a^st  the 
The  former  moving,  "Tliat  no  officer  of  the  holyj^i^^t. 
"  church  should  take  pecuniary  sums,  more  or  less, 
of  the  people  for  correction  of  sins,  but  only  enjoin 
them   spiritual   penance,  which   would    be    more 
pleasing  to  God,  and  profitable  to  the  soul  of  the 
"  oflfendere."     The  clergy  stickled  hereat,  for  by  this 
craft  they  got  their  gain ;  and  no  greater  penance 
can  be  laid  on  them,  than  the  forbidding  them  to 
impose  money-penance  on  others.    But  here  the  king 
interposed,  "  That  prelates  should  proceed  therein  as 
**  formerly,  according  to  the  laws  of  the  holy  church, 
"  and  not  otherwise."     Yea,  many  things  passed  in 
this  parliament  in  favour  of  the  clergy;   as  that. 


« 


« 


« 


c  [Edward  died  at  Shene, 
June  21,  i377>  attended  by 
Alice  Pierce.  He  was  buried 
at  Westminster.  Walsingham, 
p.  192.] 

**  [Who  died  this  same  year. 
Walsingham,  p.  190.  The  same 
writer  gives  this  prince  a  brief 


but  very  expressive  commenda- 
tion— '*  eo  obeunte,  omnis  obiit 
spes  Anglorum."] 

«  Ex  Rotulis  in  Turre  Lon- 
dinensi;  iRicardill.  [See  also 
a  MS.  in  Queen*s  college.  Ox- 
ford,  collected  from  the  RoUs, 
&c.  entitled  Jura  Cleri^  p.  238.] 


K  IT. 


rm  *tn 


3DC  IT  -far  IT  crime}  hj 


dins    r 


trrOUe      L 


r    3IIIIISQSESL  JUUfelil^ 


:r^  Til  ani  -jok^  zree  to  die 


-5^   .=.-«»aE   His 


^'rr^  IRK  ^mmm m^  per- 
:7^  "rrzHL-n.  xiciibisaiiQ  oc  Can- 
I  "Zfc  ?ifi£Li»ii^  31  iff  «*fTAp^  at 
:isr«r»iiZir^-  m^t  3UW  all  ei- 
jr-~5"«re»i.  V*ng  miccui  into 
£L  Ji  *.im*i>  X  fpscjanaa  and 


u    *«v^*'  ■'*::c  ^^^    H/ti^  >  ?uils>  ''  nasi    IiAmi. '     .Aiif    sLSse- 

•  x^*c*»  "Timssisi:  imi  fail"  ie-  ma?*  :£»  "rcierc  ieoca.  ct  saa 

•  cti.  taac  Mil  •nsaaaec  reigwss  -aa^sr  ^^  ^^^ikt  musvaev  m 

•  >fi  iitw  ^  smor  «c  ^aR.  yiiTTirng  WxcJe.  p.  x66. 


CENT.  XIV. 


of  Britain. 


347 


courtier,   one  Lewis  Cliflford,  on  the  very  day  ofA.D.  1378. 

•         •  1*1  1  2  Richard 

examination,  commanding  them  not  to  proceed  to      11. 
any  definitive  sentence  against  the  said  Wicliffe^.  ' 

Never  before  were  the  bishops  served  vrith  such  a 
prohibition:  all  agreed  the  messenger  durst  not  be 
so  stout  with  a  mandamus  in  his  mouth,  but  because 
backed  with  the  power  of  the  prince  that  employed 
him.  The  bishops,  struck  with  a  panic  fear,  pro- 
ceeded no  further ;  the  rather  because  the  messenger 
so  rudely  rushed  into  the  chapel,  and  the  person  of 
this  John  Wicliffe  was  so  saved  from  heavy  censure, 
as  was  once  the  doctrine  of  his  godly  namesake,  ybr 
they  feared  the  people^ :  only  the  archbishop  sum- 
moned a  synod  at  London,  himself  preaching  at  the 
opening  thereof.  We  find  nothing  of  his  sermon, 
but  his  text  was  excellent,  watch  and  pray.  Four 
constitutions  he  made  therein,  three  whereof  con- 
cerned confession,  grown  now  much  into  discredit 
and  disuse  by  Wicliife's  doctrine,  and  therefore  con- 


In  fact  the  bishops  seemed  very 
glad  to  wash  their  hands  of  the 
affair  altogether ;  and  therefore 
more  readily  suffered  this  in- 
termission»  and  that  of  the  citi- 
zens, with  whom,  as  we  have 
just  seen,  they  were  highly  po- 
pular. As  the  same  chronicler 
observes : — "  Insuper  nee  illud 
"  esse  silendum  aestimo  cum 
"  episcopi  praedicti  cum  isto 
schismatico  in  capella  archie, 
piscopi  apud  Lambheth  con- 
"  venissent  non  dico  cives  tan- 
tum  Londinenses  sed  viles 
ipsius  civitatis  se  impudenter 
iiigerere  prtjcsumpserunt  in 
eandeni  capellam  et  verba  fa- 
cere  pro  eodem,  et  istud  ne- 


•c 


it 


tf 


«< 


«< 


<< 


<t 


"  gotium  impedire,  confisi  (ut 
*'  reor)  de  ipsorum  prsemissa 
"  negligentia  praelatorum/'Tlie 
same  writer  also  distinctly  states 
that  Wicliffe,  by  the  cunning 
explanation  of  his  dogmas,  de- 
ceived his  examiners  and  the 
bishops,  and  thus  escaped  pu- 
punishment.  lb.  208. 

Lewis  Clifford  was  of  the 
queen's  household;  de  curia 
principissa.  (Walsingham,  ib.) 
and  was  sent  by  Joan  the 
queen  mother,  a  favourer  of 
Wicliffe.     Lewis,  ch.  x.] 

^  Antiq.  Brit.  p.  258,  Foxe, 

i-  565. 

1  Mark  xi.  32. 


348 


The  Church  History 


BOOK  nr. 


A.D.  i378.ceiyed  more  needful  to  press  the  strict  observation 

iL  thereof*. 
TiBDiac.  15*  In  the  parliament  kept  at  Gloucester  this 
^jj^^^j^same  year^,  the  conunons  complained  that  many 
^^J?^'  clergymen,  under  the  notion  of  sylva  cmdtia,  **  lop- 
"  wood,"  took  tithes  even  of  timber  itself:  requesting 
that  in  such  cases  prohibitions  might  be  granted  to 
stop  the  proceedings  of  the  court-christian.  It  was 
moved  also  that  sylva  ccedtia  (though  formerly  ac-> 
counted  wood  above  twenty  years  old)  might  here- 
after be  declared  that  which  was  above  the  growth 
of  ten  years,  and  the  same  to  be  made  free  from 
tithes™.  But  this  took  no  effect,  the  king  remitting 
things  to  their  ancient  course.  To  cry  quits  with  the 
commons  in  their  complaints,  the  archbishop  of 
Canterbury  inveighed  as  bitterly  of  the  franchises  in- 
fringed of  the  abbey  church  of  Westminster ;  wherein 
Robert  de  Haulay,  esq.,  with  a  servant  of  that  church, 
were  both  despitefully  and  horridly  slain  therein,  at 
the  high  altar,  even  when  the  priest  was  singing 
high  mass,  and  pathetically  desired  reparation  for 
the  same". 


^  Lyndewode's  Provincials, 
lib.  V.  fol.  183. 

*  [This  parliament  was  held 
at  Gloucester,  apparently  at 
the  instigation  of  the  duke  of 
Lancaster,  who  hated  the  citi- 
zens of  London,  with  whom 
the  clergy  were  then  popular. 
He  had  been  the  chief  instiga- 
tor in  violating  the  sanctity  of 
the  abbey  church  at  Westmin- 
ster ;  from  which  he  had  justly 
incurred  the  indignation  of  the 
Londoners.     Walsingham^    p. 

215O 


«»  Ex  Rot.  in  Turre  Londin. 
Richardi  IL  parte  prima,  nu< 
mero  45.      [MS.   Jura   Cleri, 

P-  253.] 

^  [Walsingham,  214.     The 

immunities  of  the  abbey  were 

discussed   and   settled   in   the 

parliament  held  the  next  year, 

in  which  it  was  ordained  that 

no  sanctuary  should  be  granted 

to   debtors;    or   if    they   fled 

there,  their  goods  should   be 

sold  to  satisfy  their  creditors. 

lb.  220.] 


CENT.  XIV.  of  Britain.  349 

16.  Some  of  the  lords  rejoined  on  their  parts,  that  a.  d.  1378. 
such  sanctuaries  were  abused  by  the  clergy,  to  pro-  ^  n."^ 
tect  people  from  the  payment  of  their  due  debts ;  sanctuana 
the  aforesaid  Haulay  being  slain  in  a  quarrel  on  that  ^^^fj 
occasion.  And  whereas  upon  the  oaths  and  exami- 
nation of  certain  doctors  in  divinity,  canon,  and  civil 
law,  it  appeared  that  immunity  in  the  holy  church 
were  only  to  be  given  to  such  who,  upon  crime,  were 
to  lose  life  or  limb,  the  same  was  now  extended  to 
privileged  people,  in  actions  of  account,  to  the  pre- 
judice of  the  creditor.  They  added  moreover,  that 
neither  "  God  himself  (saving  his  perfection),  nor  the 
**  pope  (saving  his  holiness),  nor  any  lay-prince,  could 
"  grant  such  privilege  to  the  church ;  and  the 
"  church,  which  should  be  the  favourer  of  virtue  and 
"  justice,  ought  not  to  accept  the  same  if  granted  °." 
The  bishops  desired  a  day  to  give  in  their  answer, 
which  was  granted  them ;  but  I  find  not  this  harsh 
string  touched  again  all  this  parliament,  haply  for 
fear  but  to  make  bad  music  thereon.  Complaints 
were  also  made  against  the  extortion  of  bishops* 
clerks,  who,  when  they  should  take  but  eightpenceP 
for  the  probate  of  a  will,  they  now  exacted  greater 
sums  than  ever  before :  to  which,  as  to  other  abuses, 
some  general  reformation  was  promised. 

17.  In  the  next  parliament  called  at  Westminster,  Aliens  de- 
one  of  the  greatest  grievances  of  the  land  was  re-J^j^ 
dressed,  namely,  foreigners  holding  of  ecclesiastical"®^^- 
benefices.     For  at  this  time  the  church  of  England 
might  say  with  Israel,  Our  inheritance  is  turned  to 
strangers,  our  houses  to  aliens^.     Many  Italians,  who 

o  Ex  Rot.  Tur.  Londin.  2  Ric.         P  Ibid.  num.  46.    [See  MS. 
II.  part  2.  num.  27.    [See  the     Jura  Cleri,  p.  263  and  272.] 
Parliament  Rolls,  ib.  p.  37.  a.]         Q  Lam.  v.  2. 


850 


7%e  Church  History 


BOOS  IT. 


'^•£-[379-knew  no  more  English  than  the  diffimenoe  between 
II.  a  teston  and  a  shilling,  a  golden  noble  and  an  angd, 
in  receiving  their  rents,  had  the  httest  liTings  in 
England  by  the  pope  collated  upon  them.  Yea, 
many  great  cardinals,  resident  at  Borne,  (thoee  hinges 
of  the  church  must  be  greased  with  Elnglidi  reve- 
nues,) were  possessed  of  the  best  prebends  and  par- 
sonages in  the  land,  whence  many  mischi^  did 
ensue'.    First,  they  never  preached  in  their  parishes: 


r  See  the  catalogue  of  their 
names  and  numbers  in  Mr. 
Foze,  Acts,  i.  p.  562.  [This 
statement  Foxe  obtained  from 
public  documents,  and  there- 
fore  it  may  be  relied  on.  The 
following    preferments    which 


were  held  by  non-resident  fb- 
reiguers,  and  certified  into 
chancery,  I  have  taken  from 
that  author,  and  have  reduced 
the  annual  ralue  from  marks 
to  pounds. 


COVKNTRY  AND  LICHFIKLD. 

Deanery  of  Lichfield 3^ 

to  wmch  were  annexed  the  prebend  of  Brewood    53 
and  the  parsonage  of  Adbaston ao 

NORWICH. 

Archdeaconry  of  Suffolk 66 

SURRBY. 

Parsonage  of  Godalming,  ibidem 40 

YORK. 

Deanery  of  York 400 

Prebend  of  Driffield  ibid 100 

of  Wistow  ibid 100 

of  Stransall  ibid 66 

Archdeaconry  of  York 100 

SALISBURY. 

Deanery  of  Sarum,  held  with  the 

vicarage  of  Meare  ib no 

Church  of  Heigh  Jutbury  ib.     .     .    5o    o 
of  Stoning 


6  8 

6  8 

o  o 

13  4 

o  o 


o 
o 
o 

13 

o 


Chapel  of  Herst  ib. 

of  Wokenham  ib. 

of  Sanhurst 


46  13 
40    o 

36 

a 
40 


o 
o 
o 


o 
o 

4 
o 
o 
o 
o 


Church  of  Godalming 

in  D.  of  Winton,  and  treasuryship 

of  Sarum,  held  with  church  of 

Figheldon  in  D.  of  Sarum     .     .    26  13    4 

Church  of  Aldwardbury  c.  Pulton      10  o    o 

Prebend  of  Calne 100  o    o. 

Archdeaconry  of  Berck.  held  with   church  of 

Mordon ,    .     .  106 

Archdeaconry  of  Dorset,  with  Gissiche  ...    68 


o 
o 
o 

4 
o 


254    12      4 


136  13     4 


13     4 
13     4 


CENT.  XIV.  of  Britain.  851 

of  such  shepherds  it  could  not  properly  be  said,  that  a.d.  1379. 
he  leaveth  the  sheep  and  fleeth\  who  (though  taking  ^   n. 
the  title  of  shepherd  upon  them)  never  saw  their 

Prebend  of  Woodford  and  Wyvelford  ib.   .     .    .  36  13  4 

of  Heiworth  ib 80    o  o 

of  Netherbamby  and  Beminster    .     .    .  106  13  4 

— — —  of  Gillingham 80    o  o 

CANTERBURY. 

Archdeaconry  of  Canterbury 167  10    o 

BATH  AND  WELLS. 

Archdeaconry  of  Wells,  with  the  churches  of 

Hewish,  Berwes,  and  Southbrent  annexed  .    .  160    o    o 

Treasury  of  Wells  with  Mertock  annexed     .    .    60    o    o 

Archdeaconry  of  Taunton,  with  the  preb.  of  Myl- 

verton 80    o    o 

ARCHDEACONRY  OF  STOW.  2  Richard 

Prebend  of  Corringham,  with  a  moiety  of  St.  Mary  II. 

of  Stow 145  o  o 

Prebend  of  Sutton 266  13  4 

of  Nassington 200  o  o 

ARCH.  OF  NORTHAMPTON. 

Parsonage  of  Adderbury 100    o    o 

ARCH.  OF  OXFORD. 

Prebend  of  Thame 133    6    8 

ARCHD.  OF  BERKS. 

Prebend  of  Aylesbury «    $3    6    8 

ARCHD.  OF  SUFFOLK. 

Archdeaconry  of  Suffolk 66  13    4 

ARCHD.  &C.  OF  SABUM. 

Archdeaconry  of  Sarum,  with  C.  of  Figheldon 

annexed :    33  6  8 

C.  of  Alwerbury,  with  the  chapels  of  Patton  and 

Farld 23  o  o 

Prebend  of  Calne 100  o  o 

Archdeaconry  of  Berck 80  o  o 

Prebend  of  Worth 100  o  o 

of  Woodford  and  Wilford 26  13  4 

ARCHD.  OF  CANTERBURY. 

Archdeaconry  of  Canterbury,  with  the  church  of 

Lydden,  the  taxation  of  tenth  deducted      .    .  20    o    o 

Church  of  Tenham  ditto 130    6    8 

Hakington  in  Canterbury 26  13    4 

St.  Clements,  Sandwich 568 

St.  Mary's,  Sandwich  (of  which  half  only  was  re- 
ceived)       800 

YORK. 

Deanery  of  York 373    6    8 

Prebend  of  South  Cane 106  13    4 

DURHAM. 

Archdeaconry  of  Durham,  church  of  Wermouth .  133    6    8] 

>  John  X.  1 2. 


i 

S52  The  Church  Hhtory  book  it. 

A.D.  1379- flock,  nor  set  foot  on  English  ground.     Secondly,  no 
II.      hospitality  was  kept  for  relief  of  the  poor ;  except 
they  could  fill  their  bellies  on  the  hard  names  erf 
their  pastors,  which  they  could  not  pronounce ;  lord 
cardinal  of  Agrifolio,  lord  cardinal  de  St.Angelo, 
lord  cardinal  Veverino,  &c.     Yea,  the  Italians  gene- 
rally  farmed  out  their  places  to  proctors,  their  own 
countrymen;    who,  instead  of  filling    the    bellies, 
grinded  the  faces  of  poor  people:    so   that   what 
betwixt  the  Italian  hospitality,  which  none  could 
ever  see,  and  the  Latin  service,  which  none  could 
understand,  the  poor  English  were  ill  fed  and  worse 
taught.     Thirdly,  the  wealth  of  the  land  leaked  out 
into  foreign  countries,  to  the  much  impoverishing  of 
the  commonwealth.     It  was  high  time  therefore  for 
the  king  and  parliament  to  take  notice  thereof;  who 
now  enacted,  that  no  aliens  should  hereafter  hold 
any  such  preferments,  nor  any  send  over  unto  them 
the  revenues  of  such  benefices:  as  in  the  printed 
statutes  more  largely  doth  appear. 
iiieroM-       18.  Whiles  at  this   time  clergy  and  laity  cast 
Tyiw!wi?<iii*  ^^^^  ^^  other's  faces,  and  neither  washed  their 
Jiokstmw.  ^^jj^  j.^  punish  both  burst  forth  the  dangerous  rebel- 
lion of  Wat  Tyler  and  Jack  Straw,  with  thousands 
of  their  cursed  company.    These  all  were  pure  level- 
lers (onflamed  by  the  abused  eloquence  of  one  John 
Ikill,  an  excommunicated  priest^)  who,  maintaining 
that  no  gentry  was  Jure  divino,  and  all  equal  by 
nature. 

When  Adam  delv'd,  and  Eve  span. 
Who  was  then  the  gentleman  ▼? 

^  [Of  Ji^u  Ball  see  Thomas  p.  247.    sq.  and  in  Henr.  de 

id  Walsdughani)  p.  275,  and  a  Knyghton,  2636.] 
dc'lailtHl  account  of  this  rebel-         ^  [See  the  abstracts  of  Ball's 

Ihmi  in  the   same  chronicler,  sermon  on  this  text  in  Wal- 


T 


C£NT.  XIV.  of  Britain.  S58 

endeavoured  the  abolishing  of  all  civil  and  spiritual  a.  d.  1380. 

degrees  and  distinctions.     Yea,  they  desired  to  level '~ 

men's  parts  as  well  as  their  purses ;  and,  that  none 
Bhould  be  either  wealthier  or  wiser  than  his  fellows, 
projected  the  general  destruction  of  all  that  wore  a 
pen  and  inkhom  about  them,  or  could  write  or  read. 
To  effect  this  design  they  pretended  the  people's 
liberty  And  the  prince's  honour ;  and  finding  it  diffi- 
cult to  destroy  the  king,  but  by  the  king,  they  ad- 
Tanced  the  name  to  pluck  down  the  thing  signified 
thereby ;  crying  up,  that  "  all  was  for  king  Richard." 
They  seemed  also  to  be  much  for  reformation ;  which 
cloak  they  wore  to  warm  themselves  therewith  when 
naked,  and  first  setting  up;  but  afterwards  cast  it 
off  in  the  heat  of  their  success,  as  not  only  useless, 
but  burdensome  unto  them. 

19-  As  the  Philistines  came  out  in  three  compa- The  nhWe 
nies^  to  destroy  all  the  swords  and  smiths  in  Israel,  thw 
so  this  rabble  of  rebels,  making  itself  tripartite,  en-P*"*®*- 
deavoured  the  rooting  out  of  all  penknives,  and  all 
appearance  of  learning^.     One  in  Kent,  mider  the 
aforesaid  Wat  and  John ;  the  second  in  Suffolk ;  the 
third  under  John  Littstarre,  a  dyer  in  Norfolk.    The 
former  <rf  these  is  described  in  the  Latin  verses  of 
John  Gower,  prince  of  poets  in  his  time^  of  whom 
we  will  bestow  the  following  translation. 

Watte  vocat,  cui  Thome  venit,  neque  Sytnme  retardat, 

Betteque  Gibbe  sftmitl:  Hykke  venire  jubent. 
CoIleiurit,.queiti  Gibbe  juvat  0ocutnenta  parantes^ 

(CwP  quibjiis  ad  damimDfi  WiWe.coire  vovet. 

singham,  p.  275.     The  causes  w  i  Sam.  xiii.  17. 

of  this  rebellion  are  well  stated  '  [At  the  commencemeiit  of 

both  by  Knjghton,  2633,  and  the    rebellion    their    numbers 

Stow,  283,  but  passed  over  in  amounted   to    100,000.    Wal- 

silence  by  other  chroniclers.]  singham,  p.  248.] 

FULLER,  VOL.  II.  A  a 


com- 


Bobbin 


as  fir- 

ward  vc"  fixn. 
Bet  auk  »  qiik^,  to  Gifab  jnd  to  Hvfck,  diM  nothfr  voild 

tJOTT  bfirind, 
Gjbh,  a  good  vixjp  of  that  Boer,  dodi  hdp  mad  CoD  more 

mkdiief  to  do. 
And  WiU  he  doth  rov,  the  time  k  oome  nov,  hell  job  vith 

their  campanr  too. 
Darie  oomplainfi.,  vfailes  Gngg  gets  the  gainB,  and  Holib 

with  them  doth  partake, 
Ixflicin  aloud,  in  the  midst  of  the  oovd,  ooneoreth  as  deqp 

is  bis  stake. 
Hudde  doth  spoil,  whom  Jodde  dodi  foil,  and  Tebb  lends 

his  heljMDg  haiMi, 
But  Jack,  the  mad  patch,  men  and  houses  doth  soatdi,  and 

kills  all  at  his  command. 

Oh  the  methodical  description  of  a  confusion !  How 
doth  Wat  lead  the  front,  and  Jack  bring  up  the 
rear?  (For  confusion  itself  would  be  instantly  con- 
founded, if  some  seeming  superiority  were  not  owned 
amongst  them.)  AU  men  without  surnames,  (Tyler 
wa«  but  the  addition  of  his  traded  and  Straw  a  mock 
name,  assumed  by  himself;  though  Jack  Straw  would 
liave  been  John  of  Gold,  had  this  treason  took  effect,) 
so  obscure  they  were,  and  inconsiderable.  And  as 
they  liad  no  surnames,  they  deserved  no  Christian 
names,  for  their  heathenish  cruelties ;  though,  to  get 
them  a  name^  they  endeavoured  to  build  this  their 
Babel  of  a  general  confusion. 

y  [According  to  Walsingham  Tyler's  name  was  Helier.    lb. 

252.) 


CENT.  XIV. 


of  Britain. 


355 


20.  Many  and  heinous  were  the  outrages  by  them  a.d.  1380. 

committed,  especially  after  they  had  possessed  them '- — - 

selves  of  London.  All  shops  and  cellars  were  broken  rous  out- 
open  ;  and  they  now  rustled  in  silk,  formerly  rattling  ^^  ami. 
in  leather ;  now  soaked  themselves  in  wine,  who  were  °^'*®^ 
acquainted  but  with  water  before.  The  Savoy  in  the 
Strand,  being  the  palace  of  John  duke  of  Lancaster, 
was  plundered' ;  so  was  the  hospital  of  St.  John's ; 
and  sir  Robert  Hales,  lord  prior  therein,  and  treasurer 
of  England,  slain.  But  as  their  spite  was  the  keenest 
at,  so  the  spoil  the  greatest  on  the  law ;  well  know- 
ing that  while  the  banks  thereof  stood  fiilly  in  force, 
the  deluge  of  their  intended  anarchy  could  not  freely 
•overflow.  They  ransacked  the  Temple,  not  only  de- 
stroying many  present  pleas,  written  between  party 
and  party,  (as  if  it  would  accord  plaintiff  and  defend- 
ant to  send  them  both  jointly  to  the  fire,)  but  also 
abolished  many  ancient  records,  to  the  loss  of  learn- 
ing, and  irrecoverable  prejudice  of  posterity*.  The 
' Church  fared  as  ill  as  the  Temple;  and  Simon  Sud- 
bury, archbishop  of  Canterbury^,  after  many  indigni- 


Walsingham,  p.  249.] 
|Walsingham,  p.  248.  One 
of  their  infatuated  demands 
was  that  the  king  should  grant 
them  a  commission  to  decapi- 
tate all  lawyers,  escheators^ 
and  all  other  persons  con- 
cerned in  the  law;  entertain, 
ing  the  hope  that  if  once  these 
persons  were  destroyed  no  laws 
would  be  passed  hereafter.  Mad 
as  this  was,  it  speaks  not  well 
for  the  professors  of  the  law  at 
that  time  in  England.  lb. 
252.] 

^  [At  that  time  lord  chan. 
cell  or  of  England.     Wal  sing- 


ham,  p.  248 .  The  rabble  vented 
their  rage  on  sir  Robert  Hales 
and  the  archbishop  because  they 
had  strongly  dissuaded  the  king 
from  going  out  to  meet  the 
rebels  on  Blackheath.  Walsing- 
ham,  p.  248.  The  same  writer 
has  given  a  detailed  account  of 
the  cruelty  exercised  towards 
the  archbishop.  lb.  250.  He 
was  first  struck  on  his  neck  by 
•an  axe,  but  the  wound  not 
proving  mortal,  he  raised  his 
hand  to  his  head,  exclaiming, 
"  Ah  !  ah  !  It  is  the  hand  of 
"  the  Lord  ! "  Before  he  could 
remove   his   hand    the   execu- 

A  a  2 


SS6 


The  Church  History 


BOOK  IV. 


A. D.  1380.  ties  offered  him,  was  at  last  by  them  beheaded  on 

^ ^Tower-hill,  patiently  ending  las  life,  and  dying  a 

state-martyr.     But  most  fiercely  fell  their  fnry  on 

the  Dutch  in  London,  (ofibnded,  belike,  with  them 

for  engrossing  of  trade,)  and  these  words, ''  bread  and 

^  dheese,"*  were  their  neck-verse,  ot  Shibboleth,  to 

distinguish  them ;  all  pronouncing  ^  broad  and  cause," 

being  presently  put  to  death.     Of  all  people  only 

some  Franciscan  friars  found  favour  in  their  sight, 

whom  they  intended  to  preserved    What  quality,  to 

us  occult,  conmiended  them  to  their  mercy  ?  Was  it 

because  they  were  the  most  ignorant  of  other  friars, 

and  so  the  likest  to  themselves?     But  perchance 

these  rebels,  if  demanded,  were  as  unable  to  render 

a  reason  why  they  spared  these,  as  why  they  spoiled 

others;  being  equally  irrational  in  their  kindnesses 

as  in  their  cruelties. 

judatand       21.  When  I  read  that  passage  of  Judas  in  the 

^^leied.  counsel  of  Gamaliel^  it  seemeth  to  me  plainly  to 

describe   the    rising,   increase,   and   ruin    of   these 

rebels : 

i.  Rising.  There  rose  up  Judas  of  Galilee  in  the 
days  of  the  taadng:  so  Tyler  appeared,  and  this  re- 
bellion was  caused  by  poll-money,  heavily  imposed 
by  the  king,  and  the  arrears  thereof  more  cruelly 
exacted  by  his  courtiers  that  farmed  it.    And  pity  it 


tioner  repeating  the  blow  am- 
putated the  tips  of  his  fingers; 
yet  notwithstanding  all  this  ex- 
tremity of  cruelty,  suffering, 
and  mutilation,  he  expired,  not 
until  the  blow  had  been  eight 
times  repeated.] 

^  See   Godwin,   de    Prsesul. 
-^"gl*    [p-  435-      Walsingham 


stoutly  accuses  the  mendicant 
orders  of  being  the  fomenters 
of  this  rebellion ;  and  this  re- 
ceives some  countenance  from 
the  fact  that  the  rebels  in- 
tended to  give  quarter  to  no 
ecclesiastics  except  to  the  friars. 
Chron.  265,  6.] 
*^  Acts,  V.  37. 


C£NT.  xiv.  of  Britain.  S57 

k  fio  foul  a  rebellion  could  pretend  so  fair  an  oom^A.D.1380. 

sion  i&t  the  extenuating  thereof.  '— 

ii.  IncMrease.  And  d/rew  away  much  people  after 
him :  so  the  snowball  increased  here.  John  Gower 
telleth  us  in  his  parallel  of  the  martyring  of  Simon 
Sudbury,  archbishop  of  Canterbury,  with  Thomas 
Beeket,  his  predecessor®, 

Quatuor  in  mortem  spirarunt  fcedera  Thomse ; 
Simonis  et  centum  mille  dedere  necem. 

But  four  conspirM  Thomas  his  blood  to  spill ; 
Whiles  hundred  thousands  Simon  help  to  kill. 

Nor  was  this  any  poetical  hjrperbole,  but  an  histori- 
cal truth,  if  the  several  numbers  of  their  three  armies 
were  summed  up  together. 

iiii  Ruin.  He  also  perished^  and  ally  even  as  mamf 
as  obeyed  him^  were  dispersed:  so  here,  no  sooner 
was  Wat  Tyler,  their  general  (as  I  may  term  him) 
killed  by  valiant  Walworth,  the  lord  mayor  of  Lon- 
don, and  his  assistance  (for  it  was  John  Cavendish, 
esq.,  that  despatched  him  with  a  mortal  wound^)  in 
Smithfield ;  and  Jack  Straw,  their  lieutenant-general, 
legally  beheaded^  (too  brave  a  death  for  so  base  a 
fellow)  but  all  the  rest  mouldered  away  and  va- 
nished. 

In  memory  of  sir  William  Walworth's  valour^ 
the  arms  of  London,  formerly  a  plain  cross,  were 


®  In  his  book  called  *'  Vox  given   several  particulars   not 

'*  Clamantis,"  lib.  i.  cap.  14.  to  be  found   in   the    printed 

f  Weever's   Funeral  Monu-  Chroniclers.] 
ments,  p.  693.  h  [Created  a  knight^  with 

ff  Stow,  Survey  of  London,  sir  John  Cavendish,  for  their 

p.  53.  and  236.    [and  Stow's  valour  on  this  occasion.  Stow*s 

Chronicle,    p.   289.   who    has  Chron.  288.] 

A  a  3 


S58  The  Church  History  book  iv. 

A.  D.  1380.  augmented  with  the  addition  of  a  dagger,  to  make 

' '-^  the  coat  in  all  points  complete  ^.     Happy  when  the- 

cross  (as  first  there  in  place)  directeth  the  dagger, 
and  when  the  dagger  defendeth  the  cross;  when 
religion   sanctifieth    power,  and  power    supporteth 
religion. 
dlllIS!th^     22.  But  Alanus  Copus  (for  he  it  is  whose  Ecde-^ 
this  rebel,  siastical  Historj  of  England  goes  under  the  name 
Widiffe^t   of  Harpsfield)  heavily  chargeth  all  this  rebellion  on 
the   account  of  Wicliffe's   doctrine;  "whose  scho- 
lars," saith  he ",  "  to  promote  their  master's  opinions, 
"  stirred  up  this  deadly  and  damnable  sedition,  and 
"  sounded   the  first   trumpet   thereunto."     Adding 
moreover,  that  Wicliffe's  tenet,  that  "  Dominion  is 
"  founded  in  grace,  and  that  a  king  guilty  of  mortal 
"  sin  is  no  longer  lord  of  any  thing,*'  was  cos  hujus 
sedilionisy  the  whetstone  of  this  sedition.     But  to 
what  liar  the  whetstone  doth  properly  belong  will 
presently  appear. 
His  maU-        23.  It  is  uo  nows  for  the  best  of  God's  children 

cioas  uan- 

der  con-  to  be  slandered  in  this  kind.  Jeremy  was  traduced, 
Thou  f attest  away  to  the  Chaldeans  i ;  St.  Paul  was 
accused.  We  have  found  this  man  a  pestilent  Jellow, 
a  mover  of  sedition  ^  ;  yea,  our  Saviour  himself  was 
charged,  that  He  made  himself  a  king^  and  was  a 
traitor  to  Caesar  ^  But  as  these  were  foul  and  false 
aspersions,  so  will  this  appear,  if  we  consider. 


^  [This  is  positively  denied  the  sword  of  St.  Paul.  See  the 

by  Stow.     The  old  seal  of  the  Survey,  p.  237.] 

city,  being  unfit  for  use,  was  ^    In  his  Hist.  Wicliffiana, 

broken,  and  a   new  one  em*  cap.  12. 

ployed,   a  little  prior  to  this  J  Jer.  xxxvii.  13. 

time ;  but  the  old  arms  of  the  ^  Acts  xxiv.  5. 

city  were  not  altered,  but  re-  1  John  xix.  12. 
mained  as  before,  a  cross,  with 


CENT.  XIV. 


of  Britain, 


859 


i.  When  John  Ball  was  executed  at  St.  Albans,  a.  d.  1380. 
and  Jack  Straw  at  London  >»,  not  the  least  com-  ^ 
pliance    with    Wicliffe   or  his   doctrine  is   either 
charged  on  them  or  confessed  by  them  ^. 

ii.  No  wild  beast  will  prey  on  his  own  kind. 
Now  it  is  certainly  known  that  John  of  Gaunt, 
duke  of  Lancaster,  was  the  principal  patron  and 
supporter  of  Wicliffe,  whose  life  they  sought  to 
destroy,  and  whose  palace  in  the  Strand  they 
pillaged  ^. 

iii.  Wicliffe  himself  came  within  the  compass 
of  their  destructive  principles,  designing  the  death 
of  all  who  wore  a  pen  and  ink ;  and  that  Wicliffe 
had  both  pen  and  ink  Cope  himself  doth  know, 
and  the  court  of  Rome  with  shame  and  sorrow  will 
confess. 

iv.  Wicliffe  lived  some  years  after,  and  died 
peaceably  possessed  of  the  living  of  Lutterworth, 
in  Leicestershire.  Surely,  had  he  been  reputed  the 
inflamer  of  this  rebellion,  the  wisdom  of  the  king 
and  council  would  have  taken  another  order  with 
him. 


m 


See  his  confession  at  large 
in  Stow's  Survey  of  London, 
P*  54-  [Walsingham,  265,  275. 
Both  these  persons  were  priests. 
Walsingh  .261.  Robert  West- 
brom  also^  the  chief  of  the  east- 
ern party^  was  also  a  priest, 
lb.  265.] 

^  [This  is  not  exactly  cor- 
rect; for  the  former  is  expli- 
citly charged  with  teaching 
Wicliffe's  doctrines.  See  Wal- 
singh. p.  275  ;  and  Henry  de 
Knyghton,  a  canon  of  Leices- 
ter, of  the  same  church  as  Ri- 
pindon,   Wicliffe's  friend   and 


follower,  by  no  means  unfa- 
vourable to  Wicliffe^  states 
that  Ball  was  Wicliffe's  pre- 
cursor: **Hic  habuit  praecur- 
"  sorera  Johannem  Balle  veluti 
*'  Christus  Johannem  Baptis- 
"  tam,  qui  vias  suas  in  talibus 
"  opinionibus  praeparavit,  et 
plurimos  quoque  doctrina 
sua  ut  dicitur  perturbavit." 
2644.] 

«  [Through  hatred  of  this 
nobleman,  giving  out  that  they 
would  never  accept  a  king 
whose  name  was  John.  Wal- 
singh. p.  248.] 

Aa  4 


<t 


<i 


^ 


SGO  The  Church  History  book  iv. 

A.  D.  1380.     V.  Amongst  the  articleB  laid  to  the  change  of 
4  Rich.  II,  wi^],'ffi^    ^jy^  jjg  followers,  in    this   king's  reij^ 

examined  at  Oxford  and  eLsfiewhere,  not  a  tittle  of 
this  rebellion  is  pressed  upon  them;  which  their 
malicious  adversaries  would  not  have  omitted,  if 
in  any  hope  to  make  good  that  accusation  against 
him. 

vi.  Whereas  it  is  charged  on  Wicliffe  that  he 
held  that  dominion  was  founded  in  grace,  which 
occasioned  this  rebellion  ;  we  know  this,  that  Hiiss^ 
his  scholar,  though  he  did  hold  that  a  king,  being 
in  mortal  sin,  was  only  called  a  king  €Bquivoea 
denominoMone^  yet  the  same  Huss  confesseth,  (to 
use  his  own  words  p,)  ipsum  Deum  hujusmodi  regem 
apprcbare  qtwad  esse  principem  eMerius^  that  God 
himself  allows  such  a  king  to  be  a  prince  in  all 
outward  matters.  So  that,  leaving  him  to  divine 
justice,  he  never  dreamt  of  any  resistance  or  rebel- 
lion to  be  made  against  him. 

vii.  The  modem  Protestants  (heirs,  say  the  papist^ 
to  Wicliffe's  doctrine)  so  far  abominate  these  reh^ 
their  levelling  and  ignorant  principles,  that  they  are 
known  both  to  maintain  distances  of  people,  and  to 
have  been  the  restorers  of  lost,  yea,  the  revivers  of 
dead,  learning  and  languages.  How  had  the  mathe- 
matics measured  their  own  grave,  Greek  turned 
barbarism,  Hebrew  (as  it  readeth)  gone  backward, 
never  to  return  again,  had  not  Protestant  critics, 
with  vast  pains  and  expense,  preserved  them ! 

P  IIuss,  Tract  de  Decimis,  of  Huss,  but  the  summary  of 

C.     laB,    [ed.     155S.]        See  his    argument    by    Davenant, 

ishop  I)avenant*8  Determina-  from    whom    the  question  is 

tion,  [Quiest.  xxx.  p.  1 36.  ed.  derived.] 
1639.  These  are  not  the  words 


CENT.  XIV. 


of  Britain. 


861 


viif.  it  is  more  suspicious,  that  this  rebellion  came  a.  d.  1380. 
out  of  the   Franciscan   convent,  because  some   nf^   '  '   * 
these,'  belike,  were  the  rebels'  whiteboys,  and,  as  is 
afore-mentioned,  to  be  spared  in  a  general  destruc- 
tion. 

In  a  word,  I  wonder  how  many  ingenuous  papists 
can  charge  Wicliffe  of  rebellion,  in  maintaining 
dominion  to  be  founded  in  grace,  when  the  grandees 
of  their  own  religion  (Aquine,  Cajetan,  Bellarmine, 
Suarez)  maintain  that  dominion  is  so  founded  in 
grace,  (in  the  pope,)  that  a  king,  by  him  excommu- 
nicate, may  lawfully  be  deposed  and  murdered. 

24.  William  Courtenay,  archbishop  of  Canter- ad.  1382. 
bury  %  (in  the  place  of  Simon  Sudbury,  lately  slain,)  Courtenay 

J  1  .  J       X    T         J  'J.  persecutes 

made  cruel  canons,  m  a  synod  at  London,  agamst  {he  Wie- 
the maintainors  of  Wicliffe  his  opinions*^;  and^****"* 
I  wonder  that  in  Lyndewood's  Constitutions,  no 
mention  at  all  of  any  canons  made  by  this  arch- 
bishop, who  sat  above  ten  years  in  the  see.  As  for 
the  heavy  persecution  which  soon  after  he  raised 
against  Robert  Rugge,  Thomas  Brightwell,  Nicholas 
de  Hereford,  Philip  Ripington,  &c.  ^  nothing  can  be 
added  to  what  Mr.  Foxe  hath  related  *. 

25.  In  my  mind  it  amounteth  to  little  less  than  a  widiffe  his 
miracle,  that  during  this  storm  on  his  disciples,  S^Ju^il^. 
Wicliffe  their  master  should  live  in  quiet :  strange 


4  [Late  bishop  of  London.]] 
r  [Walsingham,  285.] 

5  [See  an  account  of  these 
persons  in  Lewis's  Wicliffe, 
chap.  X.  Robert  Rugge  was 
chancellor  of  the  university  of 
Oxford  ;  Ripindon  was  also  of 
the  same  university,  and  canon 
of  Leicester ;  Brightwell  was 
also  a  doctor  of  divinity  of  the 


same  university,  and  probably 
related  to  Dr.  Nicholas  Bright- 
well,  dean  of  Newark,  in 
Leicester,  chancellor  of  Ox- 
ford in  1388.  Hereford's 
protestation  is  in  Knyghton. 
2655.  See  also  Stow,  p.  302.] 
^  [In  his  Acts,  &c.  I.  p.  57 1 . 
sq.] 


<^4 


868  TAe  Church  HUtory 

A.D.  laSi-that  he  was  not  drowned  in  so  strong  a- 
6  Ridi.  ri.  " 
ran  against  him,  whose   safety  (under  C 

vidence)  is  not  so  much  to  be  ascribed  t 

strength  in  swimming  as  to  such  as  heli 

by  the  chin — the  greatness  of  his  noble  s 

About  this  time  he  ended  his  translatit 

Bible    into    English ",    (a    fair    copy    wl 

Queen's  College,  in  Oxford,  and  two  mo 

University  Library,)    done  no   doubt   in 

expressive  language  of  those  days,  though 

uncouth  to  our  ears :  The  knave  of  Jesus  ( 

servant ;  and  Philip  baptized  the  gelding,  fi 

Acts  viii. ;  so  much  our  tongue  is  impro'' 

age.     As  for  the  report  of  Polydore  Virgi 

him  to  fly  out  of  England  in  the  time  o 

the  Third,  et  in  magna  pretio  apud  Bohen 

and  to  have  been  of  high  esteem  amongst 

mians ;  it  is  true  of  Wicliflfe's  writings,  b 

his  person,  who  never  departed  his  native  « 

A.  D.  1385.      26.  Not  long  after,  therein  he  ended  ] 

d^""**    his  cure  at  Lutterworth,  in  Leicestershi] 

palsy  *.     Admirable,  that  a  hare  so   ofte 

with  so   many  packs   of  dogs  should   di 

quietly  sitting   in  his    form.       Parsons  t 

snarls  at  Mr.  Foxe  for  counting  Wicliffe 

in  his  Calendar,  as,  so  far  from  sufferin 

death,  that  he  was  never  so  much  as  impr 

the  opinion  he  maintained.      Bat  the  pi 

be  justified  in  the  large  acception  of  th' 

for  a  witness  of  the  truth ;  besides,  the 

Wicliife  was  martyred  as  to  shame,  thou; 

"  [Leland,  De  Script.  Brit.     [In  Com.  de  Seripl 

380.]  379.  ed.  Hall,  1701 

'  Leland, excroDicoTinensi.     Walaingh.  311.] 


CENT*  XIV.  a/ Britain.  868 

pain,  as  far  as  his  adversaries'  cruelty  could  extend,  a.  d.  1385. 
being  taken  up  and  burnt  many  years  after  his — — — 1 
death,  as  (God  willing)  we  shall  shew  hereafter. 

27.  William  Wickham  about  this  time  finished  a.  d.  1386. 

New  college 

his  beautiful  college  in  Oxford  ^.  Some  have  raised  buUt  by 
a  scandal  of  him,  that  he  was  no  scholar  at  all,  from  wi<SSiam. 
which  the  very  meanest  scholar  in  his  foundation 
can  acquit  him  by  that  rule  in  logic,  Quod  efficit  tale 
magis  est  tale :  what  maketh  the  same  is  more  the 
same  ;  by  which  his  learning  must  be  inferred,  whose 
bounty  caused  so  many  learned  men.  Now  because 
the  maxim  runneth  with  a  limitation.  Si  sit  tale^  (if 
it  be  the  same,)  the  truth  hereof  also  appears  from 
the  learned  pen  ^,  who,  writing  Wickham's  life,  hath 
proved  him  to  have  been  a  sufficient  scholar,  skilled 
in  other  arts,  as  well  as  in  practical  mathematics  and 
architecture. 

28.  Now  as  Solomon,  when  about  to  build  his  industry 
house  at   Millo,  seeing  Jeroboam  to  be  an  Indus- menu/' 
trious   man,  made   him    master  of  his  fabric  ^^  sof^^^" 
Edward  the  Third,  discovering  the  like  sufficiency  in^^^^^' 
this  great  clerk,  employed  him  in   all  his   stately  meat, 
structures :    witness    this    in    motto    at    Windsor 
Castle,    This    made    Wickham,   meaning    that    the 
building  of  that  castle  gave  occasion  to  his  wealth 

and  honour ;  whereas  on  this  college  he  might  write. 
This  Wickham  made,  the  building  and  endowing 
thereof  being  the  effect  of  his  bounty  alone  :  hence 

y  It  was  begun  anno  1375.  complectens  vitam  ac  res  gestas 

[The  first  stone  was  laid  March  beatissimi  viri    Guilielmi  Wi- 

5,    1380;    it    was   finished   in  cami,    quondam    Vintoniensis 

April,  1386.]  Episcopi  et  Anglise  Cancellarii, 

^  Dr.  Martin,  who  wrote  a  &c.     Londini,  1 597.  4to.] 
book    in    vindication    of    his         ^  1  Kings  xi.  26. 
learning :  [Historica  Descriptio 


864 


The  Church  History 


BOOK  IV. 


A 

10 


•^:!3^Mt  is  that  this  college  giveth  the  anns  of  Wickham, 

viz.  two  chevrons  betwixt  three  roses,  each  chevron 

allading  to  two  beams  fastened  together,  (called 
couples  in  building,)  to  speak  his  skill  in  architec- 
ture ^ 
A  cMtie-        29.  This  college  he  built  veiy  strong,  out  of  a 
^^nfd  fOT  design  ^  that  it  should  be  able  to  hold  out  a  siege 
defence.     ^£  itself,  if  uccd  SO  required  it ;  though  may  it  never 
have  a  temptation  in  that  kind,  to  try  the  strength 
of  the  walls   thereof!     Indeed  this  college,  with 
Bourges  in  France,  may  lay  claim  to  the  name  of 
Bituris : 

Turribus  a  binis  inde  yocor  Bituris ; 

SO  called  from  two  towers  therein,  as  this  hath  the 
like :  one  over  the  gate,  the  other  over  the  porch, 
in  the  entrance  into  the  hall ;  so  that  it  may  seem 
a  castle  college,  and  made  as  well  for  defence  as 
habitation.  So  that  at  this  present  is  maintained 
therein  a  warden,  seventy  fellows  and  scholars,  ten 
chaplains,  three  clerks,  one  organist,  sixteen  choris- 
ters, besides  officers  and  servants  of  the  foundation, 
with  other  students ;  being  in  all  one  hundred  thirty- 
five. 
A.D.  1392.      pg^g  j^Q  jjQ^  from  his  orchard  of  grown  trees  to 

A  college  at  ° 

Winchester  his  uurscry   of  grafts,    the  college  at  Winchester, 
by  bishop    which  a  few  years  after  the  same  bishop  finished  \ 

Wickham. 


^  Wake*8  Rex  Platonicus, 
p.  144. 

c  So  say  the  statutes  of  this 
college. 

d  ["  His  monument  at  Ox- 
'*  ford.  New  College,  supposed 
*'  to  have  taken  its  name  from 
''  an  ancient  hostle,  sometime 
'*  standing  on  its  site,  called 


"  St.  Neot's  Hall,  was  first 
"  began,  of  which  more  anon. 
"  The  very  next  year  after  it 
"  was  finished  he  began  his 
"  other  college  by  Winchester, 
"  the  first  stone  of  which  was 
**  laid  26th  of  March,  at  three 
"  of  the  clock  in  the  morning, 
"  anno  1387,  and  in  six  years' 


CSNT.  XIV. 


of  Britain. 


366 


not  much  inferior  to  the  former  for  building  and  a.  d.  1392. 

*^  16  Rich.  11. 

endowments,  as  wherein  he  established  one  warden, 

ten  fellows,  two  schoolmasters,  and  seventy  scholars, 
with  officers  and  servants,  which  are  all  maintained 
at  his  charge;  out  of  which  school  he  ordained 
should  be  chosen  the  best  scholars  always  to  supply 
the  vacant  places  of  the  fellows  of  this  college  *. 

SI.  As  his  charity,  so  his  fiiith  (he  that  provideth^}\^^^oT 

/•It  1  -    ^  T  T\  ^**  kindred. 

not  for  his  house  is  worse  than  an  tnfidet)  appeared 
in  this  his  foundation ;  ordering  that  his  own  kins- 
men should  be  preferred  before  others  ^.  Let  their 
parents  therefore  but  provide  for  their  nursing  when 
infants,  their  breeding  when  children,  and  he  hath 
took  order  for  their  careful  teaching  at  Winchester 
when  youth,  liberal  living  at  Oxford  when  men,  and 
comfortable  subsistence  in  their  reduced  age,  in  those 
many  and  good  patronages  he  hath  conferred  on  the 
college.  And  truly  as  these  his  kindred  have  been 
happy  in  him,  so  Wickham  hath  been  happy  in  his 
kindred,  many  of  them  meriting  the  best  prefer- 
ment, without  any  advantage  of  his  relation.  And 
as  this  Wickham  was  the  first  in  that  kind  so  pro- 
vident for  his  kindred,  his  practice  hath  since  been 
precedential  to  some  other  colleges,  as  the  statutes 


"  space  finished  in  such  sort 
"  that  the  first  warden  and 
"  fellows,  after  a  solemn  pro- 
'^  cession,  entered  into  the  same 
**  at  three  of  the  clock  in  the 
"  morning,  28th  March,  1393." 
Wood's  History,  &c.  p,  176. 
The  school  had  already  existed 
twenty  years,  having  been 
opened  in  Michaelmas,  1373.] 
e  ["  At  Winchester  he  ap- 
**  pointed  the  number  of  an 
••  hundred   and   five   persons  ; 


**  viz.  one  warden,  two  fellows 
'*  that  are  priests,  three  chap- 
**  lains^  three  clerks,  fifteen 
"  choristers,  who  are  daily  to 
*'  perform  divine  offices  in  the 
"  chapel  there,  twenty  scholars 
'^  to  apply  themselves  to  gram- 
**  mar,  and  a  master  and  an 
'*  usher  to  instruct  them." 
Wood,  ib.] 

^  [He  also  remembered  every 
one  of  them  in  his  will.] 


S66 


The  Church  History 


BOOK  IT. 


A.D.  139^.  of  this  house  are  generally  a  direction  to  other  later 
'  foundations.  To  take  our  leave  of  this  bishop,  who- 
soever considers  the  vast  buildings  and  rich  endow- 
ments made  by  this  prelate,  besides  his  expense  in 
repairing  the  cathedral  at  Winchester,  will  conclude 
such  achievements  unpossible  for  a  subject,  until  he 
reflect  on  his  vast  offices  of  preferments,  being  bishop 
of  Winchester,  rector  of  St.  Martin's-le-Grand,  hold- 
ing twelve  prebends  in  comtnendam  with  it,  lord  privy 
seal,  chancellor,  and  treasurer  of  England^  besides 
other  places  of  meaner  consequence. 


[Let  me  conclude  this  sec- 
tion with  the  testimony  of  old 
John  Stow,  who  has  added 
some  other  particulars  of  the 
generosity  and  munificence  of 
this  glorious  prelate.  "  This 
"  year  (A.D.  1404)  died  Wil- 
liam Wickham,  bishop  of 
Winchester,  by  whose  charges 
•*  and  travel  the  clergy  of  £ng. 
land  was  much  increased ; 
for  he  builded  a  noble  college 
*  in  Oxford,  &c. ;  he  builded 
the  great  body  of  the  church 
"  of  St.  Swithin's  in  Winches- 
**  ter,  where  the  sermons  are 
*'  made^  and  where  his  body  is 
"  interred  —  a  very  princely 
"  work !  Neither  did  he  for  all 
**  this  diminish  any  thing  of  his 


<f 


« 


<( 


•( 


(( 


"  ordinary  household  charge9, 
**  and  fed  (as  the  writing  en- 
"  graved  on  his  sepulchre  shew- 
"  eth)  both  rich  and  poor.  He 
*'  deceased  at  the  age  of  seventy 
"  years.  He  died  rich,  for 
"  beside  that  he  gave  to  Lis 
*'  kinsfolk  and  to  the  poor, 
"  he  gave  somewhat  to  every 
**  church  in  his  diocese.  He 
"  gave  many  things  to  the 
"  king,  and  to  his  own  ser- 
*'  vants,  and  to  his  colleges; 
•*  neither  do  I  doubt  but  that 
'*  he  who  thus  lived  is  now 
'*  with  God,  whom  I  beseech 
^*  to  raise  up  many  like  bishops 
**  in  England."  *  And  let  all 
the  people  say.  Amen.'  Chron. 

P-33»] 


of  Britain 


i 

A.  D.  1301. 
.6Rich:!l. 

Wardens.                  Benefaclaraf. 

flwiopjh. 

Leatneri  irriten. 

RichnrddeTon-  '  Mr.  [l:hri>- 

Wm.  Warhsm, 

Thoa.  Harding. 

wortbe.              1       topher] 

arcbhiahop  of 

Thoa.  Nesle. 

[1370.]  NJch.  de  Wyke-  '       Kawlins. 

Nich.  Sanders. 

ham.                  1  Sir  Richard 

Wm-Waynflete, 

Nich.  Harps. 

'.389.] 

Thomas  Cranljr.  .       Read,  kut. 

bishop  of 

field. 

.396. 

Rich.  Malforde.     Dr.  Neivman. 

Winchester. 

Wm.  Reynolds*. 

1403. 

John  Boiike.        i  Dr.  [George] 

John  White, 

Thot.  Hide. 

I419' 

Wm.  Etuiurt           Ryve. 
Nicb.OsBulhuiy.'       Ward. 

bi.hop  of 

John  Manhall. 

U35- 

Winchester. 

Thos.  Stapleton. 

■453- 

ThotChaundler.  Dr.  Martin. 

Thomas  Bikon, 

John  Fenrie. 

■475- 

Waller  Hill.           Rol>ert  Bdl. 

hiahop  of 

Rich.M^hilo'-. 

1494- 

William  Porter.  ,  Dr,  Smith. 

Winchester. 

John  Pits. 

1510. 

John  Beade. 

Wm.  Knight, 

All     violent 
mainlainers    of 

151'. 

JohiiYounge.     1 

bishop  of 

1516- 

John  London. 

Bath  and 

ii*i. 

Henrj.  Cole. 

M'ella. 

the  popish  reli. 

'55'- 

Ralph  Skinner. 

Jas.  Turhervil, 

gion. 

['6S3- 
t'573- 

Thomas  White.   , 
Mart.  Colpei)per. 

bishop  of 
Eieter. 

SirHen.Wot- 

f;g: 

Geor^  Rives.      1 
Arthur  Lake. 

Rotert  Sher- 
bourne, 

Dr.  Tooker, 

[1617. 

[Robert]  Pink.    1 

bishop  of 

dean  of  Lich- 
field. 
Dr.  Jas.  Cook, 

Winehesler. 

[ifi47. 

[Hen.]  Stringer. 

Chicheiler. 

[1649- 

[Geo.]  Manbal.  1 

Arthur  lake, 
bishnp  of 
Bath  and 

i 

Wells. 

Sir  Thos,  Ryres, 
(besides  other 
el(«anc 
works,)  for 
his  Vicar-t 
Flea. 

Sir  Jas.  B  nine. 

Sir  Henry 
Martin. 

Dr.  Meredith, 
dean  of  Wells 

Arthur  Lake, 
biahopofBath 
and  MMls. 

Wm,  Twisse. 

i 

1 

JohnMTiite. 

X  [This  list  of  benefactors  is 
very  incomplete,  and  differs 
materially  from  that  which  is 
given  by  Wood.] 

^  [Wood  enumerates  thirty- 
five  bishops  down  to  Robert 
Lowth,  in  1777.] 

1  He  was  brother  to  Dr. 
John  Reynolde,  the  great  pro- 


''  He  wrote  a  History  of 
England,  [in  Latin,  with  this 
title,  Richardi  Viti  Basinsto- 
chii  Comitis  palatini  Historia- 
rum  Libri,  1J97.  It  extends 
to  eleven  books,  of  which  the 
two  last  are  very  rare.  As  an 
historical  work  it  is  uttnly 
worthless.] 


Tkn  Cumrdk  IBaimm  book  it. 


A.D, zy^     One  msT  4p^  the  ^ospkiofi  of  flatteir,  if  adding 


r^bk^IL 


Dr.  Harm,  cbe  lei^iend  wvden  of  Wmcfaester ;  Dr. 
Bkfaard  Zooefa.  ikhC  beholden  to  his  noMe  extraction 
hi^  repate.  fbonded  on  hi«  own  w^wth,  and  books 
berond  the  seas;  Dr.  Merrick,  late  judge 
of  the  pierDgatire:  bat  it  i»  better  to  leave  the 
cfaaracten  of  their  wcvth  to  the  thankfolness  of 
the  next  age  to  describe. 

32.  Latelv  the  pc^'s  osnrpation  ms  grown  so 
great,  in  entrenching  on  the  crown,  that  there  was 
an   absolute   neceasitr  seasonably  to    retrendi  his 
umirpation;   for  albeit  the  kings  of  England  were 
as   absolute   in   their  demeans,  their   prelacy  and 
clergy  as  learned,  their  nobility  as  valiant  and  pru- 
dent, their  commons  as  free  and  wealthy  as  any  in 
Christendom,  yet  had  not  some  laws  of  provision 
now  been  made,  England  had  long  since  been  turned 
part  of  8t.  Peter^s  patrimony  in  demeans ;  yea,  the 
sceptre  wrested  out  of  their  king's  hands,  her  pre- 
lates made  the  pope's  chaplains  and  clerks,  nobility 
his    servants  and  vassals,  commons  his  slaves  and 
villains,  had  not  some  seasonable  statutes  of  manu- 
mission been  enacted. 
TtMiiMul-      83,  For  now  came  the  parliament  wherein  the 
tiiui  of  pwB- statute  was  enacted  wnicn  mauled  the  papal  power 
tniiii  r«.      .^^  England.    Some  former  laws  had  pared  the  pope's 
iiailH  to  the  quick,  but  this  cut  off  his  fingers,  in 
effect,  so  that  hereafter  his  hands  could  not  grasp 
and  hold  such  vast  sums  of  money  as  before.     This 
is  called  the  Statute  of  Praemunire ;  and  let  not  the 
reader  grudge  the  reading  thereof,  which  gave  such 
n  blow  to  the  church  of  Rome  that  it  never  reco- 
vonul  itself  in  tliis  land,  but  daily  decayed  till  its 
iinal  doHtruction  ^ : 

I  [Huti  the  authentic  collection  of  the  Statutes,  vol.ii.  p.  8.] 


CENT.  XIV.  of  Britain,  869 

"  Whereas  the  Commons  of  the  realm  in  this^;?:!^??* 

10  Rich.  II. 

present  parliament  have  shewed  to  our  redoubted 

Lord  the  King,  grievously  complaining,  that 
whereas  the  said  our  Lord  the  King  and  all  his 
liege  people  ought  of  right,  and  of  old  time  were 
wont  to  sue  in  the  King's  court,  to  recover  their 
presentments  to  churches,  prebends,  and  other 
benefices  of  holy  church,  to  the  which  they  had 
right  to  present,  the  cognizance  of  plea  of  which 
presentment  belongeth  only  to  the  King's  court,  of 
the  old  right  of  his  crown,  used  and  approved  in 
the  time  of  all  his  progenitors,  kings  of  England : 
And  when  judgment  shall  be  given  in  the  same 
court  upon  such  a  plea  and  presentment,  the  arch- 
bishops, bishops,  and  other  spiritual  persons,  which 
"  have  institution  of  such  benefices  within  their 
"  jurisdictions,  be  bound  and  have  made  execution 
"  of  such  judgments  by  the  king's  commandments 
'*  of  all  the  time  aforesaid,  without  interruption,  (for 
another,  lay  person,  cannot  make  such  execution,) 
and  also  be  bound  of  right  to  make  execution  of 
many  other  of  the  king's  commandments,  of  which 
right  the  crown  of  England  hath  been  peaceably 
"  seised,  as  well  in  the  time  of  our  said  Lord  the 
King  that  now  is,  as  in  the  time  of  all  his  pro- 
genitors till  this  day:  But  now  of  late  divers 
^*  processes  be  inade  by  the  bishop  of  Rome,  and 
censures  of  excommunication  upon  certain  bishops 
of  England,  because  they  have  made  execution  of 
"  such  commandments,  to  the  open  disherison  of  the 
"  said  crown,  and  destruction  of  our  said  Lord  the 
King,  his  law,  and  all  his  realm,  if  remedy  be  not 
provided:  And  also  it  is  said,  and  a  common 
**  clamour  is  made,  that  the  said  bishop  of  Rome 

FULLER,  VOL.   II.  fib 


6t 
6i 


S70  The  Church  History  book  it, 

ii^\i  ^*  ^^^  ordained  and  purposed  to  translate  some  pre- 

**  lates  of  the  same  realm,  some  out  of  the  realm, 

^  and  some  fix>m  one  bishopric  into  another  within 
^*  the  same  realm,  without  the  king's  assent  and 
knowledge,  and  without  the  assent  of  the  prektes 
which  so  shall  be  translated,  which  prdates  he 
much  profitable  and  necessary  to  our  said  Lord 
the  King,  and  to  all  his  realm ;  by  whidi  trans- 
^*  lations  (if  they  should  be  suffered)  the  statutes  of 
^  the  realm  should  be  defeated  and  made  void,  and 
^  his  said  liege  sages  of  his  council,  without  his 
^^  assent  and  against  his  will,  carried  away  and  got- 
^  ten  out  of  his  realm,  and  the  substance  and 
^^  treasure  of  the  realm  shall  be  carried  away,  and 
**  so  the  realm  destitute  as  well  of  council  as  of 
*^  substance,  to  the  final  destruction  of  the  same 
^*  realm :  and  so  the  crown  of  England,  which  hath 
**  been  so  free  at  all  times  that  it  hath  been  in  no 
"  earthly  subjection,  but  immediately  subject  to  God 
in  all  things  touching  the  regality  of  the  same 
crown,  and  to  none  other,  should  be  submitted  to 
^*  the  pope,  and  the  laws  and  statutes  of  the  realm 
by  him  defeated  and  avoided  at  his  will,  in  the 
perpetual  destruction  of  the  sovereignty  of  the 
"  King  our  Lord,  his  crown,  his  regality,  and  of  all 
"  his  realm,  which  God  defend. 

^*  And  moreover  the  Commons  aforesaid  say,  that 
^'  the  said  things  so  attempted  be  clearly  against  the 
"  king's  crown  and  his  regality,  used  and  approved  of 
"  the  time  of  all  his  progenitors ;  Wherefore  they, 
and  all  the  liege  Commons  of  the  same  realm, 
will  stand  with  our  said  Lord  the  King,  and  his 
*^  said  crown,  and  his  regality,  in  the  cases  aforesaid, 
**  and  in  all  other  cases  attempted  against  him,  liis 


CBNT.XJV.  of  Britain,  871* 

"  crown,  and  his  regality,  in  all  points^  to  live  and  a.  d.  1395. 

1.  A%i  1       T^«  ^  10  Rich.  n. 

**  to  die.     And  moreover  they  pray  the  King,  and 

"  him  require  by  way  of  justice,  that  he  would 
^^  examine  all  the  Lords  in  Parliament,  as  well 
spiritual  as  temporal,  severally,  and  all  the  states 
of  the  Parliament,  how  they  think  of  the  cases 
^'  aforesaid,  which  be  so  openly  against  the  king's 
crown,  and  in  derogation  of  his  regality,  and  how 
they  will  stand  in  the  same  cases  with  our  Lord 
the  King,  in  upholding  the  rights  of  the  said  crown 
and  regality.  Whereupon  the  Lords  temporal  so 
"  demanded  have  answered,  every  one  by  himself, 
that  the  cases  aforesaid  be  clearly  in  derogation  of 
the  King's  crown,  and  of  his  regality,  as  it  is  well 
known,  and  hath  been  of  a  long  time  known,  and 
that  they  will  be  with  the  same  crown  and  regality, 
in  these  cases  specially,  and  in  all  other  cases 
which  shall  be  attempted  against  the  same  crown 
and  regality  in  all  points,  with  all  their  power. 
"  And  moreover  it  was  demanded  of  the  Lords  spi- 
ritual thes^  being,  and  the  procurators  of  others, 
being  absent,  their  advice  and  will  in  all  these 
<mses ;  which  Lords,  that  is  to  say,  the  archbishops, 
bishops,  and  other  prelates  being  in  the  said  par- 
^^  liam^DLt,  severally  examined,  making  protestations, 
that  it  is  not  their  mind  io  deny  nor  affirm  that 
the  bishop  of  Rome  may  not  excommunicate 
bishops,  nor  that  he  may  make  translation  of  pre- 
lates, aftw  the  law  of  holy  church;  answered 
and  said :  that  if  any  executions  of  processes,  made 
in  the  King's  Court  (sus  before)  be  made  by  any,  and 
^^  censures  of  excommunication  to  be  made  against 
^  any  bishops  of  England,  or  any  other  of  the  King's 
"  liege  people,  for  that  they  have  made  execution  of 

B  b  2 


6C 


6i 


d7«  The  Church  History  *ook  it; 

1393-*'  such  commandments,  and  that  if  any  executions  of 
-1—.' "  such  translations  be  made  of  any  prelates  of  the 
same  realm,  which  prelates  b^  very  profitable  and 
necessary  to  our  said  Lord  the  King  and  to  his 
said  realm,  or  that  the  sage  people  of  his  council, 
^  without  his  assent  and  against  his  will,  be  removed 
^^  and  carried  out  of  the  realm,  so  that  the  substance 
"  and  treasure  of  the  realm  may  be  consumed,  that 
**  the  same  is  against  the  King  and  his  crown,  as  it 
"  is  contained  in  the  petition  before  named.  And 
"  likewise  the  same  procurators,  every  one  by  him- 
^*  self  examined  upon  the  said  matters,  have  answered 
**  and  said  in  the  name,  and  for  their  lords,  as  the 
^*  said  bishops  have  said  and  answered,  and  that  the 
"  said  Lords  spiritual  will  and  ought  to  be  with  the 
^^  King  in  these  cases,  in  lawfully  maintaining  of  his 
**  crown,  and  in  all  other  cases  touching  his  crown 
**  and  his  regality,  as  they  be  bound  by  their  alle- 
"  giance.  Whereupon  our  said  Lord  the  King,  by 
^'  the  assent  aforesaid,  and  at  the  request  of  his  said 
"  Commons,  hath  ordained  and  established.  That  if 
any  purchase  or  pursue,  or  cause  to  be  purchased 
or  pursued,  in  the  court  of  Rome  or  elsewhere,  any 
^*  such  translations,  processes,  and  sentences  of  excom- 
"  munications,  bulls,  instruments,  or  any  other  things 
"  whatsoever,  which  touch  the  King,  against  him, 
his  crown,  and  his  regality,  or  his  realm,  as  is 
aforesaid;  and  they  which  bring  within  the  realm, 
*'  or  them  receive,  or  make  thereof  notification,  or 
any  other  execution  whatsoever  within  the  same 
realm  or  without,  that  they,  their  notaries,  pro- 
curators, maintainers,  abettors,  fautors,  and  coun- 
cillors, shall  be  put  out  of  the  king's  protection, 
"  and  their  lands  and  tenements,  goods  and  chattels. 


H6 


6t 


CENT.  XIV.  of  Britain,  87S 

^  forfeit  to  our  Lord  the  Kinff:  and  that  they  be  a.  d.  139^ 
"  attached  by  their  bodies,  if  they  may  be  found, -. — ■  .'.  1 
^  and  brought  before  the  king  and  his  council,  there 
•*  to  answer  to  the  cases  aforesaid,  or  that  process 
"  be  made  against  them,  by  prcemunire  fadaSy  in 
manner  as  it  is  ordained  in  other  statutes  of  pro- 
visors,  and  other  which  do  sue  in  any  other  court 
in  derogation  of  the  regality  of  our  Lord  the  King." 

34.  Something  of  the  occasion,  name,  and  use  of 

this  statute.  The  first  is  notoriously  known,  from  The  occa. 
the  papal  encroachments  on  the  crown.  No  bishop- JJ^^^" 
ric,  abbathy,  dignity,  or  rectory  of  value  in  England 
was  likely  to  fell,  but  a  successor  in  reversion  was 
by  the  pope's  provisions  foreappointed  for  the  same. 
To  make  sure  work,  rather  than  they  would  adven- 
ture to  take  the  place  at  the  first  rebound,  they 
would  catch  it  before  it  light  on  the  ground.  This 
was  imputed  to  the  pope's  abundance,  yea,  super- 
fluity of  care,  ne  detur  vacuum  in  the  church ;  and 
rather  than  a  widow  benefice  should  mourn  itself  to 
death,  a  second  husband  had  his  license  for  mar- 
riage before  the  former  was  deceased.  But  great 
parishes,  where  small  the  profit  and  numerous  the 
people,  and  where  indeed  greatest  care  ought  to  be 
had  of  their  souls,  were  passed  by  in  the  pope's 
bulls ;  his  holiness  making  no  provisions  for  those 
livings,  which  livings  had  no  provisious  for  his 
holiness. 

35.  Some  will  have  it  called  prcemunire^  from  why  called 
fencing  or  fortifying  the  regal  power  from  foreign  ^^^'*' 
assaults,  as  indeed  this  was  one  of  the  best  bulwarks 

and  sconces  of  sovereignty ;  others  that  prcemunire 
signifieth  the  crown  fortified  before  the  making  of 
this  statute,  as  fixing  no  new  force  therein,  but  only 

Bb3 


874  The  Church  History  book  iv. 

A.D.  i393.dechuriiig  a  precedent,  and  foTegoing  just  right  and 

i U  due  thereof.     Others  conceive  the  word  pnemonerei 

turned  hy  corruption  of  horbarous  transcribers,  inter- 
preterS)  and  pronouncers  into  pmmtmtre ;  others 
allege  the  figure  of  the  eflfi^ct  for  the  cause,  and 
the  common  proverb,  pnemonitus  pr^Bmunitns. 
Most  sure  it  is  that  pr^tmunire  facias  are  operative 
words,  in  the  form  of  the  writ  grounded  on  the 
statute,  which  may  give  denomination  to  the  whole. 
iVi|w*t<»-  86.  It  may  seem  strange  such  a  statute  could 
odkmtto  pass  in  parliament,  where  almost  sixty  spiritual 
^^^'  barons  (bishops  and  abbots)  voted  according  to  papal 
interest;  except  any  will  say,  that  such  who  for- 
merly had  much  of  a  pope  in  their  bellies  had  now 
more  of  patriots  in  their  breast,  being  weary  of 
Rome's  exactions.  Indeed  no  man  in  place  of  power 
or  profit  loves  to  behold  himself  buried  alive,  by 
seeing  his  successor  assigned  unto  him,  which  caused 
all  clergymen  to  hate  such  superinductions,  and  many 
friends  to  the  pope  were  foes  to  his  proceedings 
therein. 
TWpoiw^  37.  This  law  angereil  all  the  veins  in  the  heart 
i^Mmttiikof  his  holiness;  the  statute  of  mortmain  put  him 
into  a  sweat,  but  this  into  the  fit  of  a  fever.  The 
former  concerned  him  only  mediately,  in  the  abbeys 
his  darlings;  this  touched  him  in  his  person;  and 
how  choleric  he  ii'as  will  appear  by  the  following 
letter,  here  inserted  (though  written  some  fifty  years 
after)  to  make  the  story  entire "". 

*'  Martinus  Episcopus,  servus  servorum  Dei,  dilecto 

>»  The  origiiial  of  this  hill  ma^  had  thb  his  copy,  from 
was  in  the  study  of  sir  Nicbo-  whidi  that  of  sir  Robert  Cot- 
las    Bacon,    lord    chanwDor,  ton*s  is  deriTed. 
whence  the  ardibishop  of  Ar- 


CBNT.  XIV.  of  Britain.  876 

^'  filio  nobili  viro  Johanni,  duci  Bedford,  salutem  et  a.  0.1593. 

^  apo8tolicam  benedictionem.     Quamvis  duduin  in 

f^  regno  Anglise,  jurisdictio  Romanae  Ecclesiae,  et 
**  libertas  eoclesiastica  fuerit  oppressa,  vigore  illius 
"  eopecrahilis  statuti,  quod  omni  divinae  et  humann 
^^  ration!  contrarium  est :  Tamen  adhuc  non  fuit  ad 
tantam  violentiam  prolapsum,  ut  in  sedis  aposto- 
licae  nuncios  et  legatos  manus  temere  mitterentur, 
sicut  novissime  factum  est  in  persona  dilecti  filii 
*^  Johannis  de  Oisis  palatii  apostolic!  causarum 
auditoris,  et  in  prse&to  regno  nuntii,  et  coUectoris 
nostril  quern  audivimus  ex  hac  sola  causa,  quod 
literas  apostolicas  nostro  nomine  prsesentabat, 
•*  fuisse  per  aliquos  de  ipso  regno  carceribus  man- 
cipatum.  Qude  injuria  nobis  et  apostolicae  sedi 
illata,  animum  nostrum  affecit  admiratione,  turba- 
tione,  et  molestia  singular! :  Miramur  enira,  stu- 
"  pescimus  et  dolemus,  quod  tam  fcedum  et  turpe 
^'fadntts  in  illo  regno  commissum  sit,  contra  sedem 
B.  Petri,  et  nuntios  ejus,  praesertim  cum  literse 
illae  nostrae,  nil  aliud  quam  salutem  animarum, 
"  honorem  regni,  et  per  omnia  patemas  et  sanctas 
^^  admonitiones  continerent.  Fuit  enim  semper  etiam 
^^  apud  gentiles,  qui  nuUam  tenebant  verae  fide! 
"  rationem  inviolabile  nomen  nuntii ;  atque  legati 
"  etiams!  ab  hostibus  mitterentur  semper  salvi,  et 
hodie  apud  Saracenos  et  Turcos,  a  quibusdam  tute 
destinantur  legationes  et  literse ;  etiams!  illis  ad 
quos  deferuntur  molestss  sint  et  injuriosae.  Et 
"  nuncius  noster,  vir  humanus  et  moderatus,  et  con- 
"  tinua  conversatione  notissimus  in  regno  Angliac, 
quod  devotione  fide!,  et  cultu  divino  se  jactat 
omnes  alias  Christianas  rationes  superare  turpiter 
captus  est,  nihil  impium,  nee  hostile  deferens,  sed 

B  b  4 


M 
« 


1 


876  The  Church  History  book  iv. 

A.D.1393."  literas  salutares  et  justas.     Sed  revereantur  ali- 

l !_' "  quando  illi  qui  sic  contumaciter  et  superbe  Eccle- 

**  siam  Dei  contemnent,  et  sedis  apostolicse  autho- 
"  ritatem,  ne  super  ipsos  eveniat  justa  punitio  ex 
"  Christi  judicio,  qui  earn  instituit,  et  fundavit. 
"  Caveant  ne  tot  cumulatis  offensis  Deum  irritent, 
"  ad  ultionem  et  tarditatem  supplicii  gravitate  com- 
"  pensent.  Non  videbatur  eis  satis  offendisse  Deum 
**  statuta  condendo  contra  vicarium  ejus,  contra 
*'  Ecclesiam  et  Ecclesiae  caput,  nisi  pertinaciter  per- 
*'  severantes  in  malo  proposito,  in  nuntium  aposto- 
"  licum  violentas  manus  injicerent  ?  Quod  non 
**  dubitamiis  tuse  Excellentiae,  quae  Ecclesiae  et  regni 
**  honorem  diligit,  displicere,  et  certi  sumus  quod  si 
"  fuisses  in  Anglia,  pro  tua  naturali  prudentia,  et  pro 
"  fide  et  devotione  quam  geres  erga  nos  et  Eccle- 
siam Dei,  illos  incurrere  in  hunc  fiirorem  nullatenuis 
permisisses.  Verum  cum  non  solum  ipsis  qui  hoc 
"  fecerunt,  sed  toti  regno  magna  accederit  ignominia, 
"  et  dietim  si  perseverabit  in  errore,  accessura  sit 
"  major :  generositatem  tuam,  in  qua  valde  confide- 
"  mus,  exhortamur  et  affectuose  rogamus,  ut  circa 
"  hsec  provideas,  prout  sapientiae  tuse  videbitur, 
"  honori  nostro  et  Ecclesiae,  ac  saluti  regni  conve- 
"  nire.  Datum  Romae  apud  Sanctos  Apostolos,  VI. 
"  Kal.  Junii  Pontificatus  nostri,  anno  12™®." 

Give  winners  leave  to  laugh,  and  losers  to  speak, 
or  else  both  will  take  leave  to  themselves ;  the  less 
the  pope  could  bite,  the  more  he  roared,  and  as  it 
appears  by  his  language,  he  was  highly  offended 
thereat.  This  penal  statute  as  a  rod  was  for  many 
years  laid  upon  the  desk,  or  rather  locked  up  in  the 
cupboard.  No  great  visible  use  being  made  thereof, 
until  the  reign  of  king  Hen.  VIII.  whereof  hereafter. 


CEST.  XIV.  of  Britain.  877 

36.  Since  the  Reformation,  the  professors  of  the  a.d.  1393- 

4k>iiimon  law  have  taken  much  advantage  out  of  this ■' 

statute,  threatening  therewith  such  as  are  active  in  ed  than 
the  ecclesiastical  jurisdictions,  as  if  their  dealings  '^^ 
tended  to  be  the  disherison  of  the  crown.  A 
weapon  wherewith  they  have  rather  flourished  than 
struck,  it  being  suspicious,  that  that  appearing-sword 
is  but  all  hilt,  whose  blade  was  never  dravni  out, 
as  this  charge  hath  never  been  driven  home  against 
them ;  but  herein  let  us  hearken  to  the  learned 
judgment  of  sir  Thomas  Smith,  secretary  of  state, 
who  well  knew  the  interest  of  his  sovereign  therein. 

89-  "  Because  this  court,  which  is  called  cwna  sir  Thomas 
*'  Christianitatis^  is  yet  taken  as  appeareth  for  an  judgment 
**  extern  and  foreign  court,  and  differeth  from  the  ^^^^' 
"  policy  and  manner  of  government  of  the  realm, 
"  and  is  another  court  (as  appeareth  by  the  act  and 
"  writ  of  prcemunire)  than  curia  regis  aut  regince ; 
**  yet  at  this  present,  this  court  as  well  as  others 
"  hath  her  force,  power,  authority,  rule,  and  jurisdic- 
tion from  the  royal  majesty,  and  the  crown  of 
England,  and  from  no  other  foreign  potentate  or 
power  under  God ;  which  being  granted  (as  indeed 
**  it  is  true)  it  may  now  appear  by  some  reason, 
"  that  the  first  statute  of  praemunires  whereof  I  have 
spoken,  hath  now  no  place  in  England,  seeing 
there  is  no  pleading  alibi  quam  in  curia  regis  ac 
regin€B^'^  All  I  will  add  of  this  statute  is  this ; 
that  it  hath  had  the  hard  hap  not  to  be  honoured 
with  so  many  readings  therein,  as  other  statutes. 
Perhaps  because  not  bringing  in  TrpoarraXipiTay  in 
proportion   to   the   pains  which  must   be  laid  out 

"  Commonwealth  of  Eng.  iii.  11.  [p.  269.  ed.  1640.] 


6< 


S78  The  ilhwrck  Huiary  book  it. 

AD. 1 395. thereon;  and  therefore  I  would  ioTite  scMiie  iii£:e- 

19  Rich.  II.  .  ^ 

Dums  m  our  commcm  law  (and  with  sndi  no  dodbt 

it  aboundeth)  to  bestow  their  learned  endeayours 
thereon,  to  their  own  honour,  and  adyancement  of 
the  truth  in  so  noble  a  subject. 
Ti^wiaDn  40^  Many  poor  souls  at  this  time  were  by  fear 
abjoratioii.  or  flattoiy  moyed  to  algure  the  truth,  and  promise 
future  conformity  to  the  church  of  Rome.  In  proof 
whereof  let  not  the  reader  think  much  to  peruse  the 
following  instruments;  first,  for  the  authenticness 
thereof,  being  truly  copied  out  of  the  originals  of 
the  tower ;  secondly,  because  it  contains  some  extra- 
ordinary formalities  of  abjuration.  Lastly,  because 
the  four  persons  mentioned  therein  haye  escaped 
Mr.  Foxe  his  obseryation,  seeing  no  drag-net  can  be 
so  carefully  cast  as  to  catch  all  things  which  come 
under  it. 

Memarand.  quod  prima  die  Septembrisy  anno  regni 
regis  Richardi  Secundi  post  conquestum  decinuh 
nono  WtUielmus  DyneU  Nicholaus  TaiUour^  Nicho- 
laus  Poncher^  et  WtUielmus  Steynour  de  Notyng^ 
ham^  in  canceUaria  ipsius  regis  personaliter  con- 
stittUi  sacramentum  divisim  prestiterunt  sub  eo  qui 
sequitur  tenore^. 

I  WiLLYAM  Dynet,  bofor  yhow  worschipefiill  &der 
and  lorde  archebisshope  of  Yhorke,  and  yhour  cler- 
gie  with  my  free  wyll  and  fiill  ayysede  swere  to 
Gode  and  to  all  his  Seyntes  upon  this  holy  Gospells 

o  Ex   Rotulo    Clausar.    de  original  but  the  membruie  has 

anno  regni  r^s  decimo  nono  been  so  much  stained  with  gall 

Richardi  secundi  membrana  18.  as  to  be  in  many  parts  com- 

[m.  dorao.    Collated  with  the  pletely  illegible.] 


ei^NT.  XVI.  cf  Britain.  879 

yat  fro  this  day  forth warde  I  shall  worshipe  3rHiage8A.D.i395. 
withe  preying  and  offeryng  wn  to  hem  in  the  wor-  '^^^^^'^^' 
scheme  of  the  seintes  y*  yey  be  made  after.  And 
also  I  shal  never-mor  despyse  pygremage  ne  states 
of  holy  Chyrche,  in  no  degree.  And  also  I  shalle 
be  buxum  to  ye  lawes  of  holy  chirche  and  to  yhowe 
as  myn  archebysshope  and  to  myn  oyer  ordinares 
and  curates  and  kepe  yo  lawes  upon  my  power  and 
meynten  hem.  And  also  I  shalle  never  more  meyn- 
ten,  ne  techen,  ne  defenden  errours,  conclusions, 
ne  techynges  of  ye  LoUardes,  ne  swyche  conclusions 
and  techynges  that  men  clepyth  LoUardes  doctr3m, 
ne  I  shalle  her  bokes,  ne  swyche  bokes  ne  hem 
or  any  suspect  or  diffamede  of  Lolardery  resceyve, 
or  company  withall  wyttyngly  or  defende  in  yo 
matters,  and  yf  I  knowe  ony  swiche,  I  shall,  wyth 
all  the  haste  that  y  may,  do  yhowe  or  els  your  ner 
officers  to  wyten,  and  of  her  bokes.  And  allso 
I  shall  excite  and  stirre  all  you  to  goode  doctrfm 
yat  I  have  hinderd  wythe  myn  doctryn  up  my 
power,  and  also  I  shall  stonde  to  your  declaracion 
wych  es  heresy  or  errour  and  do  therafter.  And 
also  what  penance  yhe  woUe  for  yat  I  have  don  for 
meyntenyng  of  this  false  doctryn  in  mynd  mee 
and  I  shall  fulfill  it,  and  I  submit  me  yer  to  up  my 
power,  and  also  I  shall  make  no  othir  glose  of  this 
my  oth  bot  as  ye  wordes  stonde,  and  if  it  be  so 
that  I  com  agayn  or  do  agayn  this  oath  or  ony 
party  thereof  I  yhelde  me  here  cowpable  as  an 
heretyke  and  to  be  punyshed  be  ye  lawe  as  an 
heretyke,  and  to  forfeit  all  my  godes  to  the  kynges 
will  withowten  any  othir  processe  of  lawe,  and  yerto 
I  require  ye  notarie  to  make  of  all  this,  ye  whych 
is  my  will,  an  instrument  agayns  me. 


880  The  Church  History  book  1¥. 

A.D.  i$9S'Et  ex  habundanti  idem  WiU.  Dynet  eodem  die  voluU 

'         et  recognovit  quod  omnia  bona  et  cataUa  sua  mo- 

bilia  nobis  sint  forisfoAnta  in  casu  quo  ipse  jura- 

mentum  prcedictum  seu  aliqua  in  eodem  juramenlo 

contenta  de  cetero  contravenerit  vUo  modo. 


Take  It  41.  We  have  here  exemphfied  this  abiuration  lust 

foultsand  _.  ^         .  ..i.i_iii«i, 

aiL  according  to  the  ongmals,  with  all  the  mults  and 

pseudography  thereof.    For  I  remember  in  my  time, 
an   under-clerk  at   court,   threatened  to  be  called 
before  the  green-cloth  for  an  innovation  from  for- 
mer bills,   though  only  writing  Sinapi  with  an  /S, 
contrary  to  the  common  custom  of  the  clerks  of  the 
kitchen,  formerly  writing  of  it  with  a  (7,  so  wedded 
are  some  men  to  old  orders,  and  so  dangerous  in 
their  judgment  is  the  least  deviation  from  them. 
Someob-        42.    The  archbishop  of  York  mentioned  therein 
on  this  ab-  was  Thomas  Arundel,  then  chancellor  of  England,  and 
juration,     j^^  ^^^  probability  this  instrument  was  dated  at  York. 
For  I  find  that  at  this  very  time  Thomas  Arundel,  to. 
humble  the  Londoners  (then  reputed  disaffected  to 
the  king)  removed  the  terms  and  courts  to  York, 
where  they  continued  for  some  short  time,  and  then 
returned  to  their  ancient  course  p.     Whereas  he  is 
enjoined  point-blank  to  worship  images,  it  seemetb 
that  the  modem  nice  distinction  of  worshipping  of 
saints  in  images,  was  not  yet  in  fashion.     It  ap- 
peareth  herein  that  relapse  after  abjuration  was  not 
as  yet  (as  afterwards)  punishable  with   death,  but 
only  with  forfeiture  of  goods  to  the  crown. 
The  death       43.  This  year  a  godly,  learned,  and  aged  servant 
Trevysa.     of  God  ended  his  days,  viz.  John  de  Trevysa,  a  gen- 

P  Godwin  De  Praesul.  Angl.  [p.  688.] 


CENT.  XIV. 


of  Britain. 


881 


tleman  of  an  ancient  family^  (bearing  gtdes^  a  garb,  a.d.  139J. 
^r)  bom  at  Crocadon  in  Cornwall,  a  secular  priest,  ^  '  '  ' 
and  vicar  of  Berkeley ;  a  painful  and  fiiithful  trans- 
lator of  many  and  great  books  into  English,  as  Poli-.. 
cronicon,  written  by  Ranulphus  of  Chester,  Bartho* 
lomseus  De  rerum  proprtetatHms^  &c.  But  his  master- 
piece was  the  translating  of  the  Old  and  New  Tes- 
tam^it,  justifying  his  act  herein  by  the  example  of 
Bede,  who  turned  the  Gospel  of  St,  John  in  English. 

44.  I  know  not  which  more  to  admire,  his  ability  who  traiw- 
that  he  could,  his  courage  that  he  durst,  or  his  in-  Bible  into 
dustry  that  he  did  perform  so  difficult  and  dangerous  ^"«f***^- 

a  task,  having  no  other  commission  than  the  com- 
mand of  his  patron,  Thomas  lord  Berkeley  ^  Which 
lord  (as  the  said  Trevysa  observeth »)  had  the  Apo- 
calypse in  Latin  and  French  (then  generally  under- 
stood by  the  better  sort  as  well  as  English)  written 
on  the  roof  and  walls  of  his  chapel  at  Berkeley ;  and 
which  not  long  since,  (viz.  anno  16^2.)  so  remained, 
as  not  much  defaced.  Whereby  we  may  observe, 
that  midnight  being  past,  some  early  risers  even 
lihen  began  to  strike  fire  and  enlighten  themselves 
from  the  scriptures. 

45.  It  may  seem  a  miracle  that  the  bishops  being  Yet  escaped 
*thus  busy  in  persecuting  God's  servants,  and  Trevysa 


persecu- 
tion. 


q  Carew's  Survey  of  Corn- 
wall, p.  114.  ed.  1602. 

'  Balseus  de  Script.  Angl. 
vii.  §.  18. 

*  Polycronycon,  ii.  ed.  1482. 
or  1527,  translated  by  Tre- 
vysa. [At  the  end  of  Trevysa's 
translation,  which  was  con- 
tinued by  Caxton,  the  follow- 
ing lines  are  subjoined  :  **  God 
"  be  tlianked  of  all  his  deeds  -, 
'*  this  translation  is  ended  on 


**  a  Thursday  the  eighteenth 
**  day  of  April,  the  year  of 
"  our  Lord  a  thousand  three 
•'  hundred  and  fifty-seven  ;  the 
"  xxxi  year  of  king  Edward 
'*  the  third  after  the  conquest 
**  of  England,  the-  year  of  my 
"  lords  age,  sir  Thomas  lord 
"  of  Berkley,  that  made  me 
*'  make  this  translation,  five 
"  and  thirty."  f.  389—316.] 


88S  The  Church  History  book  iv. 

A.  D.  1395.80  obnoxious  to  their  fiiry  for  this  translation,  that 

!? Ihe  lived  and  died  without  any  molestation.     Yet 

was  he  a  known  enemy  to  monkery,  witness  that 
(among  many  other)  of  his  speeches,  that  he  had 
read  how  '*  Christ  had  sent  apostles  and  priests  into 
"  the  world,  but  never  any  monks  or  begging  friars^" 
But  whether  it  was  out  of  reverence  to  his  own  aged 
gravity,  or  respect  to  his  patron's  greatness,  he  died 
full  of  honour,  quiet,  and  age,  little  less  than  ninety 
years  old.     For, 

1.  He  ended  his  translation  of  Polycronicon  (as 
appeareth  by  the  conclusion  thereof)  the  29th  of 
Edward  the  Third,  when  he  cannot  be  presumed  leas 
than  30  years  of  age. 

2.  He  added  to  the  end  thereof,  fifty  (some  say 
more)  years  of  his  own  historical  observations'^. 

Thus  as  he  gave  a  garb  or  wheat-sheaf  for  his 

arms ;  so,  to  use  the  prophet's  expression,  the  Lord 

gathered  him  as  a  sheaf  into  theflo&r^  even  fiill  ripe 

and  ready  for  the  same. 

As  did  his      46.  We  may  couple  with  him  his  contemporary, 

X^^Q^'  GeofBry  Chaucer,  bom  (some  say)  in  Berkshire,  others 

fry  chau-   j^  Oxfordshire,  most  and  truest  in  London  y.     If  the 

Grecian  Homer  had  seven,  let   our   English   have 

three  places  contest  for  his  nativity.     Our  Homer 

(I  say)  only  herein  he  differed ; 

M(Bonides  nuUas  ipse  reliqmt  opes : 
Homer  himself  did  leave  no  pelf. 

t  Bale,  ib.  on  his  tomb- stone  :   and  Tyr* 

'I  Pitzeus  in  vita,  p.  567.  whitt  infers  from  a  passage  in 

X  Micah  iv.  12.  his  poems  that  he  was  born  at 

y  [He  was  born  in  the  year  London.     Pref.    to    Chaucer's 

1328,  and  died  Oct.  25,  1400,  Works,  p.  xvii.  Oxf.  1798.] 

according  to  some  inscription 


oer. 


OEKT.  XIV,  ofBritaiu.  888 

whereas  our  Chaucer  left  behind  him  a  rich  and -^-J:;  399- 

23R1ch.11. 

worshipful  estate,  

47.  His  father  was  a  vintner  in  London ;  and  I  ^"  parent- 

age and 

have  heard  his  arms  quarelled  at,  being  argent  and  arms. 
gtdes  strangely  contrived,  and  hard  to  be  blazoned. 
Some  more  wits  have  made  it  the  dashing  of  white 
and  red  wine  (the  parents  of  our  ordinary  claret) 
as  nicking  his  father's  profession.  But  were  Chaucer 
alive,  he  would  justify  his  own  arms  in  the  fece  of 
all  his  opposers,  being  not  so  devoted  to  the  muses, 
but  he  was  also  a  son  of  Mars.  He  was  the  prince 
of  English  poets ;  married  the  daughter  of  Pain  Roec, 
king  of  armes  in  France,  and  sister  to  the  wife  of 
John  of  Gaunt,  king  of  Castile. 

48.  He  was  a  great  refiner  and  illuminer  of  our  He  refined 
English  tongue,  (and  if  he  left  it  so  bad,  how  much^gu^ 
worse  did  he  find  it?)  witness  Leland  thus  praising 
him*: 

Pradicat  Aligerum  merito  Florentia  Dantem^ 

Italia  et  numeros  tota  Petrarche  tuos. 
Anglla  Chaucei'um  veneratur  nostra  poetaniy 

Cut  veneres  debet  patria  Ihigua  stuis. 

Of  Alger  Dante,  Florence  doth  justly  boast. 
Of  Petrarch  brags  all  the  Italian  coast. 
England  doth  poet  Chaucer  reverence, 
To  whom  our  language  owes  its  eloquence. 

Indeed  Verstegan,  a  learned  antiquary*,  condemns 
him  for  spoiling  the  purity  of  the  English  tongue, 
by  the  mixture  of  so  many  French  and  Latin  words. 
But  he  who  mingles  wine  with  water,  though  he 

*  QDe   Script,   in  Vita,   p.         *  In  his  Restitution  of  de- 
422.]  cayed  Intelligence,  p.  203. 


The  Church  History  book  i?. 

A.  D.  1399.  destroys  the  nature  of  water,  improves  the  qnality 

^^'^^^  thereof*^. 

49.  I  find  this  Chaucer  fined  in  the  temple  two 

-A  8™^     shillinins  for  strikinsr  a  Franciscan  friar  in  Fleet- 
enemy  to  ^  ° 

fnuu  street,  and  it  seems  his  hands  ever  after  itched  to 
be  revenged,  and  have  his  pennyworths  out  of  them, 
so  tickling  religious  orders  with  his  tales,  and  yet  so 
pinching  them  with  his  truths,  that  friars  in  reading 
his  books  know  not  how  to  dispose  their  &ces  be- 
twixt erring  and  laughing.  He  lies  buried  in  the 
south  isle  of  St.  Peter's,  Westminster,  and  since  hatb 
got  the  company  of  Spencer  and  Drayton  (a  pair- 
royal  of  poets)  enough  almost  to  make  passengers 
feet  to  move  metrically,  who  go  over  the  place  where 
so  much  poetical  dust  is  interred. 
AsWt  50.    Since   the  abjuration  last  exemplified,  we 

dunivii.      meet  in  this  king^s  reign  no  more  persecution  from 
the  Wshop^     We  impute  this  not  to  their  pity,  but 
other  employment,  now  busy  in  making  their  appli- 
cations to  the  new  king  on  the  change  of  goyem- 
ment«  king  Richard  being  now  deposed. 
TWdMK        51.  He  was  one  of  a  goodly  person,  of  a  nature 
SmTrkIi-  neither  gixid  nor  bad,  but  according  to  his  company, 
y*^      which  commonlv  were  of  the  more  vicious.     His 
infancy  was  educated  under  several  lord  protectors 
successively,  under  whom  lus  intellectuals  thrived, 
as  habos   battle  with   many  nurses,  commonly  the 
worse  for  the  change.     At  last  he  grew  up  to  full 
age  and  empty  mind,  judicious  only   in   pleasure, 
giving  himself  over  to  all  licentiousness. 
<\«»t«w4       52»  As  king  Richani  was  too  weak  to  govemS 

llJI^  ij;^       >»  r  Ag^a>t   tliis   cisM^   be         *  [His  chief  weakness   was 
Kmvtlk        Im$    Kxti    abiT   defonded    br     tbe  isperiousoess  of  the  dake 
TNtwHiW.    in    his    Ksstv    4\:;     of  L*ncaBrer.1 


CBUT.  XIV.  of  Britain.  385 

SO  Henry  duke  of  Lancaster,  his  cousin-german  ^^^SJ^??* 

too  wilful  to  be  governed.     Taking  advantage  there-  ^^ •' 

fore  of  the  king's  absence  in  Ireland,  he  combined 
with  other  of  the  discontented  nobility,  and  draws 
up  articles  against  him,  some  true,  some  false,  some 
both;  as  wherein  truth  brought  the  matter,  and 
malice  made  the  measure.  Many  misdemeanours 
(mo  misfortunes)  are  laid  to  his  charge.  Murdering 
the  nobility,  advancing  of  worthless  minions,  sale  of 
justice,  oppression  of  all  people  with  unconscionable 
taxations.  For  such  princes  as  carry  a  fork  in  one 
hand  must  bear  a  rake  in  the  other;  and  must 
covetously  scrape  to  maintain  what  they  causelessly 
scatter. 

53.  Looseness  brings  men  into   straits  at  last, Andre- 
as king  Richard  may  be  an  instance  thereof.     Re-^m. 
turning  into  England,  he  is  reduced  to  this  doleful 
dilemma ;  either  voluntarily,  by  resigning,  to  depose 
himself;  or  violently,  by  detrusion,  to  be  deposed  by 
others.    His  misery  and  his  enemies*  ambition  admit 

of  no  expedient.  Yea,  in  all  this  act  his  little  judg- 
ment stood  only  a  looker-on,  whilst  his  fear  did  what 
was  to  be  done,  directed  by  the  force  of  others.  In 
hopes  of  life  he  solemnly  resigneth  the  crown,  but  all 
in  vain.  For  cruel  thieves  seldom  rob  but  they  also 
kill ;  and  king  Henry  his  successor  could  not  meet 
with  a  soft  pillow,  so  long  as  the  other  wore  a  warm 
head.  Whereupon,  not  long  after,  king  Richard  was 
barbarously  murdered  at  Pomfret  castle.  But  of 
these  transactions  the  reader  may  satisfy  himself 
at  large  out  of  our  civil  historians. 

54.  Only  we  will  add  that  the  clergy  were  the  The  base- 
first   that   led    this   dance   of  disloyalty.     Thomas  disloyal 
Arundel,  now  archbishop  of  Canterbury,  in  the  room  ^  ^^^' 

FULLER,  VOL.  II.  C  C 


} 


386  The  Church  History  book  iy. 

A.D.  i399.of  William  Courtenay  deceased,  made  a  sermon  on 

—^Samuel's  words,  vir  dominabitur  poptdo^.  He  shewed 

himself  a  satirist  in  the  former,  a  parasite  in  the 
later  part    of  his  sermon,  a  traitor  in  both.     He 
aggravated  the  childish  weakness  of  king  Richard, 
and  his  inability  to  govern;  magnifying  the  parts 
and  perfections  of  Henry  duke  of  Lancaster.     But 
by  the  archbishop's  leave,  grant  Richard  either  de- 
servedly deposed,  or  naturally  dead  vdthout  issue, 
the  right  to  the  crown  lay  not  in  this  Henry,  but  in 
Roger  Mortimer,  earl  of  March,  descended  by  his 
mother  Philippa  from    Lionel,  duke   of  Clarence, 
elder  son  to  Edward  the  third.     This  the  archbishop 
did  willingly  conceal.     Thus  in  all  state  alterations, 
be  they  never  so  bad,  the  pulpit  vrill  be  of  the  same 
wood  with  the  council-board.     And  thus  ambitious 
clergymen  abuse  the  silver  trumpets  of  the  sanc- 
tuary ;  who,  reversing  them,  and  putting  the  wrong 
end  into  their  mouths,  make  what  was  appointed  to 
sound  religion  to  signify  rebellion®. 
The  coura-     55.  But  wMlst  all   othcr  churches   in  England 
S^^"  rung  congratulatory  peals  to  king  Henry  his  hap- 
^J^^^P  piness,  one  jarring  bell  almost  marred  the  melody  of 
all  the  rest,  even  Thomas  Merkes,  bishop  of  Carlisle. 
For  when  the  lords  in  parliament,  not  content  to 
depose  king  Richard,  were  devising  more  mischief 
against  him,  up  steps  the  aforesaid  bishop,  formerly 
chaplain  to  the  king,  and  expresseth  himself  as  fol- 
loweth : 

"There  is  no  man  present  worthy  to   pass  his 

^  [i  Sam.  ix.   17.      See  an  his  renunciation  of  the  crown 

abstract    of    this    sermon    in  are    printed    in    Twysden   x. 

Knighton,  p.  2758.]  Script,  p.  2743.] 

*  [The  records  pertaining  to 


CENT.  XIV.  of  Britain,  887 

**  sentence  on  so  ffreat  a  kinff,  as  to  whom  they  have  a.  d.  1399. 

^  ^  ^  23  Rich.  11. 


obeyed  as  their  lawful  prince  foil  two  and  twenty 
years.  This  is  the  part  of  traitors,  cut-throats,  and 
"  thieves.  None  is  so  wicked,  none  so  vile,  who, 
**  though  he  be  charged  with  a  manifest  crime,  we 
"  should  think  to  condemn  before  we  heard  him. 
•*  And  you,  do  ye  account  it  equal  to  pass  sentence 
"  on  a  king  anointed  and  crowned,  giving  him  no 
"  leave  to  defend  himself?  How  unjust  is  this !  But 
**  let  us  consider  the  matter  itself.  I  say,  nay  openly 
affirm,  that  Henry  duke  of  Lancaster  (whom  you 
are  pleased  to  call  your  king)  hath  most  unjustly 
spoiled  Richard,  as  well  his  sovereign  as  ours,  of 
his  kingdom^.'* 
More  would  he  have  spoken,  when  the  lord  mar- 
shal enjoined  him  silence,  for  speaking  too  much 
truth  in  so  dangerous  a  time.  Since,  it  seems  some 
historians  have  made  up  what  more  he  would  have 
said,  spinning  these  his  heads  into  a  very  large  ora- 
tion, though  tedious  to  none,  save  those  of  the  Lan- 
castrian faction. 

56.  Here,  if  ever,  did  the  proverb  take  effect,  innocency 
"  Truth  may  be  blamed,  but  cannot  be  shamed,"  formour. 
although  the  rest  of  the  bishops,  being  guilty  them- 
selves, condemned  him,  as  discovering  more  convent- 
devotion   (who   originally  was  a   monk   of  West- 
minster) than  court-discretion,    in  dissenting  from 

his  brethren ;  yet  generally  he  was  beheld  as  loy- 
altt/*s  confessor^  speaking  what  became  his  calling 
in  discharge  of  his  conscience.  Yea,  for  the  present, 
such  the  reverence  to  his  integrity,  no  punishment 
was  imposed  upon  him. 

57.  Merkes  was   conceived  in  the  judgment  of  Activity 

will  be 
'  Bishop  Godwin^  De  Praesul.  Angl.  [p.  766.]  tampering. 

cc  2 


888  The  Church  History  of  Britain.       book  iv. 

A.  D.  1400.  most  moderate  men,  abundantly  to  have  satisfied 

'- — •*  his  conscience  with  his  speech  in  parliament.     But 

how  hard  is  it  to  stop  an  active  soul  in  its  full 
speed  ?  He  thought  himself  bound  not  only  to  speak 
but  do,  yea,  and  suffer  too  (if  called  thereunto)  for 
his  sovereign.  This  moved  him  to  engage  with 
Henry  Hotspur  and  other  discontented  lords,  against 
king  Henry,  on  whose  defeat  this  bishop  was  taken 
prisoner,  and  judicially  arraigned  for  high  treason. 
A  biihop  58.  Thig  is  one  of  the  clearest  distinguishing  cha- 
byhi8peerg.racters  betwixt  the  temporal  and  spiritual  lords, 
that  the  former  are  to  be  tried  per  pares ,  by  their 
peers,  being  barons  of  the  realm ;  the  latter  are  by 
law  and  custom  allowed  a  trial  only  by  a  jury  of  able 
and  substantial  persons^.  Such  men  found  bishop 
Merkes  guilty  of  treason,  for  which  he  was  con- 
demned and  sent  prisoner  to  St.  Alban's. 

A  ieason-       5^^  rjij^^  j^j^g^  would  ffladlv  havo  had  a  fair  rid- 
able expe-  o  o        J 

diont.  dance  of  this  bishop,  whom  he  could  not  with  credit 
keep  here,  nor  send  hence.  As  to  deprive  him  of 
life  it  was  dangerous  in  those  days,  when  some 
sacredness  was  believed  inherent  in  episcopal  per- 
sons. Here  his  holiness  helped  the  king  with  an 
handsome  expedient  to  salve  all  matters,  by  re- 
moving Merkes  to  be  bishop  of  Samos  in  Grecia^ 
I  find  three  Grecian  islands  of  the  same  name,  and 
a  critic^  complaineth  they  are  often  confounded. 
The  best  is,  it  is  not  much  material  of  which  of 
them  Merkes  was  made  bishop,  having  only  a  title 
(to  starve  in  state)  without  a  penny  profit  thereby. 
But  before  his  translation  was  completed,  he  was 
translated  into  another  world. 

&r  Mr.  Selden,  in  a  late  small         ^  Godwin,  ib. 
treatise,  the  Priviledges  of  the         ^  Carolus  Steplianus  in  die- 
Baronage^  [p.  149.  ed.  1642.]       tionario  poeticQ.   - 


SECT.    11. 


TO 


SIR    GERARD    NAPIER, 

OF  DORSETSHIRE,  BART.a 

/  have  read  thoit  a  stoitute  was  made  to  retrench  the  nwmher  of 
great  mem*  keeping  their  retainers^  in  the  reign  of  king 
Henry  VII, ;  and  that  politicly  done  in  those  mutinom 
times^  to  prevent  commotions,  lest  some  popular  person  should 
raise  a  little  army,  wnder  the  covert  of  his  great  attendance. 


^  [Arms:  argent^  a  saltier 
engrailed  sable,  between  four 
roses  gules.  Sir  Gerard  Na- 
pier, of  Middlemarsh  Hall,  in 
the  county  of  Dorset,  was  cre- 
ated a  baronet  by  king  Charles  I . , 
June  25,  1 64 1.  He  married 
Margaret,  daughter  and  co-heir 
of  John  CoUes,  of  Barton^  in 
the  county  of  Somerset,  esq., 
by  whom  he  had  a  son  and 
heir,  Nathaniel,  who  succeeded 
him  in  the  baronetcy.  Sir 
Gerard  died  14th  May,  1673. 
He  was  (says  Mr.  Hutchins^  in 
his  History  of  Dorsetshire,  iv. 
p.  286^  in  his  account  of  this 
family)  a  member  for  Ware- 
ham^  3  Charles  I.,  and  for  Mel- 
comb  Regis,  16  Charles  I.  In 
his  loyalty  to  the  king's  service 


he  sacrificed  10^621/.;  his  es- 
tates in  the  county  of  Kent 
were  sequestered^  and  he  was 
disabled  from  representing  Mel- 
comb,  and  declared  a  delin. 
quent.  When  the  king  was  in 
exile,  sir  Gerard  sent  him  ^yq 
hundred  broad  pieces  by  sir 
Gilbert  Talbot,  who  had  the 
meanness  and  dishonesty  to 
detain  them ;  for  which  sir 
Gerard,  after  the  Restoration, 
arrested  him,  but  on  the  king's 
mediation  forgave  him.  Not- 
withstanding his  losses,  he 
greatly  augmented  his  paternal 
estate,  and  had  the  honour  of 
entertaining  the  king  and  queen 
at  More  Critchell  when  the 
court  removed  to  Sah'sbury  in 
the  plague  of  1665.] 

c  c  3 


S90  TV  CftMrek  ISUory  sook  it. 

A  taw  improved  to  riffimr,  Atvi^  eertaiMfy,  at  oS  oCkr/waof 
itatitU$,  inUmied  bmt  to  torror;  imsommtk  iAat  tlte  eari  tf 
Oxford,  more  meriting  of  tiag  Hatry  VII.  doa  amg  elier 
mhjeet,  vat  evem  detieered  to  tie  tingle  attorney^,  and,  dk 
report  laith,  fined  fiflem  tAoumtitd  marka  for  exeeedtng  tie 
proportum  leffoUy  aUoited. 

I  am/eu  mm  lire  in  at  da»fferoiu  daj/t,  and  ajbrdimff  at  great 
jealoutUt  at  tkoee  ;  bmt  I  iave  eauie  to  &e  ri^  plod  {at 
detply  eoneented  lAermn)  tiat  liamgi  a  ttiOiite  iati  firinA- 
den  nuxny  to  d^end  on  one,  none  iati  prvU&tted  one  to 
d^end  on  many  patront ;  hnt  any  antior  of  a  boot  m^ 
muUiply  tiem  aani  ntanier,  at  driving  on  no  inrt/itl  detiff*, 
but  only  the  protection  of  kit  own  endeavonrt. 

On  thii  account  I  tender  thete  my  lahonrt  unto  yon,  htowinff 
the  very  name  of  Napier  aec^taile  to  all  tdalart,  ever 
tince  the  learned  laird  of  Marehittouma  <=  {no  ttranger  to 
yonr  blood,  at  I  am  it^ormed)  by  kit  lofforit&mt  contracted 
the  paint,  and  to  by  contequence  prolonffed  the  time  and  l^e, 
ofaU  vm^^ayed  in  wmMration. 

r]  ING    Hemy,  being  consciona  that  he 

had  got  and  did  keep  the  erown  bj  a 

bad  title,  counted  it  his  wisest  way  to 

comply  with  the  clergy,  whose  present 

power  was  not  only  useful,  but  need- 

"■fiil  for  him.     To  gain  their  favour,  he  lately  enacted 

jmpe'i  «n.  bloody  laws  for  the  extirpation  of  poor  Christians, 

under  the  &lse  notion  of  heretics,  condemning  them 

to  be  burnt  ^,  a  torment  unheard  of  in  such  cases    , 

till  that  time ;  and  yet  it  appeareth  that  the  pope, 

ID  this  age,  was  not  possessed  of  so  full  power  in 

England,  whatsoever  the  catholics  pretend,  but  that 

**  Lord  Verulam,  in  hia  Life,  in  defence  of  the  loyal  cause, 

p.  2  11.  See  Lloyd's  Mem.  p.  640.] 

c  [Who  WHS  hioiBelf  taken  ^  Statute  2  of  Hen.  IV.  c. 

"■uoner,  and  \at  aon   fell  in  15. 
■ttle  St  Aldenie,  May  4, 1645, 


■fl»inMth« 


CENT.  XIV.  of  Britain.  891 

this  politic  prince  kept  the  reins>  though  loose,  in  a.  d.  1400. 
his  own  hand.  For  in  this  time  it  was  resolved  that ! — *^^ — .' 
the  pope's  collector,  though  he  had  the  pope's  bull 
for  that  purpose,  had  no  jurisdiction  within  this 
realm,  and  that  the  archbishops  and  bishops  of 
England  were  the  spiritual  judges  in  the  king's 
behalf  e;  as  it  was  also  enacted,  if  any  person  of 
religion  obtained  of  the  bishop  of  Rome  to  be 
exempt  from  obedience,  regular  or  ordinary,  he 
was  in  a  praemunire  ^.  Yea,  this  very  statute,  which 
gave  power  to  a  bishop  in  his  diocese  to  condemn 
an  heretic,  plainly  proveth  that  the  king,  by  consent 
of  parliament,  directed  the  proceedings  of  the  Eccle- 
siastical Court  in  cases  of  heresy ;  so|that  the  pope, 
even  in  matters  of  spiritual  cognizance,  had  no 
power  over  the  lives  of  English  subjects.  ^^'"7 

2,'  The  first  on  whom  this  cruel  law  was  han-WiUiam 
selled  was  William  Sautre  fif,  formerly  parish  priest  the  proto- 
of  St.  Margaret,  in  the  town  of  Lynne,  but  since  of  En^Sh^ 
St.  Osith,  in  the  city  of  London*'.     This  was  heP^"^^**- 
whose  faith  fought  the  first  duel  with  fire  itself,  and 
overcame  it.     Abel  was  the  first  martyr  of  men, 
St.  Stephen  the  first  of  Christian  men ;  St.  Alban 
the  first  of  British  Christians,  and  this  Sautre  the 
first  of  English  Protestants,  as  by  prolepsis  I  may 
term  them,  j  Scriveners  use  with  gaudy  flourishes 
to  deck  and  garnish  the  initial  characters  of  copies, 
which   superfluous  pains   may  be   spared  by  us  in 
adorning    this    leading  letter   in    the    pattern    of 
patience,  seeing  it  is  conspicuous  enough  in  itself, 
dyed  red  with  its  own  blood.     Some  charge  this 

c  2  Hen.  IV.  c.  4.  h  [Por   an  account   of  the 

^  2  Hen.  IV.  c.  3 .  proceedings  against  Sautre,  see 

g  [Otherwise  called  Chatris.]     Foxe's  Martyrology,  I.  p.  67 1 .] 

cc  4 


SgS  The  Church  History  book  iv. 

A.D.  Hoo.Sautre  with  fear  and  fickleness,  because  formerly 
— — — ^he  had  abjured  those  articles  (for  which  afterwards 
he  died)  before  the  bishop  of  Norwich ;  but  let 
those  who  severely  censure  him  for  once  denying 
the  truth,  and  do  know  who  it  was  that  denied 
his  Master  thrice,  take  heed  they  do  not  as  bad  a 
deed  more  than  four  times  themselves.  May  Sautre's 
final  constancy  be  as  surely  practised  by  men  as  his 
former  cowardliness  no  doubt  is  pardoned  by  God ! 
Eight  errors  were  laid  to  his  charge,  in  order  as 
foUoweth  i : 

i.  Imprimis^  He  saith  that  he  will  not  worship 
the  cross  on  which  Christ  suffered,  but  only  Christ 
that  suffered  upon  the  cross. 

ii.  Item^  That  he  would  sooner  worship  a  tem- 
poral king  than  the  foresaid  wooden  cross. 

iii.  Iteniy  That  he  would  rather  worship  the  bodies 
of  the  saints  than  the  very  cross  of  Christ,  on  which 
he  hung,  if  it  were  before  him. 

iv.  Item^  That  he  would  rather  worship  a  man 
truly  contrite  than  the  cross  of  Christ. 

V.  Item^  That  he  is  bound  rather  to  worship  a 
man  that  is  predestinate  than  an  angel  of  God. 

vi.  Item^  That  if  any  man  would  visit  the  monu- 
ments of  Peter  and  Paul,  or  go  on  pilgrimage  to 
the  tomb  of  St.  Thomas,  or  else  any  whither  else, 
for  the  obtaining  of  any  temporal  benefit,  he  is  not 
bound  to  keep  his  vow,  but  he  may  distribute  the 
expenses  of  his  vow  upon  the  alms  of  the  poor. 

vii.  Iteniy  That  every  priest  and  deacon  is  more 
bound  to  preach  the  word  of  God  than  to  say  the 
canonical  hours. 

>  [Foxe,  lb.  p.  671.] 


CENT.  XIV.  of  Britain,  893 

viii.  IterHf   That  after   the   pronouncing  of  the  a. d.  1400. 
saeramental  words  of  the  body  of  Christ  the  bread  — — — - 
remaineth  of  the  same  nature  that  it  was  before, 
neither  doth  it  cease  to  be  bread. 

3.  These  were  the  opinions  wherewith  Sautre  is  Thomas 

•  .  1       •  i_  Arundel, 

charged  in  their  own  registers,  which,  if  read  with  archbishop 
that  favour  which  not  charity  but  justice  allows  of  bury,  so- 
course  to  human  frailty,  will  be  found  not  so  heinous  Jf^n!^^" 
as  to  deserve  fire  and  fagot,  seeing  his  expressions  ^*J^  ^^^ 
are  rather  indiscreet  than  his  positions  damnable,  ^cted. 
But  Thomas   Arundel,    archbishop  of  Canterbury, 
before  whom  Sautre  was  convented,  in  the  convo- 
cation at  St.  Paul's,  in  London,  principally  pinched 
him  with  the  last,  about  transubstantiation  in  the 
sacrament.     Thus  their  cruelty  made  God's  table  a 
snare  to  his  servants ;  when  their  other  nets  broke, 
this  held ;  what  they  pretended  a  sacrifice  for  the 
living  and  dead  proved,  indeed,  the  cause  of  the 
sacrificing  of  many  innocents ;  and  cavils  about  the 
corporal  presence  was  the  most  compendious  way  to 
dispatch  them:   for  the  denial  whereof  the  afore- 
said  archbishop   solemnly   pronounced    Sautre   an 
heretic  convicted.  ^^ 

4.  Here  happened  a  passage  in  Sautre  which  Isautre's 
must  not  omit,  which  either  I  do  not  understand  or  denying  of 
cannot  approve  in  him;  for,  being  demanded  whe-^^^^^- 
ther  or  no  he  had  formerly  abjured  these  opinions, 

he  denied  the  same,  whereas  his  formal  abjuration 
of  them,  the  last  year,  before  the  bishop  of  Norwich, 
was  produced  in  presence :  an  action  utterly  incon- 
sistent with  Christian  sincerity,  to  deny  his  own 
deed,  except  any  will  say  that  he  was  not  bound  to 
accuse  himself,  and  to  confess  in  that  court  what  he 
had  done  elsewhere,  to  his  own  prejudice.     Thus 


394  The  Church  History  book  iv. 

A.D.  1400.  offenders,  which  formerly  have  confessed  their  fact 

«  Hen*  IV, ,-,  ,  ,,  t     n  -x-  i» 

m  their  pnvate   examinations  before  a  justice  of 

peace,  yet  plead  not  guilty  when  they  are  brought 
before  the  assizes,  accounting  themselves  innocent 
in  that  court,  till,  by  the  verdict  of  the  jury,  they 
are  proved  otherwise.  However  I  am  rather  in- 
clined to  suspect  my  ignorance  than  condemn  his 
innocence,  conceiving  there  is  more  on  his  side  than 
appeareth  in  his  behalf. 
Ssotre, iaj'^^  5.  The  reader,  I  presume,  will  pardon  our  large- 
■entenoe,  is  uoss  (which  WO  will  recompense  with  brevity  in  the 
becK^j^  J*6st)  in  relating  the  proceedings  against  this  first 
^^^  martyr,  who  being,  as  I  may  say,  the  eldest  and  the 
heir  in  our  history,  may  justly  challenge  a  double 
portion  thereof.  Yea,  the  archbishop,  who  in  his 
condemnation  did  not  follow,  but  make  a  precedent 
therein,  was  very  punctual  and  ceremonious  in  his 
proceedings,  that  he  might  set  the  fairer  copy  for 
the  direction  of  posterity,  and  that  the  formality  of 
his  exemplary  justice  might,  for  the  terror  of  others, 
take  the  deeper  impression  in  all  that  did  see  it,  or 
should  hear  thereof.  And  now,  his  former  abjura- 
tion plainly  appearing,  Arundel,  by  a  second  sen- 
tence, adjudged  him  refallen  into  heresy,  and  incor- 
rigible, and  therefore  to  be  degraded  and  deposed. 
The  order  6.  For  lest  priosthood  should  suffer  in  the  person 
^^tfon.  ^f  Sautre,  (and  all  the  clergy  present,  out  of  a 
religious  sympathy,  were  tender  of  the  honour  of 
their  own  profession,)  he  was  there  solemnly  de- 
graded, in  order  as  followeth  ^ : 

k  [See  Foxe,  ib.  p.  674.] 


CENT.  XIV. 


of  Britain, 


395 


/i.  Priest. 


From 
the 
order 
of 


ii.  Deacon. 

iii.  Sub-dea- 
con, 
iv.  Acolyte. 

V.  Exorcist. 

vi.  Reader. 


f\.  The  paten,  chalice,  and  a.  d.  1400. 
plucking  the  casule '- 


By 

taking 
?from 
him 


[and  vestment]  from 
his  back. 

ii.  The  New  Testament 
and  the  stole. 

iii.  The  albe  and  the 
maniple. 

iv.  The  candlestick,  ta- 
(         per,  urceolum. 

V.  The  book  of  conjura- 
tions. 

vi.  The  book  of  [Divine 
Lections,  that  is,  the 
book  of  the]  church 
legend. 

vii.  The  keys  of  the 
church  -  door,  and 
/  i^        surplice  ^ 

How  many  steps  are  required  to  climb  up  to  the 
top  of  popish  priesthood !  but,  as  when  a  building 
is  taken  down,  one  would  little  think  so  much  tim- 
ber and  stone  had  concurred  thereunto,  until  he  sees 
the  several  parcels  thereof  lie  in  ruinous  heaps,  so 
it  is  almost  incredible  how  many  trinkets  must  be 
had  to  complete  a  priest,  but  that  here  we  behold 
them  solemnly  taken  asimder  in  Sautre*s  degrada- 


vii.  Sexton. 


1  [At  the  conclusion,  this 
part  of  the  sentence  was  pro- 
nounced against  him:  ^'Also^ 
**  in  token  of  this  degradation 
"  and  deposition,  here  actually 
•'  we  have  caused  thy  crown 
'*  and  ecclesiastical  tonsure  in 
**  our   presence   to  be    razed 


''  away  and  utterly  to  be  abo- 
"  lished,  like  unto  the  form  of 
**  a  secular  layman ;  and  here 
'*  we  do  put  upon  the  head  of 
**  thee,  the  foresaid  William, 
"  the  cap  of  a  lay  secular  per- 
"  son/*     Foxe,  ib.  p.  675.] 


396  The  Church  History  book  iv. 

A.D.  i4oo.tion.     And  now  he  no  longer  priest,  but  plain  lay- 

a  Hen.  IV.  .11  1  .  1 

man,  with  the  tonsure  on  his  crown  razed  away,  was 

delivered  to  the  secular  power,  with  this  compU- 

ment,  worth   the   notmg  :   beseeching  the   secular 

court  that  they  would  receive  fevourably  the  said 

William  unto  them  thus  recommitted.     But  who 

can  excuse  their  double  dealing  herein  from  deep 

hypocrisy,  seeing  the  bishops  at  the  same  time,  for 

all  their  fair  language,  ceased  not  to  call  upon  the 

king  to  bring  him  to  speedy  execution. 

^'^^'^r     ^'  Hereupon  the  king  in  parliament  issued  out 

thebiiminghis  Warrant  to  the  mayor  and  sheriffs  of  London, 

that  the  said  William,  being  in  their  custody,  should 

be  brought  forth  into  some  public  or  open  place, 

within  the  liberty  of  the  city,  and  there  really  to 

be  burned,  to  the  great  horror  of  his  offence,  and 

manifest  example  of  other  Christians  ™ ;  which  was 

performed  accordingly.    Thus  died  this  worthy  man ; 

and  though  we  be  as  far  from  adoring  his  relics  as 

such  adoration  is  from  true  religion,  yet  we  cannot 

but  be  sensible  of  the  value  of  such  a  saint ;  nor 

can  we  mention   his  memory  without   paying   an 

honourable  respect  thereunto.     His  death  struck  a 

terror  into  those  of  his  party  who  hereafter  were 

glad  to  enjoy  their  conscience  in  private,  without 

public  professing  the  same;  so  that  now  the  ship 

of  Christ,  tossed  with  the  tempest  of  persecution, 

had  all  her  sails  took  down,  yea,  her  mast  cut  close 

to  the  deck,  and,  without  making  any  visible  shew, 

was  fain  to  lie  poor  and  private  till  this  storm  was 

over-passed;   the  archbishop  Arundel  being  most 


^  YoinQ,  Martyr.  I.  p.  675,  out  of  whom  the  effect  of  this 
story  is  taken. 


CENT.  XIV.  of  Britain,  897 

furious  and  croel  in  detecting  and  suppressing  alM-i>->4oo. 

suspected  of  piety.  ■* 

8.  Synods  of  the  clergy  were  never  so  frequent  a  surfeit 
before  or  since,  as  in  his  time,  when  scarce  a  yearaiSshop* 
escaped  without  a  synod  called  or  continued  therein.  ^^^®*  * 
Most  of  these  were  but  ecclesiastical  meetings  for 
secular  money.  Hereupon  a  covetous,  ignorant 
priest,  guilty  of  no  Greek,  made  this  derivation  of 
the  word  synodus  (far  fetched  in  itself,  but  coming 
close  to  him)  from  crumena  sine  nodoy  because  at 
such  assemblies  the  purse  ought  ever  to  be  open, 
without  knots  tied  thereon,  ready  to  disburse  such 
such  sums  as  should  be  demanded.  Indeed  the 
clergy  now  contributed  much  money  to  the  king, 
having  learned  the  maxim  commended  in  the  come- 
dian, Pecuniam  in  loco  negligere  maxumum  interdum 
est  lucrum  " ;  and  perceiving  on  what  ticklish  terms 
their  state  stood,  were  forced  to  part  with  a  great 
proportion  thereof  to  secure  the  rest,  the  parlia- 
ment now  shrewdly  pushing  at  their  temporal  pos- 
sessions®; for  although,  in  the  first  year  of  king 
Henry,  the  earls  of  Northumberland  and  Westmore- 
land came  from  him  to  the  clergy  with  a  compli- 

n  Terent.  Adelph.  "  and   wasted   in   this    realm, 

^  Vide  infra  in  Hist,  of  Ab-  "  which  should  suffice  to  find 

beys,  ii.  cap.  i.     ["In  a  par-  "150  earls  and  1500  knights, 

**  liament  holden  at  London  in  ^'  6200  esquires  and  100  hos- 

"the  Lent  season,  1410,  the  "  pitals  more  than  now  be,' &c. 

'*  knights  and  burgesses   pre-  **  But  when  they  went  about 

*'  sented  to  the  king  a  bill  in  **  to  declare  out  of  what  places 

'*  this  form  :  '  To  the  most  ex-  '*  those  great  sums  were  to  be 

''  cellent  lord  the  king^  and  all  ''  levied  whereof  the  foresaid 

**  the   nobles   in  this   present  '^  states  should  be    endowed, 

**  parliament   assembled,   your  '*  they  wanted  in  their  account ; 

"  faithful  commons  humbly  do  '*  wherefore    the    king    com- 

'*  shew  that  our  sovereign  lord  '*  manded     them     that     from 

*'  the  king  may  have  the  tem-  "  thenceforth  they  should  not 

''  poral  possessions  and  lands  "  presume  to  move  any  such 

"  which  by  the  bishops,  abbots^  "matter."     Stow's  Chron.  p. 

*'  and  priors  are  proudly  spent  338.] 


898 


The  Church  History 


BOOK  lY. 


A.  D.  1400.  ment  that  the  king  only  desired  their  prayers  and 
^' .'none  of  their  money,  (kingdoms  have  their  honey- 
moon when  new  princes  are  married  unto  them,)  yet 
how  much  afterwards  he  received  from  them  the 
ensuing  draught  of  synods  summoned  in  his  days 
doth  present  p. 


Place, 

PresidetU, 

A.  D.  1399. 

I.    St. 
Paul's, 

The  prior 
and  chap- 

in Lon- 

ter of  Can- 

don* 

terbuiy,  in 
the    arch- 
bishop's 
absence. 

A.D.  1400. 

2.  Ibid. 

Thomns 
Arundel. 

Preacher, 


Test, 


WiUiam  I  Cor 
bishop  of  meum 


Roches- 
ter. 


diligit 

prindpes 

Israel. 


Money 

granted  to  the 

King. 


Nothing  at 
this  time  hut 
the  clergy's 
prayers  re- 
quired 4. 


A  tenth  and 
half;  for  a 
single  tenth 
was  first 
proffered  him, 
and  he  re- 
fused it  r. 


The  other  Acts 
thereof. 


The  king,  at  the 
request  of  the 
universities,  pro- 
mised to  take 
order  with  the 
pope's  provisions 
and  provensions, 
that  so  learned 
men  might  be 
advanced.  St. 
George  his  day 
made  holy. 

Nothing  else  of 
moment   passed, 
save'Sautre's 
condemnation* 


P  [Parker,]  Antiq.  Brit.  p. 
409^  et  Harpsfield,  Hist.  Ang. 
p.  618,  out  of  whom  the  fol- 
lowing table  of  synods  is  com- 
posed, [and  from  whom  they 
are  copied  by  Harduin,  Concil. 
vii.  1925.  See  also  Wilkins' 
Concilia^  III.  p.  238  sq.] 

4  [See  Wake's  State  of  the 
Church,  p.  337.  **  In  the  last 
"  convocation  (meaning  this  of 
"  1399)  the  king  demanded  no 
"  money  of  the  clergy ;  but  if 
"  the  chronicle  of  St.  Alban's 
'*  may  be  relied  upon,  it  was 
*'  not  long  before  he  did  it. 
"  He  sent  out  supplicatory 
**  letters  to  all  the  clergy  for  a 
"  subsidy  equal  to  one  tenth ; 


€t 


€( 


*'  and  it  being  his  first  request, 
**  the  clergy  thought  it  neces- 
'*  sary  to  comply  with  it." 
Wake,  ib.  p.  338.] 

^  ["  About  the  same  time 
that  this  parliament  met,  the 
archbishop  of  Canterbury 
"  summoned  his  provincial  sy. 
*'  nod  to  assemble  at  London 
'*  for  church  affairs,  and  which 
"  therefore  I  look  upon  to  have 
*'  been  properly  an  ecclesias- 
'^  tical  council,  not  a  state  con- 
"  vocation.  (Register,  Arun- 
"  dell,  p.  ii.  f.  178.)  In  the 
"  mandate  for  summoning  it 
'^  we  find  nothing  of  the  affairs 
*'  of  the  king  and  kingdom, 
*'  but  all  turns  upon  the  foot 


CEKT.  XIV. 


of  Britain. 


399 


Place. 


3.    St. 
Paul'S) 
in  Lon- 
don. 


President. 


lliomas 
ArundeL 


4.  Ibid. 


Henry, 
bishop  of 
Linc^, 
the  arch- 
bishop be- 
ing absent 
in  an  em- 
bassy. 


Preacher. 


Text. 


Money 

granted  to  the 

King. 


At  the  in- 
stance of 
the  earl  of 
Somerset  and 
lord  Ross 
the  treasurer, 
a  tenth  was 
granted. 


A  tenth  to- 
wards the 
king*s  charges 
in  suppress- 
ing the  late 
rebels. 


The  other  Acts 
thereof. 


A.  D.  1400. 
a  Hen.  IV. 


A.  D.  1402. 


The    clergy  re- 
newed their  pe- 
tition of  right  to 
the    king,    that 
they  should  not 
be  proceeded 
against  by  tem- 
poral judges,  nor 
forced  to  sell 
their  goods    for 
provision  for  the 
king*s  court. 
No  answer   ap- 
pears. 


Constituted  that ;  A.  D.  1404. 
the  obsequies  of 
every  English 
bishop  deceased 
should  be  cele- 
brated in  all  the 
cathedrals  of  the 
kingdom. 


<< 

St 

«c 

€€ 

« 
c< 

ft 

<< 
<4 
« 
€t 
<< 
€* 
<« 
«< 
€€ 
4€ 
€t 
€C 


of  church  business.  At  the 
opening  of  the  synod  the 
archbishop,  expounding  the 
causes  and  affairs  for  which 
he  celebrated  his  provincial 
council,  commonly  called  a 
convocation  of  the  clergy, 
mentions  these  two:  Pro 
reformatione  defectuum;  ac 
prcBcipue  pro  inquisitione 
hcpreiicorum.  (Arundell,  ib. 
1 79.)  Accordingly,  upon 
these  two  the  chief  business 
of  the  council  terminated : 
first,  Sautre  was  sentenced 
and  degraded,  (Reg.  Arun- 
dell, ib.  i8t,)  and  by  order 
of  the  king,  at  the  advice  of 
the  lay  lords  in  parliament, 
was  burnt.  (Rot.  Parlia- 
ment. 2  Hen.  IV.  num.  29.) 
Then  others  were  convened 
and  tried  for  heresy;  after 
that  some  constitutions  were 
made  in  matters  relating  to 


the  church,  against  the  vio- 
laters  of  churches,  about  the 
habits  of  clerks,  &c.  (Regist. 
Eccles.  Cant.  M.)  There 
was,  indeed,  a  tenth  and  half 
given  to  the  king ;  but  that 
we  know  was  often  done  in 
church  councils  as  well  as  in 
state  convocations.  In  short, 
the  assembly  was  held  by  the 
sole  authority  of  the  arch- 
bishop, and  in  the  other  pro- 
vince no  such  meeting  at  all 
appears  to  have  been  had .  For 
all  which  reasons  I  look  upon 
this  synod  to  have  been  a 

g roper  ecclesiastical  council, 
eld  only  for  the  convenience 
of  bishops  and  prelates,  and 
the  better  dispatch  of  the 
church's  affairs  at  the  same 
time  that  the  parliament 
met."  Wake's  State  of  the 
Church,  p.  339.] 


400 


The  Church  History 


BOOK  ir. 


A.  D.  140a 
2  Hen.  IV. 

Place. 

PrendenU 

Preacher. 

TexU 

Mcney 

granted  to  the 

King, 

The  other  Acts 
thereof. 

A.  D.  1405. 

5.    St. 

Thomas 

A  tenth. 

Nothing  of  con- 

Paurs, 

Arundel. 

when  the 

sequence. 

in  Lon- 

laity in  par- 

don. 

liament  gave 
nothing. 

A.  D.  1406. 

6.  Ibid. 

Henry 

Thomas, 

Magister 

A  tenth. 

Nothing  of  mo- 

Beaufort, 

bishop  of 

adest,  et 

ment. 

bishop  of 

Carlisle. 

vocatte. 

Manches- 

ter, Uie 

ardibishop 

being 

absent. 

A.  D.  1408. 

7.  Ibid. 

Thomas 

John, 

Faciat 

This  synod  was 

Arundel. 

monk  of 
St.  Au- 
gustine, 
in  Can- 
terbury. 

unus- 
quisque 
opus 
suum. 

principally    em- 
ployed   in    sup- 
pressing of 
schism,  and  the 
following   synod 
in  the  same  year 
to  the  same  pur- 

8. Ibid. 

Idem. 

John 
Botel, 
general 
of  the 
Francis- 
cans. 

Vos  vo- 
cati  estis 
in  uno 
corpore. 

pose. 

• 

A.  D.  141 1. 

9.  Ibid. 

Henry, 

John 

Stellm 

A  tenth,  and 

Little  else,  save 

T^ 

^ 

bishop  of 

Lang. 

dederunt 

a  subsidy 

some  endeavours 

Winches- 

don, 

lumen. 

granted,  saith 

against  Widifie^s 

ter,  the 

monk  of 

Matthew  Par- 

opinions. 

ardibishop 

Canter- 

ker 8,  but 

being 

bury. 

others  say' 

abroad  in 

the  clergy  ex- 

an em- 

cused them- 

bassy. 

selves  as 
drained  dry 
with  former 
payments. 
Also  the 
pope^s  agent, 
proggmg  for 
money,  was 
denied  it. 

A.  D.  141 2. 

10.  Ibid.  .  Thomas 

John 

Diligite 

A  tenth.  The 

The  pope^s  rents 

Arundel. 

Godmer- 

lumen 

clergy  com- 

sequestered into 

sham. 

sapien- 

plained  to  the 

the  king's  hands 

monk  of 

tin  om- 

king  of  their 

during  the  schism 

Canter- 

nes qui 

grievances. 

betwixt  Gn^jory 

bury. 

praeestis. 

but  received 
no  redress. 

the  Twelfth  and 
Benedict. 

s  Antiq.  Brit.  p.  410.  ^  Harpsfield,  Eecl.  Ang.  p.  619. 


CENT.  XV.  ofBritam.  401 

We  will  not  avouch  these  all  the  conventions  ofA.  0.1412. 
the  clergy  in  this  king's  reign,  (who  had  many  sub-  '^  ^°'  ^l 
ordinate  meetings  in  reference  to  their  own  occa- 
sions,) but  these  of  most  public  concernment.  Know 
this  also,  that  it  was  a  great  invitation  (not  to  say 
an  enforcement)  to  make  them  the  more  bountiful 
in  their  contributions  to  the  king,  because  their 
leaders  were  suspicious  of  a  design  now  first  set  on 
foot,  in  opposition  to  all  religious  houses,  (as  then 
termed,)  to  essay  their  overthrow ;  which  project 
now,  as  a  pioneer,  only  vn*ought  beneath  ground, 
yet  not  so  insensibly  but  that  the  church  statists 
got  a  discovery  thereof,  and  in  prevention  were  very 
satisfying  to  the  king's  pecuniary  desires ;  insomuch 
that  it  was  in  effect  but  ask  and  have,  such  their 
compliance  to  all  purposes  and  intents,  the  rather 
because  this  kinsr  had  appeared  so  zealous  to  arm 
the  bUhops  ^a.  irribU  !L  .^  the  poor  naked 
Lollards,  as  then  they  were  nicknamed. 

9.  Now  we  pass  from  the  convocation  to  the  par-  a  new 
liament,  only  to  meddle  with  church  matters  therein ; 
desiring  the  reader  to  dispense  in  the  margin  with 

a  new  chronology  of  this  king's  reign ;  assuring  him 
that  whatsoever  is  written  is  taken  out  of  the  au- 
thentic records  of  the  parliament  in  the  Tower. 

10.  It  was  moved  in  parliament,  that  no  Welch-  a  severe 
man,  bishop  or  other,  be  justice,  chamberlain,  chan-^„Tt  the 
cellor,  treasurer,  sheriff^  constable  of  a  castle,  receiver,  ^^  ®*^^' 
escheator,  coroner,  or  chief  forester,  or  other  officer 
whatsoever,  or  keeper  of  records*,  or  lieutenant  in  the 

said  offices,  in  any  part  of  Wales,  or  of  council  to  any 
English  lord,  notwithstanding  any  patent  made  to 
the  contrary :  Cum  clattsula  non  obstante,  licet  WaU 
liens  natus. 

t  Ex  Rot.  Par.  in  tur.  Lond.  in  hoc  anno. 

FULLER,  VOL.  II.  D  d 


BOOK  rv. 


A.V,  :<.?X. 


IL  b  wu^  loffv^tnsd.  dot  tlie  kin^  wiDeCfa  it  ex- 
tik&  lodMfifr :  sod  fsr  tiiefli  and  odien;  which  he 


^tutMJx^  hsdi  iwud  ^uud  azid  lo^  li^i^cs  towsds  him,  oar 
ttud  Irjpd  1^  lose  ^rill  he  adrised  hr  the  adTiee  of 
hi§  oQQBueJL 

12.  Sodi  »  vooader  vhj  the  paibaneiit  was  so 
iiMaeitted  aipuQSt  the  WcJcfa  (weiiig  Henry  prince  of 
Waleft  «a^  their  ovn  coimtmiiaii  h(»ii  at  Mmi- 
nKiQth)  mar  coi»der,  how  now,  or  tot  lately,  Owai 
Gkn^jwie,  a  Welch  rcibba;  (adTanced  by  the  mol- 
titude  c^  his  followers  into  the  lepotation  of  a 
general;  luul  made  nraeh  qml  in  Wales.  Now 
commendable  was  the  king^s  charity,  ^o  would 
not  return  a  national  mischief  for  a  personal  injury, 
seeing  no  man  can  choose  the  place  of  his  nativity, 
though  he  may  bemoan  and  hate  the  bad  practices 
of  his  own  nation. 

TW  4fiM.         13,  The  Idnefs  courteous  exception  for  the  Welch 

tension  id        , 

¥fMi        bishops  putteth  us  upon  a  necessaiy  inquiry,  who 
ii^Sf^fi^    and  what  they  were,  placed  in  sees  at  this  time. 

tiflM* 


OUIDO  DE  MOJTA. 

Or  of  Angleiey  a. 
A  true  Briton  by 
Mrtb,  witneMed  by 
Um  name*  He  wag 
At  tlie  preient  lord 
treamirer  of  Eng. 
land  V.  In  whona 
the  king  much  oon- 
ftded,  though  T. 
Walningham  be 
pliHMed  to  dash  hii 
memory,   that    he 

WM    the    OAUM    of 

much  mlnohief  ^. 


Llandaff. 
Thomai     Vevt- 

tLKLL. 

His  surname 
speaks  him  Eng- 
lish  by  extraction, 
and  he  was  of  no 
remarkable  acti- 
vity *. 


Bangor, 

Richard  Yovg. 

He  might  be 
English  or  Wddi 
by  his  name,  but 
I  believe  the  latter. 
A  man  of  merit 
sent  by  the  king 
into  Gomany,  to 
give  satisfacti<m  of 
king  Henry's  pro- 
ceedings 7. 


St.AMaph, 

JoHX  Tretauk. 

Second  of  that 
Christian  and  sor- 
name,  bishqp  of 
that  see,  a  Wekfa- 
man  no  doubt,  he 
was  sent  (saitii  T. 
Walsmgfaam  z)  to 
Spain  to  give  ac* 
count  of  the  king's 
proceedings.  Very 
loyal  at  the  pre- 
sent, but  after  his 
return  home  he 
sided  with  Owen 
Olendowre. 


u  [(Godwin  De  Preesul.  Angl. 
p.  58a.] 

V  [Ap{K>inted  to  this  office 
Oct.  35,  140a.] 


w  [Hist.  Angl.  p.  370.] 
»  [Godwin,  ib.  609.    In  the 
year  1407  translated  to  Wor- 
cester. Walsing.  376.] 


CENt.  XV. 


of  Britain, 


408 


Bat  thoufifh  the  EJnfflish  at  this  time  were  so  severe  a.d.  i4i». 
against  the  Welch,  king  Henry  the  seventh  (bom  in  '^  — -' 
the  bowels  of  Wales  at  Pembroke,  and  assisted  in 
the  gaining  of  the  crown  by  the  valour  of  his  coun- 
trymen) some  years  after  plucked  down  this  par- 
tition wall  of  difference  betwixt  them;  admitting 
the  Welch  to  English  honours  and  offices,  as  good 
reason,  equality  of  merits  should  be  rewarded  with 
equality  of  advancement*. 

14.  Sir  John  Tiptoft  (made  afterwardh  earl   ofTheped- 
Worcester)  put   up   a  petition  to  the  parliament  lords  and 
touching  Lollards,  which  vn-ought  so  on  the  lords,  ^'J^^^Sig 
that  they  joined  in  a  petition  to  the  king,  according  J^^ 
to  the  tenor  following. 

"  To  our  most  redonhted  and  graciotcs  sovereign 

the  king^. 

"  Your  humble  son,  Henry  prince  of  Wales,  and 
the  lords  spiritual  and  temporal  in  this  present 
parliament,  humbly  shew,  that  the  church  of  Eng- 
**  land  hath  been,  and  now  is,  endowed  with  tem- 


« 


« 


y  [Godwin,  ib.  623.  After- 
wards translated  to  Rochester^ 
in  1404,  and  made  keeper  of 
the  privy  seal.   Angl.  Sac.  i. 

379-] 

»  [Hist.  Angl.  370.] 

»  [**  That  was  a  work  re- 
•*  served  for  king  Harry  the 
**  Eighth,  in  the  27th  of  whose 
**  reign  there  passed  an  act  of 
**  parliament,  by  which  it  was 
'•  enacted,  *  That  the  country 
'*  of  Wales  should  be,  stand, 
**  and  continue  for  ever  from 
*•  thenceforth  incorporated, 
**  united,  and  annexed  to  and 

with  this  realm  of  England. 


i( 


'*  And  that  all  and  singular 
'*  person  and  persons,  born  and 
"  to  be  bom  in  the  said  prin- 
"  cipality,  country,  or  dominion 
*'  of  Wales,  shall  have,  enjoy, 
"  and  inherit  all  and  singular 
"  freedoms,  liberties,  rights, 
"  privileges  and  laws,  within 
**  this  realm  and  other  the 
'*  king's  dominions,  as  other 
*'  the  king's  subjects  naturally 
^*  born  within  the  same  have^ 
'*  enjoy,  and  inherit/  "  Heylin 
in  The  Appeal,  &c.  P.  11.  p.  46. 
^  Contracted  by  myself  (ex- 
actly keeping  the  words)  out 
of  the  original. 

D  d  2 


404  77ie  Church  History  book  it. 

A.D.  1412.^  poral  possessions,  by  the  gifts  and  grants,  as  well 

'^  ^ I"  of  your  royal  progenitors  as  by  the  ancestors  of 

^  the  said  lords  temporal,  to  maintain  divine  service, 
**  keep  hospitality,  &c.  to  the  honour  of  God,  and 
**  the  soul's  heaJth  of  your  progenitors  and  the  said 
"  lords  temporal. 

"  Yet  now  of  late,  some,  at  the  instigation  of  the 
^  enemy  against  the  foresaid  church  and  prelates, 

have,  as  well  in  public  sermons  as  in  conventicles 

and  secret  places  called  schools,  stirred  and  moved 
«  the  people  of  your  kingdom  to  take  away  the  said 

temporal  possessions  from  the  said  prelates,  with 

which  they  are  as  rightly  endowed,  as  it  hath 
«  been  or  might  be  best  advised  or  imagined,  by 
"  the  laws  and  customs  of  your  kingdom,  and  of 
^^  which  they  are  as  surely  possessed  as  the  lords 
'*  temporal  are  of  their  inheritances. 

"  Wherefore,  in  case  that  this  evil  purpose  be  not 
"  resisted  by  your  royal  majesty,  it  is  very  likely  that 
"  in  process  of  time  they  will  also  excite  the  people 
"  of  your  kingdom  for  to  take  away  frx)m  the  said 
"  lords  temporal  their  possessions  and  heritages,  so 
"  to  make  them  common  to  the  open  commotion  of 
"  your  people. 

"  There  be  also  others,  who  publish  and  cause  to 
**  be  published  evilly  and  falsely  among  the  people 
"  of  your  kingdom,  that  Richard,  late  king  of  Eng- 
**  land,  (who  is  gone  to  God,  and  on  whose  soul 
"  God  through  his  grace  have  mercy,)  is  still  alive. 
**  And  some  have  writ  and  published  divers  fiJse 
"  pretended  prophecies  to  the  people ;  disturbing 
**  them  who  would  to  their  power  live  peaceably, 
"  serve  God,  and  faithfully  submit  and  obey  you 
"  their  liege  lord. 


CENT.  XV.  of  Britain.  406 

"  Wherefore  may  it  please  your  royal  majesty  inA.D.i4i«. 

^  maintenaiice  of  the  honour  of  God,  conservation  nf '4  Hen,  i v. 
the  laws  of  the  holy  church,  as  also  in  the  preser- 
vation of  the  estate  of  you,  your  children,  and  the 
lords  aforesaid,  and  for  the  quiet  of  all  your  king- 
dom, to  ordain  by  a  statute  in  the  present  parlia- 
ment, by  the  assent  of  the  lords  aforesaid  and  the 
commons  of  your  kingdom,  that  in  case  any  man 
or  woman,  of  what  estate  or  condition  they  be, 
preach,  publish,  or  maintain,  hold,  use,  or  exercise, 
any  schools,  if  any  sect  or  doctrine  hereafter  against 
the  catholic  faith  either  preach,  publish,  maintain, 
or  write  a  schedule,  whereby  the  people  may  be 
moved  to  take  away  the  temporal  possessions  of 

^  the  aforesaid  prelates,  or  preach  and  publish  that 
Richard  late  king,  who  is  dead,  should  still  be  in 
full  life,  or  that  the  fool  in  Scotland  is  that  king 
Richard  who  is  dead  ^ ;  or  that  publish  or  vmte  any 
pretended  prophecies  to  the  commotion  of  your 
people ; 

"  That  they  and  every  of  them  be  taken  and  put 
in  prison,  without  being  delivered  in  bail  or  other- 
wise, except  by  good  and  sufficient  mainprise,  to 
be  taken  before  the  chancellor  of  England,"  &c. 
15.  See  we  here  the  policy  of  the  clergy,  who  had  The  prince 

gained  prince  Henry  (set  as  a  transcendent  by  him-^^* 

self  in  the  petition)  to  their  side,  entering  his  youth  ?^** 

against  the  poor  Wiclivites,  and  this  earnest  en-Kvites. 

gaged  him  to  the  greater  antipathy  against  them 

when  possessed  of  the  crown^. 

c  [This  tradition  is  thoroughly  ^  [Walsingham  narrates  an. 

sifted  in  the  third  volume  of  anecdote  very  much  to  the  cre- 

P.  F.  Tytler's  History  of  Scot-  dit  of  this  prince.    In  the  year 

land.]  141  o,  when  an  artisan  was  de- 

Dd  3 


4( 


406  The  Church  History  book  it. 

A.D.  141 1.      16.  Observe  also  the  subtilty  of  the  clergy  in  this 

'^  *^ 1  medley    petition,  interweaving   their   ovra   interest 

tioos  df*^  ^th  the  king's,  and  endeavouring  to  possess  him, 

^^^1^    that  all  the  adversaries  to  their  superstitions  v^ere 

interest,     euemies  also  and  traitors  to  his  majesty. 

WidiTsts       17-  Now  as  conventicles  were  the  name  of  dis- 

Kbook.      grace  cast  on,  schools  was  the  term  of  credit  owned 

by  the  Wiclivists  for  the  place  of  their  meeting. 

WTiether  because  the  school  of  Tyrannus*,  wherein 

St.  Paul  disputed,  was  conceived  by  them  senior  in 

scripture  to  any  materisd  church ;  or  that  their  teach- 

iug  therein  was  not  in  entire  discourses,  but  admitted 

(as  in  the  schools)  of  interiocutory  opposition  on 

occasion. 

u>o»r^         18.  By  Lollards  all   know  the  Wiclivites    are 

why  lo 

called.  meant,  so  called  from  Walter  Lollardus  one  of  their 
teachers  in  Germany^,  (and  not  as  the  monk  al- 
luded, quasi  lolia  in  ara  Domini^,)  flourishing  many 

livered  over  to  the  secular  arm  "  respuit  tant«  dignationis  ob- 
and  condemned  to  be  burnt  in  '*  lationem ;  non  dubium  qain 
Smithfieldy  for  denying  the  real  "  maligno  spirita  induratus." 
presence  in  the  eucharist,  the  Hist.  Angl.  378.  This  has  also 
prince  used  all  his  endeavours  been  narrated  with  considerable 
with  the  unhappy  man  to  pre-  additions  by  John  Fox.  Mar- 
vail  on  him  to  recant ;  but  his  tyrol.  i.  679.] 
efforts  being  ineffectual  the  ^  Acts  xix.  9. 
execution  proceeded.  But  with  ^  Trithemius  in  Chron.  anno 
a  martyr's  zeal  the  culprit  had  13 15,  [and  13 21,  p.  274,  277. 
little  of  a  martyr's  courage  ;  ed.  Basil.] 
his  pitiable  outcries  had  so  e  Of  S.  Aug.  Cant.  MS.  anno 
much  effect  upon  the  prince  1406.  [Many  persons  according 
that  he  stopped  the  progress  of  to  archbishop  Parker  ( Antiq. 
the  flames,  and  again  endea.  Britan.  p.  394.)  supposed  that 
voured  to  move  the  sufferer  to  Wicliffe*s  followers  were  call- 
recant  :  offered  him  all  means  ed  Lollards,  because  they  eat 
of  consolation  ;  a  full  and  en.  such  meats  as  were  prohibited 
tire  pardon,  and  a  pension  of  in  Lent.  But  in  this  they 
threepence  a  day  from  the  royal  are  mistaken ;  for  they  were 
purse  for  the  rest  of  his  life :  called  Lollards  from  loUum, 
again  his  intentions  were  frus-  and  that  from  the  following 
trated; '' miser  refocillatospiritu  circumstance.     A  certain  friar 


CBNT.XV. 


of  Britain. 


407 


years  before  WicliiOre,  and  much  consenting  with  a.  d.  1412. 
him  in  judgment.  As  for  the  word  LoUard  retained  -^ — '■ — ^ 
in  our  Statutes  since  the  reformation,  it  seems  now 
as  a  generical  name,  to  signify  such  who  in  their 
opinions  oppose  the  settled  religion  of  the  land,  in 
which  sense  the  modem  sheriffs  are  bound  by  their 
oath  to  suppress  them. 

19*  The  parenthesis  concerning  king  Richard  ^'  who  Achan- 
**  is  gone  to  God,  and  on  whose  soul  God  through  SewT*^*^ 
"  his  grace  have  mercy,"  is  according  to  the  doctrine 
of  that  age.  For  they  held  all  in  purgatory  gone  to 
Crody  because  assured  in  due  time  of  their  happiness; 
yet  so  that  the  sufirages  of  the  living  were  profitable 
for  them.  Nor  feared  they  to  offend  king  Henry 
by  their  charitable  presumption  of  the  final  happy 
estate  of  king  Richard  his  professed  enemy,  knowing 
he  cared  not  where  king  Richard  was,  so  be  it  not 
living  and  sitting  on  the  English  throne. 

20.  As  for  the  report  of  king  Richard's  being  still  King 
alive,  it  is  strange  any  should  believe  it,  if  it  be  why  be- 
true  that  his  corpse  for  some  days  were  at  London  ^®^®**  ^^ 
exposed  to  open  view :  understand  it  done  at  dis- 
tance, lest  coming  too  near  might  discover  some 
violence  offered  on  his  person.     It  is  probable  that 
the  obscurity  of  his  burial  (huddled  into  his  grave  at 
Langley  in  Hertfordshire)  gave  the  lustre  to  the 


of  the  mendicant  order,  preach, 
ing  at  Paul's  Cross  against  the 
doctrines  of  Wicliffe,  which 
were  then  gaining  strength, 
took  for  the  subject  of  his  text 
the  parable  of  the  *' enemy 
*•  sowing  tares"  (lolia) ;  in 
which  he  frequently  repeated 
the  word  kUa,  comparing  the 
followers  of  Wicliffe  to  tares. 


From  this  occurrence  the  word 
was  caught  up  by  the  people^ 
and  these  men  were  called  Lol- 
lards. The  term  thus  applied 
appears  first  in  the  constitu- 
tions of  archbishop  Arundel,  in 
which  he  complains  of  the 
church  being  infected,  **  novo 
**  damnabili  Lollardise  no- 
"  mine."] 

D  d  4 


408  The  Church  History  book  it. 

A.  D.  141 2.  report  that  he  was  still  alive,  believed  of  those  who 
'^"^"'^^- desired  it. 

JJj^^^^°"      21.  Whereas  this  law  against  Lollards  extended 
m*rtyr.      to  womon,  though  many  of  the  weaker  sex  were  in 
trouble  upon  that  account,  yet  on  my  best  inquiry 
I  never  found  any  one  put  to  death ;  Anna  Askewe 
being  the  first,  who  in  the  reign  of  king  Henry  the 
Eighth  was  burnt  for  her  religion. 
Who  meant     22.  A  Scotch  writer  tells  us,  that  king  Richard 
iM scoaand,^eA  disguised  into  Scotland,  discovered  himself  to 
and  was  honourably  entertained  by  Robert  the  king 
thereof.     Adding  that  Richard,  who  would  no  more 
of  the  world,  gave  himself  wholly  to  contenoiplation, 
lived,  died,  and  buried  at  Sterling,  possibly  some 
mimic  might  personate  him  there,  and  is  the  fod 
mentioned  in  this  petition^. 
Cruel  per-       23.  Hereupon  it  was,  that  the  poor  Lollards  were 
prosecuted  with  such  cruelty  that  the  prisons  were 
full  of  them ;  many  forced  to  abjure,  and  such  who 
refused  used  without  mercy,  as  in  Mr.  Fox  is  largely 
related^. 
Archbishop      24.  Thomas  Arundel,  archbishop  of  Canterbury, 
going  to     came  to  Oxford  with  a  pompous  train,  accompanied 
f^^'    with  many  persons  of  honour,  and  particularly  with 
his  nephew,  Thomas  Fitz-Alan,  earl  of  Arundel; 
his  intent  was  juridically  to  visit  the  university,  ex- 
pecting to  be  solemnly  met  and  sumptuously  enter- 
tained, according  to  his  place  and  dignity^. 
Is  resisted       25.  But  SCO  the  spito  of  it,  Richard  Courtenay,  the 
chancellor.  chancoUor  of  Oxford,  (whom  by  his  surname  and 

^  Boetius  [Scot.  Hist.  lib.  visiting  the  university  of  Cam. 

xvi.  p.  339.]  bridge  j{/re  metropoUtico  in  the 

i  [See  the  Marty rology,  I.  year  1405,  in  Parker's  Antiq. 

p.  774.]  Brit.  p.  41 X,  and  Wake's  State 

^  [See  also  an  account  of  his  of  the  Church,  348.] 


c:ent.  XV.  of  Britain.  409 

high  spirit,  I  should  guess  descended  from  the  earls  a.d.  1412. 

of  Devonshire),  with  Benedict  Brent  and  John  Birch, '- — • 

the  two  proctors,  denied  the  archbishop  entrance  into 
the  university  under  the  notion  of  a  visitor,  though 
as  a  stranger,  great  prelate  and  privy  councillor, 
all  welcome  was  provided  for  him  and  his  retinue. 
Arundel  was  angry  with  the  affi-ont,  and  finding  force 
both  useless  (the  scholars  siding  with  the  chancellor) 
and  inconsistent  with  his  gravity,  was  fain  fairly  to 
retreat,  re  infecta^  to  London ;  the  rather  because  the 
chancellor  had  submitted  the  cause  in  controversy  to 
the  hearing  and  determining  of  his  majesty. 

26.  King  Henry  at  the  joint  instance  of  both  The  king 
parties,  sununoned  them  to  Lambeth,  to  hear  andthf^^" 
determine  the  controversy ;  the  chancellor  of  Oxford  ^J^^^p 
produceth  an  army  of  large  bulls  of  the  pope :  arch- 
bishop Arundell  brought  forth  one  champion,  viz. 
an  instrument  in  the  reign  of  king  Richard  the 
Second,  wherein  the  king  adjudged  all  their  papal 
privileges  void,  as  granted  to  the  damage  of  the 
crown,  and  much  occasioning  the  increase  of  Lollards; 
not  that  it  was  so  done  intentionally  by  his  holiness 
(for  who  can  suspect  the  pope  turn  Lollard?)  but 
accidentally  it  came  to  pass,  that  the  university  of 
Oxford  freed  from  archiepiscopal  visitation  by  virtue 
of  those  bulls,  the  Wiclivists  therein  escaped  from 
consistorian  censure.  Hereupon  king  Henry  pro- 
nounced sentence  on  the  archbishop's  side^  as  by  the 
ensuing  instrument  vdll  plainly  appear. 

"  Et  ulterius  tam  auctoritate  sua  regia,  quam  vir-  Feb.  9, 
"  tute  submissionis  prsedictse  sibi  factse  adtunc  ibidem  ^"^^* 
**  arbitratus  fiiit,  ordinavit,  consideravit,  decrevit,  et 
"  adjudicavit,  quod  praedictus  archiepiscopus  et  sue- 


u 


410  Tke  Chunk  HuUny  book  iy. 

p.  1412.^  oesBmeB  tmi  in  peqietaum  habeant  YisitaticHiem  et 
—  ^  jurifldictioiiem  in  uniTeisitate  praedicta,  tarn  cancel- 
^  laiii  commiBsarionmi,  qoam  procnratomm  ejusdem 
^  nniyeratatis,   qui   [m>   tempore  fberint^    nee   non 
^  omninm    doctonun,    magtstroram,    regentium    et 
*^  non-regentium,  ac  scholarium  ^osdem  nniversitatis 
**'  quommcanque,  eommque  servientium,  aUammque 
^  personarom  cujnscunqae  status  et  eonditionis  exti- 
^  terint,  et  etiam  ejusdem  uniyersitatis  ut  univar* 
**  sitatis^  et  quod  cancellaiius,  conunissarii,  procu- 
latores  nniversitatis   prsedictae,   qui   pro   tempore 
fuerint,  eommque  sucoessores,   et  omnes  alii  in 
^  dicta  universitate  pro  tempore  commorantes,  fii- 
^  turis  temporibus  ridem  archiepiscopo,  et  suoces- 
^  soribus  suis  in  visitatione  et  jurisdictione  univer- 
^  sitatis  pra»iictae  etiam  ut  univ^^tatis,  in  omnibus 
^  pareant  et  obediant.     £t  quod  nee  dictus  cancel- 
*^  larius,  eommissarii,  nee  procuratores  nniversitatis 
^  praedietse,  nee  eorum  successores,  nee  aliquis  alius 
^  in  universitate  prsedicta  aUquod  privilegium  seu 
^  beneficium  exemptionis  ad  excludendum  prseiatum 
^  archiepiscopum  seu  successores  sues  de  visitatione 
**  et  jurisdictione  praedictis,  in  universitate  antedicta 
^^  colore  alicujus  bullae  seu  alterius  tituli  cujuscunque 
^  erga  praedictum   archiepiscopum  seu    successores 
"  suos,  clament,  habeant,  seu  vendicent,  lillo  mode 
"  in  fdturum.     Et  qiiod  quotiens  cancellarius,  com- 
**  missarii,  vel  locum  tenens  ipsorum,  vel  alicujus 
**  ipsorum,  vel  procuratores  dictae  nniversitatis  qui 
"  pro  tempore  fuerint,  vel  eorum  successores,  sive 
**  aliquis  eorum  impedierint  vel  impedierit  praefatum 
"  archiepiscopum  vel  successores  suos,  ant  ecclesiam 
suam  praedictam,  aut  ipsorum  vel  alicujus  ipsorum 
commissarium,   vel    commissaries,    de   hujusmodi 


CENT.  XV.  of  Britain.  411 


^  yisitatione  give  jurisdictione  dictae  universitatis,  velA.D.1412. 
**  in  aliquo  contravenerint,  vel  aliquis  eomm  contra- -^^ — '- — -* 
**  venerit,  dictis,  arbitrio,  ordinacioni,  sive  judicio 
per  prsefatum  Ricardum  nuper  regem  factis,  sive 
arbitrio,  judicio,  decreto,  considerationi  vel  ordi- 
nationi  ipsius  Domini  nostri  regis  Henrici  in  hoc 
casu,  vel  si  aliquis  dictse  universitatis  in  futurum 
impedierit  dictum  archiepiscopum,  vel  successores 
sues,  aut  ecclesiam  suam  praedictam,  aut  ipsorum 
"  vel  alicujus  ipsorum  commissarium,  vel  commis- 
sarios,  de  visitatione  sua  aut  jurisdictione  ante- 
dicta,  vel  in  aliquo  contravenerit  dictis,  arbitrio, 
ordinationi,  sive  judicio  per  prsefatum  Ricardum 
nuper  regem  in  forma  praedicta  factis,  vel  arbitrio, 
judicio,  decreto,  considerationi  vel  ordinationi  ipsius 
Domini  nostri  regis  Henrici :  Et  quod  [quotiens] 
"  cancellarius,  commissarii  vel  procuratores  universi- 
tatis prsedictse  tunc  non  fecerint  diligentiam  et  posse 
eorum  ad  adjuvandum  dictum  archiepiscopum  vel 
successores  sues,  aut  ecclesiam  suam  prsedictam,  seu 
commissarium  vel  commissaries  sues  in  hujusmodi 
casu,  ac  etiam  ad  puniendum  hujusmodi  impedientes 
"  et  resistentes :  Quod  totiens  omnes  franchesiae, 
**  libertates,  et  omnia  privilegia  ejusdem  universitatis 
in  manus  Domini  regis  vel  hseredum  suorum  sei- 
siantur,  in  eisdem  manibus  ipsorum  Domini  regis 
"  vel  haeredum  suorum  remansura,  quousque  prae- 
^*  dictus  archiepiscopus  vel  successores  sui  pacificam 
"  visitationem  et  jurisdictionem  in  forma  praedicta, 
"  in  dicta  universitate  habuerit  vel  habuerint,  et 
''  etiam  totiens  cancellarius,  commissarii,  et  procu- 
"  ratores  ejusdem  universitatis,  qui  pro  tempore 
"  fuerint,  et  eorum  successores,  ac  universitas  prae- 
"  dicta  solvant,  et  teneantur  solvere  ipsi  Domino 


it 


412  The  Church  History  book  iv. 

A.D.141^*^'  nostro  regi  Henrico  et  haeredibus  suis  mille  libras 
'/■  ^^ — '- "  legalis  monetae  Angliae. 

**  Concordat  cum  original!, 

"  GULIELMUS  RyLEY." 

Afterwards  the  king  confirmed  the  same,  with  the 
consent  of  the  lords  and  commons  in  parliament,  as 
in  the  Tower  rolls  doth  plainly  appear. 
The  eflTect       27.  See  WO  here  the  srand  difference  betwixt  the 

of  the  sta-  ,  ^ 

tate  of  pr<e- pope's  power  in  England  before  and  after  the  statute 
*"  ^^'  of  pnemunire.  Before  it,  his  avro?  S^jy  was  authen- 
tical,  and  his  bulls  received  next  to  canonical  scrip- 
ture. Since,  that  statute  hath  broken  off  their  best 
seals,  wherein  they  cross  the  royal  power ;  and  in  all 
things  else  they  enter  into  England  mannerly  with, 
"  Good  king  by  your  leave  sir,"  or  else  they  were  no 
better  than  so  much  waste  parchment. 
FareweU  to  28.  This  doth  acquaint  us  with  a  perfect  character 
the  Fourth,  of  king  Henry  the  Fourth,  who,  though  courteous, 
was  not  servile  to  the  pope.  And  sir  Edward  Cook^ 
accounteth  this  his  Oxford  action  (though  imwilling 
to  transcribe  the  instrument  for  the  tediousness 
thereof)  a  noble  act  of  kingly  power  in  that  age, 
and  so  we  take  our  ferewell  of  king  Henry  the 
Fourth,  not  observed  (as  all  English  kings  before 
and  after  him)  to  have  erected  and  endowed  any 
one  entire  house  of  religion,  as  first  or  sole  founder 
thereof,  though  a  great  benefactor  to  the  abbey  of 
Leicester,  and  college  of  Fotheringhay  in  Northamp- 
tonshire; his  picture  is  not  so  well  known  by  his 
head  as  his  hood,  which  he  weareth  upon  it  in  an 
antic  fashion  peculiar  to  himself. 

1  Instit.  [Part.  iv.  p.  228.  ed.  1648.] 


CENT.  XV.  of  Britain.  413 ' 

29*  At  the  commons'  petition  to  the  king  in  par- a.  d.  141 3. 

liament,  that  all  Irish  hegging-priests,  called  chaum '—^ 

ber-deakyns^^  should  avoid  the  realm  before  Michael- deakyns 
mas  next,  they  were  ordered  to  depart  by  the  time  EngLnd. 
aforesaid,  upon  pain  of  loss  of  goods  aad  imprison- 
ment  during  the  king's  pleasure ". 

30.  I  had  almost  forgotten,  that  just  a  month  The  death 
before  the  death  of  king  Henry  the  Fourth,  Thomas  Arundel. 
Arundel  archbishop  of  Canterbury  expired ;  famished 

to  death,  not  for  want  of  food,  but  a  throat  to 
swallow  it,  such  the  swelling  therein,  that  he  could 
neither  speak  nor  eat  for  some  days^.  I  may  safely 
report  what  others  observe,  how  he,  who  by  his  cruel 
canons  forbade  the  food  to  the  soul,  and  had  pro- 
nounced sentence  of  condemnation  on  so  many  in- 
nocents, was  now  both  starved  and  strick  dumb 
together.  Henry  Chichely  succeeded  him  in  the 
place,  whose  mean  birth  interrupted  the  chain  of 
noble  archbishops,  his  two  predecessors  and  sue- 
cessors  being  earls'  sons  by  their  extraction. 

31.  The  prelates,  and  abbots  especially,  began  nowA.D.1414. 
to  have  the  active  soul  of  king  Henry  in  suspicion ;  jealous^ 
for  working  heads  are  not  so  vnlling  to  follow  old]^"^  . 
ways  as  well-pleased  to  find  out  new  ones.     Such  a«^^*y- 
meddling  soul  must  be  sent  out  of  harm's  way :  if 

that  the  clergy  found  not  this  king  some  work 
abroad,  he  would  make  them  new  work  at  home. 
Had  his  humour  hiappened  to  side  vrith  the  Lollards, 
Henry  the  Fifth  would  have  saved  king  Henry  the 
Eighth  much  pains  in  demolishing  of  monasteries. 

32.  Hereupon  the  clergy  cunningly  gave  vent  to  Divert  it 

on  a  war  in 
France. 
"»  [That  is  chamber-deacons.]     of  the  Rolls^  vol.  IV.  p.  13.] 

tt  Rotuli   in   turre   in    hoc         ^  [See  Parker's  Autiq.  Brit. 

anno.     [See  the  printed  copy     p/413.] 


414  The  Church  History  book  iv. 

A.D.i4i4.his  activity,  by  diverting  it  on  a  long  war  upon  the 
— ^^— ^  French,  where  his  victories  are  loudly  sounded  forth' 
by  our  state  historians.  A  war  of  more  credit  than 
profit  to  England  in  this  king's  reign,  draining  the 
men  and  money  thereof.  Thus  victorious  bays  bear 
only  barren  berries,  (no  whit  good  for  food,  and  very 
little  for  physic,)  whilst  the  peaceable  olive  drops 
down  that  precious  liquor,  making  the  &ce  of  man 
to  shine  therewith.  Besides,  what  this  king  Henry 
gained,  his  son  as  quickly  lost  in  France.  Thus 
though  the  providence  of  nature  hath  privileged 
islanders  by  their  entire  position  to  secure  them'^ 
selves,  yet  are  they  unhappy  in  long  keeping  their 
acquisitions  on  the  continent. 
The  aad  S3.  Now  began  the  tragedy  of  sir  John  Oldcastle^ 
SSkm  OM-'^  so  largely  handled  in  Mr.  Fox,  that  his  pains  hath 
***^  given  posterity  a  writ  of  ease  hereinP.  He  was  a 
vigorous  knight,  whose  martial  activity  vnx)ught  him 
into  the  affections  of  Joan  De  la  Pole,  baroness  of 
Cobham,  the  lord  whereof  he  became  {sed  quaere^ 
whether  an  actual  baron)  by  her  marriage^. 
His  belief.  84.  As  for  the  opinions  of  this  sir  John  Oldcastle, 
they  plainly  appear  in  his  belief  which  he  drew 
up  with  his  own  hand,  and  presented  it  first  to  the 
king,  then  to  the  archbishop  of  Canterbury,  wherein 
some  things  are  mther  coarsely  than  fitlsely  spoken. 
He  knew  to  speak  in  the  language  of  the  schools 
(so  were  the  meetings  of  the  Wiclivists  called)  but 
not  scholastically ;  and  I  believe  he  was  the  first 
that  coined  and  last  that  used  the  distinction  of  the 

P  [See  the  Martyrology,  I.  the  first  volume  of  the  Har- 

p.726.   An  account  of  sir  John  leian     Miscellany.       See   also 

Cobham  was  also  ^vritten   by  Lewis,  Lifeof  Wicliffe,  p.246.] 
John   Bale,   and  reprinted  in         [q  Camden's  Brit.  p.  233.] 


CENT.  XV.  of  Britain,  415 

church  militant,  divided  into  priesthood^  knighthood^  a.  d.  1414. 

and  commons^  which  had  no  great  harm  therein  as - 

he  explained  it.  As  for  Parsons  his  charging  him 
with  anabaptistical  tenets,  it  is  pity  that  the  words 
of  a  plain  meaning  man  should  be  put  on  the  rack 
of  a  Jesuit's  malice,  to  extort  by  deduction  what 
never  was  intended  therein'. 

35.  But  a  worse  accusation  is  charged  on  his  He  is 
memory,  that  he  was  not  only  guilty  of  heresy  but  ^r^Sn. 
treason.     But  by  the  way,  it  appeareth  that  Lol- 
lardism  then  counted  heresy  was  made  treason  by 
statute,  and  on  that  account  heresy  and  treason  sig- 
nify no  more  than  heresy,  and  then  heresy,  according 

to  the  abusive  language  of  that  age,  was  the  best 
serving  of  God  in  those  days.  But  besides  this,  a 
very  formal  treason  is  laid  to  this  lord's  account  in 
mamier  foUovidng. 

It  is  laid  to  his  charge,  that  though  not  present 
in  the  person  vnth  his  counsel,  he  encouraged  an 
army  of  rebels,  no  fewer  than  twenty  thousand, 
which  in  the  dark  thickets  (expounded  in  our  age 
into  plain  pasture)  of  St.  Giles'  fields  nigh  London, 
intended  to  seize  on  the  king's  person  and  his  two 
brothers,  the  dukes  of  Bedford  and  Gloucester.  Of 
this  numerous  army,  thirty-six  are  said  to  be  hanged 
and  burnt,  though  the  names  of  three  are  only 
known,  and  sir  Roger  Acton,  knight,  the  only  person 
of  quality  named  in  the  design. 

36.  For  mine  own  part,  I  must  confess  myself  so  Theauthor 
lost  in  the  intricacies  of  these  relations,  that  I  know*"  ^ 
not  what  to  assent  to  ■.    On  the  one  side,  I  am  loth 

'  In  his  Three  Conversions,  castle.] 
[II.  249.      Wicliffe    had  be-         »  [These  contradictory  rela- 

fore  made  use  of  this  distinc  tions  are  examined  by  Lewis, 

tion   here   attributed  to   Old-  ib.  p.  251.] 


416  The  Church  HiHory  book  it. 

A.  D.  1414.  to  load  the  lord  Cobham's  memory  with  causelegs 

^crimes,  knowing  the  perfect  hatred  the  clergy  in 

that  age  bare  unto  him^  and  all  that  looked  to- 
wards the  reformation  in  religion.  Besides,  that 
80,000  men  should  be  brought  into  the  fields  and  no 
place  assigned  whence  they  were  to  be  raised,  or 
where  mustered,  is  clogged  with  much  improbability. 
The  rather  because  only  the  three  persons,  as  is 
aforesaid,  are  mentioned  by  name  of  so  vast  a 
number. 
liMTcth  aU     37.  On  the  other  side,  I  am  much  startled  with 

to  the  last 

1U7.  the  evidence  that  appeareth  against  him.  Indeed  I 
am  little  moved  with  what  T.  Walsingham  writes, 
(whom  all  later  authors  follow,  as  a  flock  the  bel- 
wether,)  knowing  him  a  Benedictine  monk  of  St. 
Albans,  bowed  by  interest  to  partiality;  but  the 
records  of  the  Tower,  and  acts  of  parliament  therein, 
wherein  he  was  solemnly  condemned  for  a  traitor  as 
well  as  heretic,  challenge  belief.  For  with  what 
confidence  can  any  private  person  "promise  credit 
from  posterity  to  his  own  writings,  if  such  public 
monuments  be  not  by  him  entertained  for  authen- 
tical.  Let  Mr.  Fox  therefore  be  this  lord  Cobham's 
compurgator,  I  dare  not ;  and  if  my  hand  were  put 
on  the  Bible,  I  should  take  it  back  again.  Yet  so 
that,  as  I  will  not  acquit,  I  will  not  condemn  him, 
but  leave  all  to  the  last  day  of  the  revelation  of  the 
righteous  judgment  of  God  K 
The  lord  38.  This  is  most  true,  that  the  lord  Cobham  made 
taken  in  his  oscapo  out  of  the  Tower,  wherein  he  was  impri- 
soned; fled  into  Wales,  here  he  lived  four  years, 
'  '^ing  at  last  discovered,  and  taken  by  the  lord  Powis. 
t  so,  that  it  cost  some  blows  and  blood  to  appro- 

^  Rom.  ii.  5. 


Walei. 


CENT.  XV. 


of  Britain. 


417 


hend  him,  till  a  woman  at  last  with  a  stool  broke  a.d.  1414. 

the   lord  Cobham's  legs,   whereby  being  lame  he 1 

was  brought  up  to  London  in  a  horse-litter. 

39.  At  last  he  was  drawn  upon  a  hurdle  to  the  His  doable 
gallows,  his  death  as  his  crime  being  double,  hanged  ^^^ 
and  burned  for  traitor  and  heretic.     Hence  some 

have  deduced  the  etymology  of  Tyhum  firom  tie  and 
hum^  the  necks  of  ofltending  persons  being  tied  there- 
unto, whose  legs  and  lower  parts  were  consumed  in 
the  flame  '*. 

40.  Stage  poets  have  themselves  been  very  bold  Unjustly 
with,  and  others  very  merry  at,  the  memory  of  sir^^f^ 
John  Oldcastle,  whom  they  have  fancied  a  boonP^^^ 
companion,  a  jovial  royster,  and  yet  a  coward  to 
boot,  contrary  to  the  credit  of  all  chronicles,  owning 

him  a  martial  man  of  merit.  The  best  is,  sir  John 
Falstaff  hath  relieved  the  memory  of  sir  John  Old- 
castle, and  of  late  is  substituted  bufibon  in  his  place, 
but  it  matters  as  little  what  petulant  poets  as  what 
malicious  papists  have  written  against  him.  ^^  "^ 

41.  Richard  Flemjoig,  doctor  of  divinity,  designed  a.d.  144 1. 
by  the  pope  archbishop  of  York,  but,  to  please  king  cXg© 
Henry  the  Fifth,  contented  with  the  bishopric  of  ^^"^*^- 
Lincoln,  about  this  time  founded  a  college,  named 
Lincoln  college  in  Oxford  ^.     It  fared  the  worse  be- 
cause he  died  before  it  was  fully  finished,  and  the 


V  [A  conceit  of  Nicholas 
Harpsfield's.  The  name  ap- 
pears to  have  been  derived 
either  from  ''  the  Tey  or  Tey- 
**  bourn,  a  small  brook  passing 
**  near  unto  it  in  the  former 
*'  times.  Which  brook  or 
bourn,  arising  not  far  from 
Paddington,  hath  since  been 
^'  drawn  into  several  conduits 

FULLEB,  VOL.  IJ. 


<r 


t€ 


"  for  the  use  of  the  city ;"  or 
from  *'twey-born,  from  two 
"  little  brooks  wherewith  it  is 
*^  insulated  in  the  winter." 
See  the  Appeal,  &c.  part  11. 
p.  17.] 

w  [See  Harpsfield's  Hist.  Ec- 
clesiastica  Angl.  p.  649.  God- 
win de  Praesul.  Angl.  p.  297. 
Bishop  Flemjrng  died  in  1 43 1 .] 

B  e 


418  TTltf  Church  History  book  it. 

-^^-Hsi-best  guardian  to  an  orphan  foundation  comes  £Bur 
■  short  of  the  father  thereof*.  Yet  was  this  house 
happy  in  two  bountiful  bene&ctors,  Thomas  Beck^ 
ington,  bishop  of  Bath  and  Wells,  who  (according  to 
the  ingenuity  of  that  age  (hath  left  his  memory  in  a 
beacon  with  a  tun  on  the  walls,  and  Thomas  Bother- 
ham,  archbishop  of  York,  adding  five  fellowships 
thereunto. 

N.Pant         42.  Here  I  wonder  what  made  Nicholas  Pont, 

great  anti- 

liinooinian.  fellow  of  Mortou  College,  and  scholar  enough,  to  be 
such  a  back-friend  to  this  college  in  the  in&ncy 
thereof,  inveighing  bitterly  against  it  y.  This  is  that 
Pont  whose  fidth  many  distrust,  for  his  violent 
writing  against  Wicliffe,  but  whose  charity  more 
may  dislike  for  his  malice  to  this  innocent  college, 
except  it  was,  that  he  foresaw  it  would  produce  in 
time  worthy  champions  of  the  truth,  opposers  of  his 
erroneous  opinions,  as  indeed  it  hath,  though  I  be 
unable  to  give  a  particular  catalogue  of  them. 

The  author      43.  Indeed  I  could  much  desire,  were  it  in  my 

■ooie  wedu  *^ 

in,  though  power,  to  express  my  service  to  this   foundation, 

house.       acknowledging  myself  for  a  quarter  of  a  year  in 

these  troublesome  times,  though  no  member  of,  a 

dweller  in  it.     I  will  not  complain  of  the  deamess 

of  this  university,  where  seventeen  weeks  cost  me 

more  than  seventeen  years  in  Cambridge,  even  all 

that  I  had,  but  shall  pray  that  the  students  therein 

be  never  hereafter  disturbed  upon  the  like  occasion'. 

The  ardi-       44,  Amougst  the  modcm  worthies  of  this  college 

our  church  still  surviving.  Dr.  Robert  Saunderson,  late  regius 

and  age. 

X  [See  an  account  of  this  Oxon.  in  App.]    Pitz.  [in  vit. 

learned  and  munificent  prelate  588.] 

in  Wood's  History  of  Colleges  '  [Coming  within  '^  the  com- 

&c.  iii.  234.]  pass  of  delinquency.*'    See  tiie 

y  Bri.  Twyne,  [Antiq.  Acad.  Appeal,  p.  443,  ed.  1840.] 


CEKT.  XV. 


of  Britain, 


419 


professor,  moveth  in  the  highest  sphere;  as  no  less  a.  0.14^1, 
plain  and  profitable  than  able  and  profound  casuist,  ^    ^"' 
(a  learning  almost  lost  amongst  protestants»)  wrapping 
up  sharp  thorns  in  rose  leaves,  I  mean  hard  matter 
in  sweet  Latin  and  pleasant  expressions. 


BeeUm* 

J?icAop«. 

Bem^facm/n, 

Isaimed 

Mr.  WilKam 

John  Forrest, 

- 

Ghamber- 

dean  of  Wells. 

leyn. 

John  Southam, 

[I460.J 

Mr.  John  Beke. 

archdeacon  of 

Mr.JohnTris- 

Oxford. 

trope. 

William  Fin- 

[«479-] 

Mr.  George 

Strang^wayes. 

dern,  esq. 
Henry  Beaufort, 

Im88.] 

Mr.  William 
Betfaome. 

cardinal, 
bishop  of 
Winchester. 

C'^QSO 

Dr.  Thomas 

Banke. 

John  Buketot. 

[•503.] 

Mr.  Thomas 
Prax. 

John  Crosby, 
treasurer  of 

['S««0 

Dr.  John  Cot- 

Lincoln. 

William  Har- 

tisford. 

Walter  Bate. 

rii^  whose 

[•538.] 

Mr.   Hugo 

John  Underhill, 

Edward  Darby. 

writings 

Weston. 

bishop  of  Ox- 

Wilh'am Dag- 

are  mudi 

[1556.] 

Mr.  Christo- 

ford c. 

vyle,  maj.  of 

esteemed  by 

pher  Bar- 

Oxford. 

the  papists. 

grave. 

WiUiam  Bish  d. 

[ob.i^2.]« 

■[*5S8.] 

Mr.  Henry 
Henshaw  *. 

Edmund  Aud- 
ley,  [bishop  of 

[«5<So.] 

Dr.  Francis 

Sahsbory.] 

F 

Babmgton* 

* 

John  Traps. 

[1563.] 

Mr.  John 
Bridgwaterb. 

Richaid  Kilbie^ 
late  rector. 

['574.] 

Mr.  John  Tat- 
ham. 

[1577.] 

Dr.  John  Un- 

['590.] 

Dr.   Ridiard 
Kilbye. 

Ridiard 

[i6aa] 

Dr.  Paul  Hood. 

Thornton. 

A  [Heronehaw,  ccmiinonly 
called  Henahaw.  Wood,  241.] 

^  [AuthcHT  of  the  celebrated 
work,  Goncertatio  Ecdesiee  Ca- 
tholicfle  in  Anglia,  which  he 
published  under  his  latinized 
name,  "  Aqu^ontanus."  See 
Wood'9  Athenee.  i.  274.] 

£ 


c  [Wood  reckons  eleven 
bishops  as  having  belonged  to 
this  foundation,  to  1747.^ 

^  [I  think  this  must  be  a 
mistake  for  Wm.  Smith,  bishop 
of  Lincoln,  since  I  can  find  no 
record  of  Wm.  Bish.] 

«  Pitz.  in  vita,  p.  801. 

e2 


418  Th§  Church  Hish 


w/€fjr  i^' 


A^^<* 


A.  D.  1411.  best  ffuardian  to  an  ,. . ' '*\^^^  one  recUst, 

•- short  of  the  fr*  >.'/!*/^ scholars,  wnicb, 


happy  in  '.  /;:,  j^^onerB,  lately  made  up 

mgton.1       .  :-':^'^'' 

the  in'^  •  ''•■*"'    .>«wet  John  Williams,  bishop 

beac  '  <  • '  !V^  ^^loinbridge,  related  only  to  this 

har  ^',w»*  ^thereof.    Here  finding  the  chapel 

t'  ':.-C''^  ijf^^forreBU  dean  of  Wells  in  the  reign 
N.Poiit  .''^'^ti^^*iiepff^^'^  Sixth)  old,  little,  and  inconve- 
fdnooiS'       '^     y  ^^  elected  a  far  fairer  fahric  in  the  room 

p/i'^^  fle  had  a  good  precedent  of  a  Cambridge 
/^  bountj  to  this  house,  even  Thomas  Rother- 
^  ftUow  of  King's  College  ^  and  master  of  Pem- 
g^e  Hall   therein,  whom   bishop  Williams   suc- 
^^ed,  as  in  the  bishopric  of  Lincoln  and  the  arch- 
bishopric of  York,  so  in  his  liberality  to  this  foun- 
dation 8. 
j^  i4f s.     44.  On  the  last  of  August  king  Henry  the  Fifth 
^jS^^^^^  his  life,  in  France ;  one  of  a  strong  and  active 
^^^  body ;  neither  shrinking  in  cold  nor  slothful  in  heat, 
ff^       going  commonly  with  his  head  uncovered  ;  the  wear- 
ing of  armour  was  no  more  cumbersome  unto  him 
than  a  cloak.     He  never  shrunk  at  a  wound,  nor 


€€ 


K 
€< 
€( 


'  ['*At  what  time  Thomas  ''  which    he  did    exhort    the 

Rotherham,  alias  Scot,  bishop  "bishop   in   such   manner  to 

"  of  Lincohi,  visited  his  diocese^  ^' good  works,  and  to  perfect 

*'  he    came    to   Oxford,   and,  "  this  his  college,  which  then 

among  other  places  therein,  "  being  imperfect  both  in  its 

to  this  college,  where  against  "  edifices  and  government^  that 

his  coming  John  Tristrope,  "  when  he  concluded  his  ser- 

'*  rector  thereof,  had  provided  "  mon  the  bishop  stood  up  and 

"  a  visitation  sermon  for  him,  '*  answered  the  preacher  with 

'*  taking  his  text  out  of  the  "  great    love    and    affection : 

"  psalmist  running  thus^  Vide  *'Jacturum   se    quod  petuni." 

"  et  visita  vineam  iuam,  et  rem  Wood,  ib.  238.] 

"  perfice  qtiam  plantavit  deX'  ^  [See  Wood,  ib.  250  ;  God- 

"  tra  tua  ;  in  the  handling  of  win  de  Prsesul.  698,  299.] 


B^i 


XV.  of  Britain,  421 

I  away  his  nose  for  ill  savour,  nor  closed  his  A.  d.  149a. 
or  smoke  or  dust;  in  diet  none  less  dainty  or ii!!^lZi 
o  moderate ;  his  sleep  very  short,  but  sound ; 
ortunate    in  fight,   and   commendable  in    all    his 
actions :  verifying  the  proverb,  that  an  ill  youth  may 
make  a  good  man.     The  nunnery  of  Sion  was  built 
and  endowed  by  him,  and  a  college  was  by  him 
intended  in  Oxford,  had  not  death  prevented  him. 

45.  As   for   Katherine   de  Valois,   daughter   to  Queen 
Charles  the  Sixth,  king  of  France,  widow  of  kingmamed 
Henry,  she  was  afterward  married  to,  and  had  issue  *«^- 
by,  Owen  ap  Tudor,  a  noble  Welshman ;  and  her 
body  lies  at  this  day  unburied  in  a  loose  coffin  at 
Westminster,  lately  shewed  to  such  as  desire  it,  and 
there  dependeth  a  story  thereon. 

46.  There  was  an  old  prophecy  among  the  Eng-  But  never 
lish,   (observed    by  foreigners   to   be  the  greatest 
prophecy-mongers^,  and  whilst  the  devil  knows  their 

diet  they  shall  never  want  a  dish  to  please  the 
palate,)  that  an  English  prince,  bom  at  Windsor, 
should  be  unfortunate  in  losing  what  his  father  had 
acquired ;  whereupon  king  Henry  forbade  queen 
Katherine  (big  with  child)  to  be  delivered  there, 
who  out  of  the  corrupt  principle,  Nitimur  in  vetitum^ 
and  affecting  her  father  before  her  husband,  was 
there  brought  to  bed  of  king  Henry  the  Sixth,  in 
whose  reign  the  feiir  victories  woven  by  his  father's 
valour  were,  by  cowardice,  carelessness,  and  conten- 
tions, unravelled  to  nothing. 

47.  Report  (the  greatest,  though  not  the  truest  By  her  own 
author)  avoucheth  that,  sensible  of  her  fault  in  dis- 
obeying her  husband,  it  was  her  own  desire  and 

h  Philip  Commineus.     [See  this  History,  p.  228.] 

E  e  8 


4S0  The  Church  History  book  ly. 

A.D.  1431.S0  that  at  the  present  are  maintained  one  rectiir, 
^    ^     fourteen  feUows,  two  chaplains,  four  scholars,  which, 

with  servants  and  other  commoners,  lately  made  up 

seventy-two. 
BishoD  of       48.  We  must  not  forget  John  Williams,  bishop 
imikb  than  of  Lincolu^  bred  in  Cambridge,  related  only  to  this 
awjw cha.  j^^^j^g^  ^  visitor  thereof.     Here  finding  the  chapel 

(built  by  John  Forrest,  dean  of  Wells  in  the  reign 
of  king  Henry  the  Sixth)  old,  little,  and  inconve- 
nient, he  erected  a  far  fairer  fabric  in  the  room 
thereof.     He  had  a  good  precedent  of  a  Cambridge 
man's  bounty  to  this  house,  even  Thomas  Bother- 
ham,  fellow  of  King's  College  ^  and  master  of  Pem- 
broke  Hall  therein,  whom  bishop  Williams  suc- 
ceeded, as  in  the  bishopric  of  Lincoln  and  the  arch- 
bishopric of  York,  so  in  his  liberality  to  this  foun- 
dation 8. 
A.  D.  143a.     44.  On  the  last  of  August  king  Henry  the  Fifth 
and  charac-  cudod  his  life,  in  France ;  one  of  a  strong  and  active 
SrannSe  ^^J I  neither  shrinking  in  cold  nor  slothful  in  heat, 
^^^'       going  commonly  with  his  head  uncovered  ;  the  wear- 
ing of  armour  was  no  more  cumbersome  unto  him 
than  a  cloak.     He  never  shrunk  at  a  wound,  nor 


i€ 


'  ['*At  what  time  Thomas  ^'  which    he  did    exhort    the 

Rotherham,  alias  Scot,  bishop  "bishop  in   such  manner  to 

**  of  Lincohi,  visited  his  diocese^  "  good  works,  and  to  perfect 

*'  he    came    to   Oxford,   and,  "  this  his  college,  whidi  then 

among  other  places  therein,  "  being  imperfect  both  in  its 

to  this  college,  where  against  "  edifices  and  government^  that 

his  coming  John  Tristrope,  "  when  he  concluded  his  ser- 

rector  thereof,  had  provided  "  mon  the  bishop  stood  up  and 

"  a  visitation  sermon  for  him,  **  answered  the  preacher  with 

'*  taking  his  text  out  of  the  *'  great    love    and    affection : 

**  ps^mist  running  thus^  Vide  "Jaciurum   se    quod  peiutU.*' 

"  et  visita  vineam  luam,  et  rem  Wood,  ih.  238.] 

*'  perfice  quam  plantavit  dex-  ^  [See  Wood,  ib.  250  ;  Grod- 

"  tra  tua  ;  in  the  handling  of  win  de  Prsesul.  698,  299.] 


CENT.  XV.  of  Britain,  421 

turned  away  his  nose  for  ill  savour,  nor  closed  his  A.  d.  149a. 
eyes  for  smoke  or  dust ;  in  diet  none  less  dainty  or '  ^^'  ^^' 
more  moderate ;  his  sleep  very  short,  but  sound ; 
fortunate  in  fight,  and  commendable  in  all  his 
actions :  verifying  the  proverb,  that  an  ill  youth  may 
make  a  good  man.  The  nunnery  of  Sion  was  built 
and  endowed  by  him,  and  a  college  was  by  him 
intended  in  Oxford,  had  not  death  prevented  him. 

45.  As   for   Katherine   de  Valois,   daujrhter   to  Queen 
Charles  the  Sixth,  king  of  France,  widow  of  king  married 
Henry,  she  was  afterward  married  to,  and  had  issue  **^*^* 
by,  Owen  ap  Tudor,  a  noble  Welshman ;  and  her 
body  lies  at  this  day  unburied  in  a  loose  coffin  at 
Westminster,  lately  shewed  to  such  as  desire  it,  and 
there  dependeth  a  story  thereon. 

46.  There  was  an  old  prophecy  among  the  Eng-  B"t  never 
lish,   (observed    by  foreigners   to   be   the  greatest 
prophecy-mongers  ^  and  whilst  the  devil  knows  their 

diet  they  shall  never  want  a  dish  to  please  the 
palate,)  that  an  English  prince,  bom  at  Windsor, 
should  be  unfortunate  in  losing  what  his  father  had 
acquired ;  whereupon  king  Henry  forbade  queen 
Katherine  (big  with  child)  to  be  delivered  there, 
who  out  of  the  corrupt  principle,  Nitimur  in  vetitum, 
and  affecting  her  father  before  her  husband,  was 
there  brought  to  bed  of  king  Henry  the  Sixth,  in 
whose  reign  the  feir  victories  woven  by  his  father's 
valour  were,  by  cowardice,  carelessness,  and  conten- 
tions, unravelled  to  nothing. 

47.  Report  (the  greatest,  though  not  the  truest  By  her  own 
author)  avoucheth  that,  sensible  of  her  fault  in  dis- 
obeying her  husband,  it  was  her  own  desire  and 

h  Philip  Commineus.     [See  this  History,  p.  228.] 

E  e  8 


4S2  The  Church  History  Bom  v. 

^^•^UM.  pleasure  that  her  body  should  never  be  buried.    If 

so,  it  is  pity  but  that  a  woman,  especially  a  queen, 

should  have  her  will  therein^;  whose  dust  doth 
preach  a  sermon  of  duty  to  feminine,  and  of  mor- 
tality to  all  beholders. 
AliiaKter.  48.  But  this  story  is  told  otherwise  by  other 
authors,  namely,  that  she  was  buried  near  her  hus- 
band king  Henry  the  Fifth,  under  a  feir  tomb^, 
where  she  hath  a  large  epitaph,  and  continued  in 
her  grave  some  years,  until  king  Henry  the  Seventh, 
laying  the  foundation  of  a  new  chapel,  caused  her 
corpse  to  be  taken  up;  but  why  the  said  Henry, 
being  her  great-grandchild,  did  not  order  it  to  be 
re-interred,  is  not  recorded;  if  done  by  casualty 
and  neglect,  very  strange,  and  stranger  if  out  of 
design. 
Thepazw  49*  lu  the  minority  of  king  Henry  the  Sixth,  as 
appo^t  ihe^^  imcle,  Johu  duke  of  Bedford,  managed  martial 
^^g^jj^^  matters  beyond  the  seas,  so  his  other  uncle,  Hum- 
phrey duke  of  Gloucester,  was  chosen  his  protector 
at  home,  to  whom  the  parliament  then  sitting  ap- 
pointed  a  select  number  of  priTy  councillors,  wherein 
only  such  as  were  spiritual  persons  fall  under  our 
observation. 

i.  Henry  Chichely,  archbishop  of  Canterbury, 
ii.  John  Kempe,  bishop  of  London, 
iii.  Henry  Beaufort,  bishop  of  Winchester,  lately 
made  lord  cardinal. 

iv.  John  Wakering,  bishop    of  Norwich,   privy 
seal. 

i  Speed's  Chron. p. 661.  [Her  randa  respecting  the  disinter- 

coffin  was  still  shewn  till  within  ment  of  this  queen.] 

a  late  period.    Sir  Henry  Ellis,  i  Stow*s  Survey  of  London, 

of  the  British  Museum,  pos-  p.  507,  [and  Chron.  376.  Hall's 

sesses  some  very  curious  memo-  Chron.  p.  1 84.] 


•  XV.  of  Britain.  48S 

V,  Philip  Morgan,  bishop  of  Worcester.                 f  H^ii' vi* 
vi.  Nicholas  Bubwith,  bishop  of  Bath  and  Wells, 

lord  treasurer. 

So  strong  a  party  had  the  clergy  in  that  age  in 

the  privy  council,  that  they  could  carry  all  matters 

at  their  Jwn  pleasure. 

50.  It  was  ordered  in  parliament  that  all  Irish- a.  0.1423. 

A  strict 

men  living  in  either  university  should  procure  theiria^forthe 
testimonials  from  the  lord  lieutenant  or  justice  of  cCrgy. 
Ireland,  as  also  find  sureties  for  their  good  beha- 
viour during  their  remaining  therein.  They  were 
also  forbidden  to  take  upon  them  the  principality 
of  any  hall  or  house  in  either  university,  but  that 
they  remain  under  the  discipline  of  others. 

51.  Hitherto  the  corpse  of  John  Wicliflte  had  a. p.  1428. 
quietly  slept  in  his  grave,  about  one-and-forty  years  quieUy 
after  his  death,  till  his  body  was  reduced  to  bones,  y^^  *' 
and  his  bones  almost  to  dust ;  for  though  the  earth 

in  the  chancel  of  Lutterworth  in  Leicestershire, 
where  he  was  interred,  hath  not  so  quick  a  diges- 
tion with  the  earth  of  Aceldama,  to  consume  flesh 
in  twenty-four  hours,  yet  such  the  appetite  thereof, 
and  all  other  English  graves,  [as]  to  leave  small 
reversions  of  a  body  after  so  many  years  ^. 

52.  But  now,  such  the  spleen  of  the  council  of  Oidered  to 

be  un- 

Constance,  as  they  not  only  cursed  his  memory,  as  graved  for 
dying   an   obstinate  heretic,  but  ordered  that  his*  ^  ^' 
bones  (with  this  charitable  caution,  if  it  may  be  dis- 
cerned from  the  bodies  of  other  fiEiithful  people)  to 
be  taken  out  of  the  ground  and  thrown  far  off  from 
any  Christian  burial. 

k  [For  an  account  of  this  of  this  voracious  power  of  the 
burning  of  Widiffe's  bones,  see  soil  of  Aceldama,  the  Pisgah 
Fox's  Martyrol,  i.  p.  606 ;  and     Sight,  iii.  p.  348.] 

E  e  4 


4M  The  Church  HUtory  b  aik  n. 

A.D.  1428.     53.    In    obedience  berennto,  Richard   Flemyi^ 

— 1  bishop  of  Lincohi,  diocesan  of  Lutterworth,  sent 

burnt  and  his  officers  (vultures  with  a  quick  sight-scent  at  a 
*™  dead  carcass)   to   ungrave   him  accordingly  ^     To 

Lutterworth  they  come,  (sumner,  commissary,  offi- 
cial, chancellor,  proctors,  doctors,  and  the  servants, 
so  that  the  remnant  of  the  body  would  not  hold  out 
a  bone  amongst  so  many  hands,)  take  what  was  left 
out  of  the  grave,  and  burnt  them  to  ashes,  and  cast 
them  into  Swift,  a  neighbouring  brook  running  hard 
by.  Thus  this  brook  hath  conveyed  his  ashes  into 
Avon,  Avon  into  Severn,  Severn  into  the  narrow 
seas,  they  into  the  main  ocean ;  and  thus  the  ashes 
of  Wicliffe  are  the  emblem  of  his  doctrine,  which 
now  is  dispersed  all  the  world  over. 
None  am  54.  I  kuow  not  whether  the  vulgar  tradition  be 
J'JJJj^"*^  worth  remembrance,  that  the  brook  into  which 
Wicliffe  his  ashes  were  poured  never  since  over- 
flowed .  the  banks.  Were  this  true,  (as  some  deny 
it,)  as  silly  is  the  inference  of  papists  attributing  this 
to  Divine  Providence,  expressing  itself  pleased  with 
such  severity  on  a  heretic,  as  simple  the  collection 
of  some  protestants,  making  it  an  effect  of  Wicliflfe 
his  sanctity.  Such  topical  accidents  are  good  for 
friend  and  foe,  as  they  may  be  bowed  to  both ;  but 
in  effect  good  to  neither,  seeing  no  solid  judgment 
will  build  where  bare  fancy  hath  laid  foimdation. 

1  [In  his  early  years  this  and,  relinquishing  Widifie's 
prelate  had  adopted  Wicliffe's  doctrines,  became  as  zealous  in 
sentiments  with  so  much  zeal  opposing  as  once  he  had  been 
that  he  drew  a  great  party  forward  in  promoting  them, 
after  him,  and  would  in  aU  With  this  view  he  founded 
probability  have  proved  a  dan-  Lincoln  College,  intending  it 
gerous  opponent ;  but  upon  as  a  nursery  for  controversialists 
the  persuasion  of  some  leading  who  might  disprove  the  doc- 
members  in  the  university,  he  trines  of  that  reformer.  See 
was  drawn  to  diiferent  thoughts.  Wood,  ib.  234.] 


CXNT.  XV. 


of  Britain, 


425 


55.  It  is  of  more  consequence  to   observiB   theA.D.  uas. 
differences  betwixt  authors,  some  making  the  council  -; — '• — ■* 
of  Constance  to  pass  this  sentence  of  condemnation,  betwixt 
as  Master  Fox  doth,  inserting  (but  by  mistake)  the  •'**^"' 
history  thereof,  in  the  reign  of  king  Richard  the 
Second,  which   happened  many   years  after ;    but 

more  truly  it  is  ascribed  to  the  council  of  Sienna, 
except  for  sureness  both  of  them  joined  in  the  same 
cruel  edict  ™- 

56.  Here  I  cannot  omit  what  I  read  in  a  popish  wicUffe 
manuscript ",  but  very  lately  printed,  about  the  sub-      ^    ' 
ject  of  our  present  discourse : 

57.  "  The  first   unclean  beast   that  ever  passed  o  the  wit ! 
"  through   Oxen-ford   (I   mean  Wicliffe  by  name) 

"  afterwards  chewed  the  cud,  and  was  sufficiently 
**  reconciled  to  the  Roman  faith,  as  appears  by  his 

recantation,  living  and  dying  conformable  to  the 

holy  catholic  church."  ♦ 

58.  It  is  strange  that  this  popish  priest  alone' 
should  light  on  his  recantation,  which  I  believe  no 
other  eyes,  before  or  since,  did  behold ;  besides,  if 
(as  he  saith)  Wicliffe  was  sufficiently  reconciled  to 
the  Roman  faith,  why  was  not  Rome  sufficiently 
reconciled  to  him  ?  using  such  cruelty  unto  him  so 
many  years  after  his  death.  Cold  encouragement 
for  any  to   become  Romist  converts,  if,  notwith- 


« 


« 


»^  [In  this  Fuller  is  mis- 
taken. The  decree  for  ex- 
huming Wicliife's  bones  was 
passed  in  the  year  1415,  in 
the  eighth  session  of  the  coun- 
cil of  Constance.  See  Hard, 
uin's  Concil.  viii.  p.  302.  The 
council  of  Sienna  was  held  in 
the  year  1423,  and  Richard 
Flemyng,  the  bishop  of  Lin- 
coln, was  present  on  the  part 


of  the  church  of  England ;  but 
I  can  find  no  mention  of  any 
such  decree  in  the  Acts  of  this 
council,  concerning  Wicliffe,  as 
is  here  stated  by  Fuller.  See 
also  Lewis's  Wicliffe,  p.  137.] 
^  Hall,  in  the  Life  of  Bishop 
Fisher,  p.  33,  [35  ;  since  pub- 
lished by  Dr.  Thomas  Bailey 
in  his  own  name,  in  the  year 
1655  ;  reprinted  in  1739.] 


406  The  Church  Hutory  book  it. 

AD. 1 4«8. Standing  their  reconciliation,  the  bodies  must  be 
1±:LIL  burnt «,  many  years  after  their  death. 
A  monk't       59.  But  though  Wicliflfe  had  no  tomb^  he  had  an 
^^^^  epitaph,  such  as  it  was,  which  armonk  afforded  him; 
and  that  it  was  no  worse,  thank  his  want,  not  of 
malice,  but  inyention,  not  finding,  out  worse  ex- 
pressions: 

"  The  devil*s  instrument,  church's  enemy,  people's 
"  confusion,  heretic's  idol,  hypocrite's  mirror,  schism's 
"  broacher,  hatred's  sower,  lie's  foiger,  flattery's  sink; 
'*  who  at  his  death  despaired  like  Cain,  and  stricken 
"  by  the  horrible  judgments  of  God,  breathed  fortii 
^*  his  wicked  soul  to  the  dark  mansfcm  of  the  black 
«  devil  o.** 

Surely  he  with  whose  name  this  epitaph  beginneth 

and  endeth  was  with  the  maker  clean  through  the 

contrivance  thereof. 

Acondi-        59.  Henry  Beaufort,  bishop  of  Winchester,  car- 

ooondL"^  dinal  Sancti  Eusebii,  but  conmionly  called  cardinal 

of  England,  was  by  consent  of  pariiament  made  one 

of  the  king's  council,  with  this  condition,  that  he 

should  make  a  protestation  to  absent  himself  from 

the  council  when  any  matters  were  to  be  treated 

betwixt  the  king  and  pope,  being  jealous  belike  that 

his  papal  would  prevail  over  his  royal  interest  p. 

The  cardinal  took  the  protestation,  and  promised  to 

-       -perform  it. 

Privilege  of     60.  The  clergy  complained  in  parliament  to  the 

tion!         king  that  their  servants  which  came  with  them  to 

convocations   were    often  arrested,   to   their  great 

damage;   and   they  prayed  that  they  might  have 

o    [Thos.   Walsingh.    Hist.     [I  have  not  been  able  to  verify 
Ang.  p.  312.]  either    the    reference    or  the 

P  Ex  Archivis  tur.  London.     iAKX,'\ 


.csNT.  i^v.  of  Britain.  A^ 

;the:9ame  privil^e  which  the  peers  and  eommons  o£a.d.  1436. 
the  kingdom  have,  which  are  called  to  parliament,     ^ 
which  was  granted  accordingly. 

61.  Great  at  this  time  was  the  want  of  gitimmar  Want  of 
schools,  and  the  abuse  of  them  that  were  even  in^^b" 
London  itself ;  for  they  were  no  better  than  mono-  ^™pJ*ined 
polies,  it  being  penal  for  any  (to  prevent  the  growth 
of  Wicliffism)   to    put    their  children  to   private 
teachers :  hence  was  it  that  some  hundreds  were 
coiDipelled  to  go  to  the  same  school,  where,  to  use 
the  words  of  the  records,  "  the  masters  waxen  rich 
"  in  money,  and  learners  poor  in  cunning." 

Whereupon  this  grievance  was  complained  on  in 
parliament  by  four  eminent  ministers  in  London, 
viz. 

Mr.  William  Lichfield,  parson  of  All-hallow's  the 
More. 

Mr.  Gilbert,  parson  of  St.  Andrew's,  Holborn. 

Mr.  John  Cote,  parson  of  St.  Peter's,  Comhill. 

Mr.  John  Neele,  master  of  the  house  of  St.  Thomas 
Acres,  and  parson  of  Colechurch  *i. 

To  these  it  was  granted,  by  the  advice  of  the 
ordinary  or  archbishop  of  Canterbury,  to  erect  five 
schools  (Neele,  the  last  named,  having  a  double 
license  for  two  places)  in  their  respective  parishes, 
which  are  fitly  called  the  five  vowels  of  London, 
which,  mute  in  a  manner  before,  began  now  to  spe^ik 
and  pronounce  the  Latin  tongue.  Know  that  the 
house  St.  Thomas  Acres  was  where  Mercers'  Chapel 
standeth  at  this  day.  y"^ 

About  this  time  the  lady  Eleanor  Cobham,  soA.D.1441. 
called  from  the  lord  Cobham,  her  father,  (otherwise  du^*^  of 


<1  [For  an  account  of  the  old     Chron.  1063  ;  and  for  these  in 
schools  in  London,  see  Stow's    particular,  p.  loSi.] 


Oloucester 
commended 


1 


4S8  The  Church  History  book  n. 

A.  D.  I44T- Eleanor  Plantagenet,  by  her  husband,)  was  married 

'- — '•  unto  Humphrey,  the  kmg's  uncle,  duke  of  Gloucee- 

1^  for  a  ter.  She  was,  it  seems,  a  great  savourer  and  &Your» 
of  WiclifTe  his  opinions,  and  for  such  Mr.  Fox  hath 
ever  a  good  word  in  store ;  insomuch  that  he  maketh 
this  lady  a  confessor,  sir  Roger  Onely,  (alias  Boling- 
broke,)  her  chaplain,  a  martyr,  assignmg  in  his  calen- 
dar  the  eleventh  and  twelfth  of  February  for  the 
days  of  their  commemoration. 
M«dete^  But  Alanus  Copus  (namely,  Harpsfield  under  his 
name)  falls  foul  on  Mr.  Fox  for  making  sir  Roger 
a  martyr,  who  was  a  traitor,  and  Eleanor  this  duchess 
a  confessor,  who  by  the  consent  of  our  chroniclers, 
Robert  Fabian,  Edward  Hall,  &c.  was  condemned 
(after  solemn  penance  and  carrying  a  taper  barefoot 
at  Paul's  Cross)  to  perpetual  banishment  for  plotting 
with  Onely,  his  chaplain,  an  abominable  necromancer, 
and  three  others,  by  witchcraft  to  destroy  the  king, 
so  to  derive  the  crown  to  her  husband,  as  the  next 
heir  in  the  line  of  Lancaster.  But  Cope-Harpsfield 
pincheth  the  Fox  the  hardest  for  making  Margaret 
Jourdeman  (the  witch  of  Eye)  a  martyr,  who  was 
justly  burnt  for  her  witchcraft.  Other  small  errors 
we  omit  whereof  he  accuseth  him. 
Mr.  Fox  In  answer  hereunto,  Mr.  Fox  makes  a  threefold 
nioo^ow.  return,  ingeniously  confessing  part  of  the  charge, 
**'*^*  flatly  denying  part,  and  fidrly  excusing  the  rest.  He 
confesseth,  and  take  it  in  his  own  words,  that  the 
^^  former  edition  of  his  Acts  and  Monuments,  was  so 
"  hastily  rashed  up  at  that  present  in  such  shortness 
"  of  time ',"  (fourteen  months,  as  I  remember,  too 
small  a  term  for  so  great  a  task,)  that  it  betrayed 
him  to  many  mistakes,  as  when  he  calleth  sir  Roger 

'  I.  p.  920. 


CEKT.  XV.  of  Britain.  4S9 

Onely  a  knight,  who  was  a  priest  by  his  profession,  a.  0.1441, 
Adding  moreover,  that  "  had  he  thought  no  imper-I25^I:]2: 
^  fections  had  passed  his  former  edition,  he  would 
•*  have  taken  in  hand  a  second  recognition  thereof"." 

He  flatly  denieth  that  his  martyr-making  of  Mar-  uis  flat 
garet  Jourdeman  the  witch  of  Eye.  ^ 

"  I  here  (saith  he)  profess,  confess  and  ascertain, 
both  you  (Cope-Harpsfield  he  meaneth)  and  all  Eng- 
lish men,  both  present,  and  all  posterity  hereafter  to 
*^  come,  that  this  Margaret  Jourdeman  I  never  spake 
"  of,  never  thought  of,  never  dreamed  of,  nor  did  ever 
"  bear  of,  before  you  named  her  in  your  book  your- 
self. So  fer  is  it  off  that  I,  either  with  my  will, 
or  against  my  vrill,  made  any  martyr  of  her  *." 

He  excuseth  the  aforesaid  duchess  Eleanor,  al- His  ten 
leging  ten  conjectures  (as  he  calleth  them)  in  heri^^S^ 
vindication.  ^^ 

i.  Sir  Roger  Onely  took  it  upon  his  death,  that  he 
and  the  lady  were  innocent  of  those  things  for  which 
they  were  condemned. 

;  ii.  It  was  usual  for  the  clergy  in  that  age  to  load 
those  who  were  of  Wicliffe  his  persuasion  (such  this 
duchess)  with  no  less  false  than  foul  aspersions. 

iii.  Sir  Roger  Onely  wrote  two  books,  mentioned  by 
Bale,  the  one  of  his  own  innocency,  the  other  con^ 
tra  vtdgi  super stitiones.  It  is  not  therefore  probable 
he  should  be  so  silly  a  necromancer,  who  had  pro- 
fessedly conAited  popular  superstitions. 

iv.  The  accusation  of  this  duchess  began  not  imtil 
after  the  grudges  betwixt  the  duke  her  husband  and 
the  cardinal  of  Winchester  '*,  about  the  year  1440. 

y.  It  is  not  probable  if  the  duchess  intended  such 

s  Ibid.  i.  920.  u  I  see  not  how  this  is  much 

'  As  in  bis  Cent.  VIII.  §.  4.     material  in  her  defence. 


400  The  Church  Hisiorg  bookit. 

A.D.  1441- treason  against  the  king^s  life,  as  to  conaome  him  bj 

a  wax  candle,  that  she  wonld  impart  a  plot 


of  snch  priyacj  to  foor  persons,  ynz.  sir  Roger,  Mar- 
garet Jonrdeman,  Mr.  Thomas  Sonthwell,  and  John 
Hnme,  seeing  five  may  keep  counsel,  if  foor  be 
awaj. 

▼L  So  heinous  a  treason  against  the  king^s  person, 
if  plainly  proved,  would  have  been  more  severely 
punished,  with  death  no  doubt  of  all  privy  there- 
unto. Whereas  this  lady  escaped  with  exile^  and 
John  Hume  had  his  life  pardoned,  which  being  so 
foul  a  fact  would  not  have  been  forgiven  if  clearly 
testified  against  him. 

vii.  She  is  accused  in  our  chronicles,  (Harding, 
Polychronicon,  &c.)  for  working  sorcery  and  enchant- 
ments against  the  church  and  the  king.  Now  how 
can  enchantments  be  made  against  the  church  which 
is  a  collective  body,  consisting  of  a  multitude  of 
Christians  ?  And  reader,  in  my  weak  opinion,  this 
conjecture  carrieth  some  weight  with  it.  Balaam 
himself  can  tell  us,  There  is  no  sorcery  against  Jacobs 
nor  soothsaying  against  Israel^.  If  any  interpret, 
against  the  churchy  that  is,  the  laws  and  canons  of 
the  church,  the  sense  is  harsh  and  unusual.  This 
rendereth  it  suspicious  that  her  enchantments  against 
the  church,  was  only  her  disliking  and  distasting  the 
errors  and  superstitions  thereof. 

viii.  This  witch  of  Eye,  saith  Fabian,  lived  near 
Winchester,  a  presumption,  as  Mr.  Fox  conjectureth, 
that  the  cardinal  of  Winchester  had  a  hand  in  pack- 
ing this  accusation. 

ix.  Polydore  Virgil  maketh  no  mention  thereof, 

^  Num.  xxiii,  23. 


CENT.  XV,  of  Britain.  481 

otherwise  sufficiently  quicksighted  in  matters  of  this  a.  d.  1441. 

,  10  Hen.  VI. 

nature.  J. 

X.  Why  may  not  this  he  false,  as  well  as  that 
king  Richard  the  Third  his  accusing  of  Jane  Shore 
for  hewitching  of  his  withered  arm. 

These  conjectures  are  not  substantial  enough 
severally  to  subsist  of  themselves,  yet  may  they  be 
able  to  stand  in  complication  (in  the  whole  sheaf, 
though  not  as  single  arrows)  and  conduce  not  a  little 
towards  the  dealing  of  her  innocence. 

For  my  own  part,  it  is  past  my  skill  to  scour  out  a  moderate 
stams,  inlaid  in  the  memory  of  one  deceased  more^*^' 
than  two  hundred  years  ago.  I  see  her  credit  stands 
condenmed  by  the  generality  of  writers ;  and  as  it  is 
above  the  power  of  the  present  age  to  pardon  it,  so 
it  is  against  all  pity,  cruelly  to  execute  the  same, 
some  afteivevidences  appearing  with  glimmering  light 
m  her  vmdication.  L^her  memoiy  therefore  be 
reprieved  till  the  day  of  judgment,  when  it  is  pos- 
sible that  this  lady,  bearing  here  the  indignation  of 
God  for  her  sins^  may  in  due  time  have  her  catise 
pleaded  andjvdgmerU  ewecutedfor  her^  and  her  rights 
eousness  be  brought  into  light  ^.  Sure  I  am  she  &red 
no  whit  the  better,  for  her  surname  of  Cobham,  odious 
to  the  clergy  of  that  age  on  the  account  of  sir  John 
Oldcastle  lord  Cobham,  though  these  two  were 
nothing  of  kin.  The  best  is  she  left  no  issue  to  be 
ashamed  of  her  faults,  if  she  were  guilty,  the  best 
evidences  of  whose  innocence  are  in  the  manuscript 
books  of  John  Leland,  which  as  yet  I  have  not  had 
the  happiness  to  behold  \ 

^  Micah  vii.  9.  do  well  to  peruse  Stow's  ho-        ; 

X  [If  the  reader  feel  any  in.    nest  and  simple  account  of  it. 
terest  in  this  subject,  he  will     Chron.  p.  381.] 


4SS  The  Church  HUtory  book  it. 

A.D.  1441.     At  this  time  William  Heiworth  sat  bishop  of  Coven- 

-^ '•  try  and  Lichfield,  being  translated  thither  from  being 

est  biibop  abbot  of  St.  Alban's.     Wonder  not  that  he  should 
Jjj^ti^   leave  the  richest  abbey  of  England,  where  he  took 
■'*°'-       place  of  all  of  his  order,  and  exchange  it  for  a  middle- 
sized  bishopric.    For  first,  even  those  who  most  ad- 
mire the  holiness  and  perfection  of  monastical  life,  do 
grant  the  episcopal  function  above  it  in  all  spiritual 
respects.     Secondly,  in  temporal  considerations  die 
poorest  bishop  was  better,  and  might  be  more  bene- 
ficial to  his  kindred,  than  the  richest  abbot,  seeing 
he  by  will  might  bequeath  his  estate  to  his  heirs, 
which  no  abbot,  incapable  in  his  own  person  of  any 
propriety)  could  legally  do,  whose  goods  belonged  to 
his  convent  in  common  ^. 
lidifieM's       This  bishoD   Heiworth   deserved  not   ill   of  his 

oathednJ. 

cathedral  church  of  Lichfield.  Indeed  the  body  of 
the  church  was  built  by  Roger  de  Clinton  bishop 
thereof,  in  the  reign  of  king  Henry  the  First,  who 
increased  the  number  of  the  prebends,  and  sur- 
rounded Lichfield  with  a  ditch,  bestowing  much 
cost  on  the  invisible  castle,  which  now  is  vanished 
out  of  sight  *.  Afterwards  Walter  de  Langton  his 
successor  ia  the  reign  of  king  Edward  the  First,  was 
a  most  munificent  benefactor  thereunto,  laying  the 
foundation  of  the  chapel  of  the  Virgin  Mary,  and 
(though  dying  before  it  was  finished)  bequeathing  a 
sufficient  sum  of  money  for  the  finishing  thereof. 
He  also  fenced  the  close  of  the  church  about  with  a 
high  wall  and  deep  ditch,  adorning  it  with  two  beau- 
tiful gates,  the  fairer  on  the  west,  the  lesser  on  the 

y  [Promoted  to  this  see  in     "^\^larton's  Angl.  Sac.  I.  452.] 
1420 ;  died  in  1447.  See  God-         «  [See  Wharton's  Angl.  Sac. 
win  de  Prsesul.  Anglise,  p.  322.     I.  434  and  441.] 


CBHT.  XV. 


of  Britain. 


433 


south  side  thereof-    He  expended  no  less  than  *wo  a.d^4^3. 

thousand  pound  in  beautifying  the  shrine  of  St.  Chad 

his  predecessor  '. 

65.  But  now  in  the  time  of  the  aforesaid  William  The  neat- 
Hejworthy  the  cathedral   of  Lichfield   was  in  the  England. 
vertical  height  thereof,  being,  though  not  augmented 

in  the  essentials,  beautified  in  the  ornamentals 
thereof  Indeed  the  west  front  thereof  is  a  stately 
fistbric,  adorned  with  exquisite  imagery,  which  I  sus- 
pect our  age  is  so  far  frx>m  being  able  to  imitate  the 
workmanship,  that  it  understandeth  not  the  history 
thereof*. 

66.  Surely  what  Charles  the  Fifth  is  said  to  have  g^^  *^e 
said  of  the  city  of  Florence,  that  it  is  pity  it  should  Florence. 
be  seen  save  only  on  holy-days ;  as  also  that  it  was 

fit  that  so  fair  a  city  should  have  a  case  and  cover 
for  it  to  keep  it  from  wind  and  weather;  so,  in 
some  sort,  this  fabric  may  seem  to  deserve  a  shelter 
to  secure  it. 

67.  But  alas,  it  is  now  in  a  pitiful  case  indeed,  An  inge- 
almost  beaten  down  to  the  ground  in  our  civil  dis-  sign. 
sensions.     Now  lest  the  church  should  follow  the 
castle,  I  mean,  quite  vanish  out  of  view,  I  have  at 

the  cost  of  my  worthy  friend  here  exemplified  the 
portraiture  thereof;  and  am  glad  to  hear  it  to  be 
the  design  of  ingenious  persons  to  preserve  ancient 
churches  in  the  like  nature,  (whereof  many  are  done 


z  [And  left  to  the  church  at 
his  death  904  marks.  Whar- 
ton, ii.  447.] 

ft  [Besides  his  benefactions 
to  Lichfield,  he  left  to  the 
abbey  of  Burton  in  Stafford- 
shire 40/.  for  building  the 
cloister,  20/.  for  copes ;  two 
silver  salvers,  two  candelabra, 

FULLER,  VOL.  II. 


a  silver  thuribulum  ;  and  forty 
marks  for  building  two  tene* 
ments  in  the  town.  Mon. 
Anglic,  i.  275.  He  died  March 
13,  1446.  See  also  other  in- 
stances of  his  benefactions  in 
the  new  edition  of  the  Monas- 
ticon,  vol.  vi.  p.  637.] 

Ff 


4M 


Tke  ChtiTch  HUtory 


-   3o6x  IV. 


A.D.i4ju-iii  this,  and  more  expected  in  the  next   part  of 
ILf^lli  Monasticon,)  seeing  ^rhen  their  substance  is  gone^ 
their  Teiy  shadows  will  be  acceptable  to  posterity^ 
Agriemice     68*  The  commons  in  parliament  complained  to 
^P^*™^  the  king,  that  whereas  they  had  sold  great  wood  of 
twenty  years'  growth  and  upwards,  to   their  own 
great  profit,  and  in  aid  to  the  king  in  his  wars  and 
shipping,  the  parsons  and  vicars  impleaded  such  mer- 
chants as  bought  this  timber,  for  the  tithes  thereof, 
whereby  their   estates  were  much   damnified,  the 
king  and  kingdom  disserved, 
whfagmt      69-  They  also  complained,  that  when  such  mer- 
chants troubled  in  the  courts  Christian  addressed 
themselves  for  remedy  to  the  chancery,  and  moved 


^  [This  cathedral^  which  had 
been  reduced  to  ruins  by  the 
parliamentary  party  in  the  civil 
wars,  was  restored  by  the  good 
bishop  Hacket.  Before  the 
wars,  it  had  been  a  most  beau- 
tiful structure^  which  the 
bishop,  at  his  promotion  to  this 
see,  found  in  a  melancholy 
state  of  desolation,  rased  al- 
most to  the  ground.  The  stone 
roof,  the  timber,  the  lead  and 
iron,  glass,  stalls,  organs,  the 
rich  and  holy  vessels  all  em- 
bezzled by  wicked  and  sacri- 
legious hands.  The  barbarians 
had  discharged  2000  shot  of 
great  ordinance,  1500  grenades 
against  this  beautiful  fabric 
and  quite  battered  down  the 
spire  :  "  So  that  the  old man^' 
says  Dr.  Plume^  •*  took  not  so 
*•  much  comfort  in  his  new 
promotion,  as  he  found  sor- 
row  and  pity  in  himself  to 
*'  see  his  cathedral  church  thus 
'*  lying  in  the  dust ;   so  that 


<( 


fC 


•'  the  very  next  morning  after 
'^  his  lordship's  arrival  he  set  his 
**own  coach-horses  on  work, 
**  together  with  other  teems  to 
•*  carry  away  the  rubbish ; 
'*  which  being  cleared  he  pro- 
'*  cured  artisans  of  all  sorts  to 
"  begin  this  new  pile,  and  be- 
"  fore  his  death  set  up  a  com- 
*'  plete  church  again  better 
•'  than  ever  it  was  before ;  the 
•'  whole  roof,  from  one  end  to 
"  the  other  of  a  vast  length, 
^*  all  repaired  with  stone,  all 
*'  laid  with  goodly  timber  of  our 
"  royal  sovereign's  gift,  all  lead- 
<*  ed  from  one  end  to  the  other, 
"  to  the  cost  of  above  20,000/., 
which  yet  this  zealous  and 
laborious  bishop  accomplish- 
ed, a  great  part  out  of  his 
own  bounty,  with  1000/. 
''  help  of  the  dean  and  chap- 
"  ter."  Life  of  Hacket,  p.  xxxi. 
prefixed  to  his  Century  of  Ser- 
mons. Oh  si  sic  omnes  r^s  et 
prselati !] 


«c 


(( 


« 


<€ 


csNT.  XV.  of  Britain.  486 

therein  for  a  prohibition,  which  in  such  cases  is  to  a. d.  143. v 
be  granted  unto  them,  by  virtue  of  a  statute  made ' '  ^'^'  ' 
in  the  forty-fifth  year  of  king  Edward  the  Third,  yet 
such  a  writ  of  prohibition  and  attachment,  was 
against  all  law  and  right  denied  them.  Wherefore 
they  humbly  desired  the  king  to  ordain  by  authority 
of  the  present  parliament,  that  such  who  shall  find 
themselves  grieved  may  hereafter  have  such  writs  of 
prohibition,  and  upon  that  attachments  as  well  in 
the  chancery  as  in  the  king's  and  common  bench  at 
their  choice.  And  that  the  said  writs  of  prohibition 
and  attachment,  issuing  out  of  the  said  benches,  have 
the  said  force  and  effects  as  the  original  writs  of 
prohibition  and  attachment,  so  issuing  out  of  the 
chancery  of  our  lord  the  king  ^. 

70.  To  this  it  was  returned,  "the  king  will  be  Yet  not 
•*  advised,"  the  civilest  expression  of  a  denial.    How-  ^^^ 
ever,  we  may  observe,  that  for  a  ftiU  hundred  years 
(viz.  from  the  middle  of  king  Edward  the  Third,  to 

and  after  this  time)  no  one  parliament  passed  where- 
in this  grievance  was  not  complained  on.  So  that 
an  acorn  might  become  an  oak,  and  good  timber  in 
the  term,  wherein  this  molestation  for  the  tithes  of 
wood,  under  the  pretence  of  silva  cedud,  did  con- 
tinue. But  it  seems  it  was  well  ordered  at  last, 
finding  future  parliaments  not  complaining  thereof. 

71.  At  this  time  William  Lyndewode  finished  hiswiiiiam 
industrious  and  useftil  work  of  his  Constitutions.  ^JJ^^'-g 
He  was  bred  in  Cambridge,  first  scholar  of  Gonvile,  Constitu- 

o  tions  set 

then  fellow  of  Pembroke  hall.     His  younger  years  forth. 
he  spent  in  the  study  of  the  laws,  whereby  he  gained 
much   wealth   and  more    reputation.      Afterwards, 

'^  Ex  Archivis  in  Tur.  Londin.  undecimo  Hen,  sexti. 

Ff  2 


4S6  The  Church  Histary  book  nr. 

^^^•JJ^  4^ J- quitting  his  practice,  he  betook  himself  to  the  court, 

and  became  keeper  of  the   privy   seal  unto   king 

Henry  the  Fifth,  who  employed  him  on  a  long  and 
important  embassy  into  Spain  and  Portugal**. 
First  cm.       72.  Lyndowodc  being  no  less  skilful  in  civil  than 
Kwwidor"  canon  law,  performed  the  place  vrfth  such  exemplary 
tu^!**^"    industry  and  judgment,  that  had  not  the  king's  sud- 
den death  prevented  it,  he  had  been  highly  advanced 
in  the  commonwealth.     Afterwards  he    reassumed 
his  official's  place  of  Canterbury,  and  then  at  spare 
hours  collected  and  digested  the  Constitutions  of  the 
fourteen    latter    archbishops    of  Canterbury,    from 
Stephen  Langton  to  Henry  Chichele,  unto   whom 
he   dedicated    the    work,   submitting   the    censure 
thereof  to  the  church. 
His  work        78.  A  worthy  work,  highly  esteemed  by  foreign 
prized  Ij6^  lawycrs ;  not  so  particularly  provincial  for  England 
yondsea.    y^^^  ^^^  ^y^Qy  are   usoful  for  Other  countries,  his 

comment  thereon  being  a  magazine  of  the  canon 
law.  It  was  printed  at  Paris,  1505,  (but  at  the  cost 
and  charges  of  William  Bretton,  an  honest  merchant 
of  London,)  revised  by  the  care  of  Wolfgangus  Hip- 
polius,  and  prefaced  unto  by  Jodocus  Badius.  This 
Lyndewode  was  afterward  made  bishop  of  St.  Davids, 
whose  works  (though  now  beheld  by  some  as  an 
almanac  out  of  date)  will  be  valued  by  the  judicious 
whilst  learning  and  civility  have  a  being  *. 

^  [Parker's  Antiq.  p.  425-6.  ford,  migrating  tbither  probably 

He  was  afterwards  sent  on  a  as  tbe  canon  law  was  more  stu- 

mission   into   France.      See   a  died  in  Oxford  at  that  time.  He 

privy  seal  granted  to  him  for  was  rector  of  Walton  in  Leices- 

transporting  money  and  metal,  tershire  which  he  resigned  in 

dated     June    22,     1435  >     in  1410;     then  canon   of   Sahs- 

Rymer's  Foedera,  X.  614.]  bury;  bishop  of  St.  David's  in 

e  [Lyndewode^  though  fellow  1442;     died     in     1446,    and 

of  Pembroke  hall  in  Cambridge,  was   buried    at    Westminster, 

had  his  doctor's  degree  in  Ox-  See  Godwin,  p.  583.] 


SECT.  IV. 


TO 


MR.  THOMAS  RICH^ 

LATE  OF  LONDON,  ESQ. 

Chrent  is  the  praise  St,  Paul^  gives  to  Gaius^  styling  him  his 
host,  and  of  the  whole  church.  Surely  the  chwrch  then,  "tras 
very  little,  or  Gaius  his  hotm  very  large.  Now  hosts  com- 
monly are  corpulent  persons,  but  Gaius  not  so,  it  being  more 
than  suspicious  that  he  was  afflicted  with  a  faint  and  feMe 
body,  as  may  be  collected  from  the  words  of  St,  John,  I  wish 
that  thou  mayest  prosper  and  be  in  health,  even  as  thy 
soul  prospereth  c. 

You  are,  sir,  the  entertainer  general  of  good  m>en ;  m^any  a  poor 
minister  will  never  be  wholly  sequestered,  whilst  you  are 
living,  whose  charity  is  like  to  the  toind,  which  cannot  be 
seen  bvit  may  be  felt :  and  Cfod  hath  dealt  with  you  more 


&  [I  have  been  able  to  dis- 
cover no  trace  of  this  gene- 
rous individual.  A  reference 
to  one  of  the  same  name  (to 
me  it  seems  to  be  charac- 
teristic of  this  person)  oc- 
curs in  Malcolm's  Londinium 
Redivivum,  1. 63,  where,  among 
the  donations  to  the  church  of 
St.  Mary  at  Axe,  this  entry 
is  found:  *'  1673,  One  book 
*'  of  sir  Walter  Rauley's  His- 
•*  tory  of  the  World ;  and 
"  one  other  book,  bishop  An- 


'•  drews  his  Sermons,  being  the 
"gift  of  Mr. Thomas  Rich." 
There  is  also  in  the  same 
volume  p.  69,  a  notice  of  a  gift 
of  sir  Thomas  Rich  of  400/. 
for     morning     and     evening 

?rayers  daily  in  St.  Andrews, 
Tndershaft.     The  coat  of  arms 
assigned  to  him  is  that  of  his 
relation    taken   from   the   old 
plate  of  the  arms  of  the  abbeys.] 
^  Rom.  xvi.  23. 
c  3  John  2. 

F  fS 


kS8  The  Church  tfutory  book  it. 

UrniOifySy  them  vntK  Gaiw,  blminff  youvtaU  dmmtiotu 
of  $oul,  body,  and  ettate ;  and  my  prayers  shaU  never  be 
leaning  for  the  continuance  and  mereaae  thereof. 

piHIS  year  begao  the  smart  and  active 
luacil  of  Basil,  to  which  onr  amhas- 
Hftdnrs  were  to  represent  both  their 
ivereign  and  the  English  nation; 
wliore  they  were  received  with  honour 
and  respect,  the  reputation  of  king  Henry  his  holi- 
ness adding  much  to  their  credit;  foreigners  there 
being  very  inquisitive  of  them,  to  be  satisfied  in  the 
particulars  of  his  devotion,  which  by  them  was  repre- 
sented much  to  their  master's  advantage.  But  it  is 
worth  our  pains  to  peruse  the  commission  they  car- 
ried vrith  them. 


Rex  omnibus  ad  quos  &c. 
■alutem  ^.  Sciatis  quod, 
cum  juxta  decreta  CoDstan- 
tiensis  concilii.pricgeiia  con- 
cilium Basileense  actualiter. 
c«1ebretur  sub  eanctissimo 
patre  domino  Eugenio  papa 
quarto:  Nos  eidem  con- 
cilio,  nedum  ex  parte  ejus. 
dem  Goncilii  per  suos  ora- 
tores  nobis   ex   hoc  causa 


"  The  king  to  all  whom  &c. 
"  greeting.  Know  that  acccnrding 
"  to  the  decrees  of  the  [late]  council 
"  of  Constance,  the  present  couu- 
"  cil  of  Basil  is  actually  cele. 
"  brated  under  the  most  hol^ 
"  father,  lord  Eugenius  the  fourth 
"pope:  We  being  often  insti- 
"  gated  to  be  present  at  the  same 
"  council,  not  only  on  the  behalf 


d  [Collated  with  the  original. 
Rot.  Pat.  13  Hen.  VI.  p.  i, 
m.  2.  Another  copy  of  this 
commission  is  in  the  Patent 
Rolls,  1 2  Hen.  VI.  p.  i.  m.  6. 
(printed  by  Rymer,  Foedera 
X.  j88,)  whidj  omits  some 
of  the  names  given  by  Fuller, 
and    rather    agrees    ivith    that 

Sinted     in     the     prefece     to 
rowne's  Fasciculus.  See  again 


also,  Feed.  X.  595,  603.  The 
permisuons  to  be  present  at 
the  council  were  very  numerous; 
and  several  are  printed  in  the 
Fmdera,  X.  570,  sq.  The 
names  between  brackets  are 
not  in  the  first  commission.] 
The  Latin  running  on  all  in 
one  continued  sentence,  we 
are  fain  to  divide  it  into  many, 
for  the  more  clearness. 


C^KT.  XV. 


of  Britain* 


4S9 


spedaliter  destinatos^  ve- 
rum  etiam  apostolids  et 
imperialibusy  ac  aliorum 
quamplurium  sanctse  matris 

ecdesifle  patmm,  et  princi- 
pum  secularinm.  Uteris  cre- 
berrime  instigati,  ad  Dei 
laudem,  sanctse  matris  ec- 
desifle prosperitatem  opta- 
tam  et  honorem^  et  prae- 
sertim  ob  fidei  catholicse 
exaltationem,  interesse  cu- 
pieutes;  variis  et  diversis 
caosis  rationabiliter  prspe- 
diti^  quo  minus  personaliter 
eidem  interesse  poterimus^ 
ut  vellemus ;  venerabiles  in 
Christo  patres,  Robertum 
Londoniensem  ^,  [Philippum 
Lexoviensem,]  Johannem 
Roffensem^^  [Johannem  Ba- 
jocensem]  et  Bernardum 
Aquensem  S  episcopos,  ac 
carissimum  consanguineum 
nostrum^  JBdmundum  Co. 


«« 
« 

*< 

<c 
(( 

IS 
t€ 
€t 

ic 
<* 
«< 
*f 

€1 
€€ 
<( 
(C 


^  [See  his  letters  of  safe- 
conduct  &c.  in  the  Fcfidera,  X. 

577.  582,  608.] 

^  [See  the  Fcsdera,  X.  570.] 
g  [See  the  Foedera,  X.  570. 
Dr.  Heylyn  in  "  The  Appeal" 
&c.  1.  ii.  p.  47=445.  (new 
edition)  after  observing  that 
the  English  never  had  any 
power  in  Provence,  says,  '*  Ber- 
"  nard,  whom  the  Latin  calls 
**  £piscopus  Aquensis,  is  very 
'*  ill  taken  by  our  author  to  be 
'^  bishop  of  Aix,  He  was  in- 
"  deed  bishop  of  Acque  or  Aux 
"  in  Guienne,  called  anciently 
*'  Aquse  Augustse,  from  whence 


of  the  same  council,  by  their  A.  D.  14)3, 

12  Hen.  VI, 
orators^    especially   despatched 

to  us  for  that  purpose^  but  also 
by  the  letters  apostolical  and 
imperial,  and  the  letters  of  very 
many  other  fathers  of  the  holy 
mother  church,  and  of  secular 
princes:  And  we  desiring  to 
be  present  thereat,  to  the  praise 
of  God,  prosperity  of  the  holy 
mother  church,  and  her  desired 
honour,  and  cliiefly  for  the  ex- 
altation  of  the  catholic  faith; 
being  on  just  reason  hindered 
with  many  and  several  occa- 
sions, cannot^  as  we  would,  be 
personally  present  thereat : 
Wherefore  by  these  presents 
we  constitute,  make,  and  de- 
pute, the  venerable  fathers, 
Robert  bishop  of  London,  [Phi** 
lip  bishop   of  Lisieux,]    John 

**  those  parts  of  France  had  the 
**  name  of  Aquitain ;  and  not 
**  of  Aix,  which  the  ancient 
*'  writers  called  Aquae  Sexti», 
**  in  the  country  of  Provence, 
•*  NowGuiennewas  at  that  time 
*^  in  the  power  of  the  kings  of 
*'  England,  which  was  the  rea. 
'^  son  why  this  Bernard  was 
*'  sent  with  the  rest  of  the 
**  commissioners  to  the  council 
<*  of  Basil ;  and  being  there. 
*^  amongst  the  rest,  maintained 
the  rights  and  preeminences 
of  the  English  kings/'] 
^  [See  the  Fcedera,  X.  570. 
S78.] 

Ff  4 


fi 


« 


440 


The  Church  Mstary 


BOOK  n. 


A.D.  1434.  mHem  Moritonii*,  dikcUM 
n  Hen. VI.  nobit  in  Chritto  Nieholamn 
abbatem  Olastonientem* 
Willehnum  abbatem  ec- 
desis  beats  Maris  Ebo^ 
mm^,  WiUebnum  priorem 
Norwicenaem,  nee  non  di- 
lectoe  et  fideles  noatroal^ 
Henricom  Brooneflete  mu 
litem,  magiatram  Thomam 
Broune  ^  utriusque  juris 
doctorem^  Sarum  decanum, 
et  Jobannem  Colville  mili- 
tem'',  [magistnim  Petnim 
AIaaricii<>  doctorem  in  tbeo- 
logia,  et  magistnim  Nicho- 
laum  David  arehidiaconam 
Constantiensem  et  Licen- 
tiatum  in  utroqne  jure,] 
nostros  ambassiatores,  ora- 
tores,  veros  et  indubitatos 
procuratores,  actores,  fac- 
tores,  et  nuncios  spedales 
constituimusy  facimus  et  de- 
putamus,  per  praesentes 
dantes  et  damns  eis  et  ip- 
sorum  majori  parti  potes- 
tatem  et  mandatum  tam 
generale  quam  speciale  no- 
mine nostro  et  pro  nobis 
in  eodem  concilio  interes- 
sendi,  tractandi,  communi. 
candi  et  ooncludendi  tam  de 
hiis  quae    fidei    ortbodoxae 


€4 


€t 


bishop  ci  Rochesftef,  [John 
bishop  of  Beieiix]  and  Bernard 
bishop  of  Aix,  and  our  most  dear 
**  cousin  Edmund  earl  of  Mor- 
**  ton,  our  beloved  Nicolas  abbot 
''  of  Olaston,  William  abbot  of  St. 
'*  Mary's  in  York,  and  William 
**  prior  of  Norwidi,  and  our  be- 
"  loved  and  trustj  Henry  Broum. 
*'  flete,  knight,  Mr.  Thomas 
*'  Brown,  doctor  of  laws,  dean  of 
*'  Sarum,  John  Colnille,  knight, 
"  Mr.  Peter  FiUuMaurice,  D.  D. 
"  and  Mr.  Nicholas  David  arch- 
'*  deacon  of  Constance,  and  licen* 
"  tiate  in  both  laws,  our  ambas- 
"  sadors^  orators,  true  and  un- 
'*  doubted  proctors*  actors,  factors, 
and  special  messengers ;  Giving, 
and  we  give  to  them,  and  the 
"  greater  part  of  them,  power 
"  and  command,  as  well  general 
"  as  special,  in  our  name,  and  for 
"us,  to  be  present  in  the  same 
**  council,  to  treat,  debate  and 
"  conclude,  as  well  of  these  things 
"  which  may  concern  the  support 
"  of  the  orthodox  faith,  the  paci- 
**  fication  of  kings  and  princes,  as 


•t 


<« 


»  [See  the  Fofedera,  X.  577, 
587.  Mortaigne  of  South wark 
in  com.  Surrey.  Foed.  X.  578.] 

^  [See  the  Foedera,  X.  586, 
603.] 

^  [See  the  letters  of  safe- 
conduct  granted  him,  in   the 


Foedera,  X.  576.] 

"a  [Seethe  Foedera,  X.  577.] 
°  [See  his  letters  of   safe 

conduct    in    the    Foedera,   X. 

578.] 

o  Or  Maurison. 


c£iiT.  xy. 


of  Britain, 


441 


fiddineMtiiiii»  regoinq«e  ac 
piiBCipwn  pacificationem 
concemere  potenint»  nee 
non  de  et  super  pace  per^' 
petua  guerrarumve  absti- 
nentia  inter  nos  et  Carolum 
adversarinm  nostrom  de 
FVancia^  ac  etiam  tractandi, 
communicandi  et  appunc- 
tuandiy  consentiendi  insu- 
per,  et  si  opus  fuerit  dis- 
seatiendi  hiis,  quse  jnzta 
deliberationem  dicti  coodlii 
inibi  statni  ac  ordinari  con- 
tigerit.  Promittentes  et 
promittimus  bona  fide  nos 
ratum,  gratum  et  firmnm 
perpetuo  babitomm  P  to- 
tnm,  et  quicquid  per  dictos 
ambassiatores,  oratores,  et 
procuratores  nostros  aut 
majorem  partem  eorundem, 
actum,  foctum,  seu  gestum 
faerit  in  pramissis,  et  in 
singulis  praemissorum,  et 
hoc  idem  cum  de  et  super 
hiis  certiorati  fuerimus 
quantum  ad  nos  et  Chris- 
tianum  principem  attinet, 
executioni  debitse  curabi- 
mus  demandare.  In  cujus 
rei  testimonium  has  litems 
nostras  fieri  fecimus  pa- 
tentes. 

Dat.  sub  Magni  Sigilli  no- 

stri  testimonio  in  palatio 

nostro  West.  lodie  Julii. 

Per  Concilium. 


**  also  upooi  either  a   perpBtualA.D.  1434. 

*'  peace,  or  else  a  oessatmn  from 

"  war,  betwixt  us  and  Charles  of 
"TVanoe  our  adversary.  £xn- 
"  powering  them  also  to  treat, 
**  commune,  and  appoint,  more- 
*'  over  to  consent,  and  if  need  be, 
"  dissent,  in  those  things  which 
"  shall  ha{^)en  there  to  be  esta- 
"  blished  and  ordained,  according 
"  to  the  deliberations  of  the  afore- 
"  said  council.  Promising,  and 
"  we  do  promise,  on  good  faith, 
"  that  whatsoever  shall  be  acted^ 
"  done,  or  managed^  in  the  pre- 
mises, and  every  one  of  them 
by  our  aforesaid  ambassadors, 
orators,  and  proctors,  or  the 
"  greater  part  of  them,  we  shall 
*'  have  and  account  for  ratified, 
"  welcome,  and  firm  for  ever. 
"  And  when  we  shall  be  certified 
'*  of  and  upon  the  same,  we  shall 
'*  care  to  command  the  due  exe- 
'*  cution,  so  far  as  appertaineth 
"  to  us,  and  a  Christian  prince. 
"  In  witness  whereof,  we  have 
**  made  these  our  letters  patent. 

''Given  under  our  great  seal, 
being  our  witness,  in  our 
palace    at     Westminster, 
"  July  10." 


« 


« 


f( 


ti 


€* 


P  Habiturum  in  MS. 


44ii  The  Church  History  book  iv. 

A.D.  1434*     So  eminent  an  instrument  of  so  great  importance 
i!^!!!:^mn8t  not  pass  without  some  of  our  obserrations 

thereupon. 
Why  the        2.  The  council  of  Basil  is  said  to  be  assembled  ac- 
dSnes  gene- cording  to  the  docreos  of  the  late  council  of  Con- 
H!^^!^^  stance,  wherein  it  was  constituted,  that  within  so 

in  our  age*  '  ' 

many  years  a  general  council  should  be  called.     For 
seeing  the  church  was  subject  to  contract  rust  in 
doctrine  and  manners,  frequency  of  councils  was 
conceived  the  best  way  to  scour  the  same.     But  the 
pope  lately  hath  willingly  forgotten  this  canon,  no 
general  council  being  called  since  that  of  Trent, 
wherein  all  the  power  and  profit  of  the  pope  was 
secured  under  the  notion  of  articles  of  the  faith; 
since  which  time  his  holiness  thought  it  not  safe  to 
tamper  with  a  new  coimcil,  as  which  might  impair, 
but  could  not  improve  his  condition. 
England         3.  See  WO  here  fourteen  ambassadors  sent  to  BasO, 
foUJ'^ht  bishops  five,  earl  one,  (not  that  he  was  to  vote  in 
b^oM^to  *^®  council,  but  only  behold  the  transactions  thereof,) 
a  general    abbots  two,  prfor  ouc,  knights  two,  doctor  in  divinity 
one,  doctors  of  law  two,  all  interests  being  in  them 
represented;    when   therefore    we  read    in    Roger 
Hoveden  and  others*" ,  ad  genercde  concilium  domini 
pap{B,  quattior  episcopi  de  Anglia  tantum  JRomam 
mittendi  sunU  "  only  four  English  bishops  are  to  be 
"  sent  to  Rome  to  a  general  council  of  the  pope," 
understand    it    that   such   a   number   is    suflficient. 
England  needed  to  send  but  so  many,  though,  if 
pleased,   might   send  more,   confined   by  no  other 
command  save  the  king's  free  discretion.     And  see- 
ing Basil  was  little  above  the  half  way  to  Rome,  the 

r  Simeon  Dunelmen.  (  ?) 


cfiHT.  XV.  of  Britain.  448 

journey  being  shorter,  the  more  messengers  were  a.  d.  1434. 

1         J  13  Hen.  VI. 

employed.  

4.  The  three  French  bishops  sent  by  the  kingEi^iish 
speak  the  great  command,  which  king  Henry  as  yet  Sl^i^S. 
had  in  France,  especially,  if  as  I  take  it,  by  Aquensis 

Aix  be  mentioned,  sited  in  the  furthermost  parts  of 
Provence,  though  even  now  the  English  power  in 
France  was  a  wanjng. 

5.  John,  bishop  of  Rochester,  here  mentioned,  Langdon 
was  John  Langdon,  intruded  by  the  pope  into  that  bishop  of 
bishopric,  to  the  apparent  prejudice  of  the  arch- *^^^*^*^®**®^* 
bishop  of  Canterbury.     For  the  bishop  of  Rochester 

was  accounted  Canterbury's  chaplain,  to  whom  he 
owed  his  spirituals  and  temporals  as  his  patron  and 
founder;  though  now  the  pope,  contrary  to  the 
archbishop's  will  and  right  forced  this  Langdon  into 
the  place*.  But  indeed  he  was  a  learned  man* 
(dying  this  year  in  his  embassy  at  Basil)  and  de- 
served far  better  preferment  than  the  poor  bishopric 
of  Rochester.  But  yet,  as  some  observe  of  tailors, 
that  they  make  the  largest  garments  when  they  have 
the  least  cloth  allowed  them ;  so  the  poor  bishopric 
of  Rochester  hath  fared  better  than  many  richer 
sees,  seeing  sacrilege  would  never  feed  on  so  bare  a 
pasture. 

6.  Observe  the  method  in  the  nomination  of  these  Precedents 
commissioners,  wherein   no  wonder  if  the  bishops  ^enJ!!f^' 
precede  so  great  an  earl ;  was  it  not  fit  that  reverend 
fathers  should  be  placed  before  a  dear  cousin  ?  Be- 

B  [In  1422,   See  Godwin  de  perhaps  now   exists    in  MS.> 

Prsesul.  Angl.  534.]  although    Thomas    Rudborne, 

*['•  Summa  eruditionis  laude  who   wrote   the   Annates   Ec- 

**  enituit:"    Wharton*s    Angl.  clesia  Wintoniensis  (published 

Sac.  i.  380.    Nothing  from  his  in  Wharton,  ib.  p.  287.),  refers 

pen  has  been  published,  little  to  the  writings  of  this  bishop.] 


444  The  Church  History  BeoK  iv. 

A.  IX 1434.  aidefl,  the  employm^it  being  of  church  concernment, 
'  spiritual  persons  carried  it  clear  in  the  race  of  dig- 
nity. More  strange  it  is  to  find  herein  a  knight, 
Heniy  Bronmflete,  put  before  a  doctor  of  both  laws, 
and  yet  John  ColyiUe,  another  knight,  placed  after 
the  same  doctor.  I  confess  the  contest  very  anci^it 
about  priority  betwixt  a  knight  and  a  doctor  of  law, 
ever  since  the  comparison  which  Tully  made  be- 
twixt Lucius  Murena,  a  knight  of  Rome,  and  Publius 
SulpitiuB  a  lawyer,  either  of  them  standing  for  the 
consulship  °.  Though  now  in  England  the  prece- 
dency of  the  knight  be  indubitable,  since  preferment 
is  taken  from  civil  law,  and  the  professors  thereof 
shut  up,  as  it  were,  in  a  narrow  comer  of  their  own 
fiu^ulty.  But  we  leave  the  critical  decision  thereof, 
to  his  pen  who  hath  wrote  a  just  tract  of  the  glory 
(in  truth  of  the  vanity)  of  this  worlds  and  exactly 
stated  this  particular  with  all  the  circumstances 
thereof. 
A  diarit.  7«  Whereas  the  king  empowereth  those  his  com- 
^^^L  ^  niissioners  to  meddle  in  the  point  of  his  right  of  the 
offer.  realm  of  France,  with  king  Charles  his  competitor, 
submitting  his  title  to  be  discussed  in  the  council, 
it  carrieth  with  it  a  confidence  of  his  own  right,  and 
charitable  desire  to  save  the  eflRision  of  Christian 
blood;  but  this  was  not  council  but  camp-work; 
and  we  meet  not  with  the  mention  hereof  once 
touched  on  in  this  great  assembly.  However,  so 
wary  was  king  Henry,  (or  rather  his  council,)  as  not 
absolutely  to  tie  up  his  title  to  the  decision  of  this 
council,  but  to  give  his  commissioners  a  negative 
voice  in  case  they  see  cause  to  dissent. 

^  In  Orat.  pro  Murena. 

^  Chassanseus  de  gloria  mundi.  [part  ix.  p.  326.  ed.  1617.] 


CENT.  XV.  of  Britain.  445 

8.  The  TOneral  history  of  the  church  reporteth  the  a.d.  1434- 

11  Hon   Vf 

acts  of  this  council,  how  they  deposed  pope  Euge '- — ' 

nius  and  substituted  Felix  in  his  room ;  for  which,  betwixt  the 
and  other  decisions  therein,  Rome  beholds  thiSa^casti- 
council  but  with  bad  eyes  unto  this  day.  We  will"^^^"* 
only  meddle  with  a  difference  therein  which  con- 
cerned our  own  nation.  The  orators  of  several  kings 
began  to  take  their  places,  according  to  their  birth- 
rights; dating  their  age  from  their  nation's  first  re- 
ceiving of  Christianity.  Here  arose  the  controversy 
of  course  about  precedency,  betwixt  the  English 
and  Castile  ambassadors;  the  former  alleging  Bri- 
tain's conversion  by  Joseph  of  Arimathea;  which 
Alphonsus  Garcias  de  Sancta  Maria,  dean  of  Com- 
postella  and  Segovia,  doctor  of  law,  and  ambassador 
for  Castile,  with  a  speech  more  tedious  than  his 
name  and  titles,  much  endeavoured  to  disprove; 
and  his  arguments  may  be  reduced  to  these  four 
heads  ^. 

i.  First,  he  denied  Joseph's  arrival  in  Britain,  and 
imposed  the  proof  thereof  on  the  English  who  af- 
firmed it,  challenging  them  to  produce  any  authentic 
record  for  the  same. 

ii.  Secondly,  he  urged  probability  to  the  contrary, 
out  of  the  Golden  Legends,  or  Flores  Sanctorum  ^ 
where  it  is  reported,  how  Titus,  taking  Jerusalem, 
caused  a  thick  wall  to  be  digged  through,  and  there- 
in found  an  aged  man,  who  confessed  himself  to  be 
Joseph  of  Arimathea,  there  imprisoned  by  the  Jews 
for  burying  of  Christ ;  and  that  ever  since  he  had 

^  Ex   Schedis   Cottonianis.  formation.] 
[Printed    in    Usher's    Antiq.         *    ["  Sub   Legenda    Jacobi 

Eccl.  Britannic®,  p.  13,  from  Minoris."  Usher,  ib.  13.] 
whom  Fuller  obtained  his  in- 


446 


7%e  Church  History 


BOOK  IV 


A.D.  1434- been  fed  with  meat  from  heaven*.     Hence  he  in^ 

'-  ferred,  that  if  Joseph  were  in  durance  all  this  while 

in  the  wall,  he  could  not,  as  the  Knglish  pretended, 
come  over  into  Britain  to  plant  the  gospel. 

iii.  Thirdly,  grant  that  Joseph,  after  his  enlarge* 
ment  by  Titus,  preached  in  Britain,  which  must 
needs  be  after  the  year  of  our  Lord  seventy  and 
two,  Spain  long  before  had  received  the  gospel  by 
the  preaching  of  James  the  apostle. 

iv.  Fourthly,  be  it  granted  that  Joseph  did  preach 
in  England,  it  was  but  in  a  comer  thereof,  the  grand 
body  of  Britain  remaining  pagan  many  hundred  years 
after. 

These  arguments  he  uttered  with  such  an  affected 
gravity,  as  if  he  could  have  made  the  matter  the 
more  by  pronouncing  the  words  the  longer. 

9.  The  EngUsh  easily  answered  these  exceptions, 
proving  James  to  be  slaughtered  at  Jerusalem  by 
Herod  y  before  his  pretended  preaching  in  Spain » 
seeing  their  own  coimtryman  and  an  archbishop  of 
Toledo  confesseth  as  much  '.  They  produced  many 
ancient  testimonies  for  the  preaching  of  Joseph  in 
Britain,  the  fond  feble  of  his  being  kept  in  a  wall 
being  beneath  confutation,  as  attested  only  by  a 
worthless  author,   Joannes    de  Voragine*.      Their 


The  Eng- 
lish their 
answer. 


X  [This  is  exceedingly  plea- 
sant, to  set  up  one  man  of 
straw  to  knock  down  another ; 
the  credit  of  the  Golden  Le- 
gends against  Capgrave's  Le- 
genda  Sanctorum  and  the  Glas- 
tonbury  Chronicle.  Usher  ob- 
serves on  Garcias'  speech 
quaintly  enough  ;  "  In  quibus 
*^  quaedam  sunt  levia  admodum, 
'•  nonnulla  etiam  oppido  ridi- 
"  cula."] 


y  Actsxii.  2. 

^  Rodericus  Ximenius  in 
concertatione  de  primatu  cum 
praesule  Compostellano  in 
Concil.  Lateran^  anno  1215. 
[Printed  in  Usher,  ib.  p.  14. 
See  also  Harduin's  Concil.  vii. 

79-] 

a  QUpon   this   passage   Dr. 

Heylyn  remarks,  in  "  The  Ap- 
peal, &c."  lib.  ii.  p.  47,  "In 
**  agitating  of  this  controversy 


CEVT,  XV. 


of  Britain. 


447 


allegation  that  Britain  was  but  partially  converted  a.d.  1434. 

by  his  preaching  was  but  impertinent  to  the  present '• — -' 

purpose,  the  point  controverted  not  being  of  the 
universality  but  the  antiquity  of  first  receiving  the 
Christian  faith.  Besides,  neither  James  nor  any 
other  disciple  ever  converted  a  kingdom  totally  and 
entirely  to  Christianity.  However,  nothing  was  con- 
cluded in  this  controversy,  always  agitated,  never 
decided, 

i.  In  the  council  of  Pisa,  anno  1409. 


«< 

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«< 
<( 
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«< 
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<( 
«< 
<( 
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«< 
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« 

4* 
t€ 
§€ 
<« 
t€ 
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<€ 
€f 

<r 

€t 
€€ 
€t 


as  it  stands  in  our  author,  I 
find  mention  of  one  '  Johan- 
nes de  Voragine,  a  worthless 
author/  &c.  Mistook  both  in 
the  name  of  the  man  and  his 
quality  also ;  for,  first,  the 
author  of  the  book  called 
'  Legenda  Aurea,'  related  to 
in  the  former  passage,  was 
not  Johannes  but  Jacobus  de 
Voragine  ;  in  which  book 
though  there  are  many  idle 
and  unwarrantable  fictions, 
yet,  secondly,  was  the  man  of 
more  esteem  than  to  pass 
under  the  character  of  a 
'  worthless  author/  as  being 
learned  for  the  times  in 
which  he  lived,  archbishop 
of  Genoa,  a  chief  city  of 
Italy,  *  et  moribus  et  digni- 
tate  magno  pretio,'  as  Phi- 
lippus  Bergomensis  telleth 
us  of  him,  anno  1290,  at 
what  time  he  lived;  most 
eminent  for  his  translation 
of  the  Bible  into  the  Italian 
tongue,  as  we  read  in  Vos- 
sius  De  Lat.  Hist.,  [ii.  6.]  a 
work  of  both  great  difficulty 
and  danger  as  the  times  then 
were;  sufficient,  were  there 


« 


« 


**  nothing  else,  to  free  him 
"  from  the  ignominious  name 
''  of '  a  worthless  author.' "  To 
this  Fuller  replies,  *'I  here 
**  enter  my  public  thanks  to 
"  the  animadvertor :  Jacobus 
"  de  Voragine  (so  it  seems  was 
**  his  name)  was  a  better  au- 
*'  thor  than  I  took  him  for  -, 
**  indeed,  having  read  that 
"  Melchior  Canus  called  the 
author  of  some  legends  a 
man  'ferrei  oris  et  plumbei 
'*  cordis,'  (one  of  an  iron  face 
"  and  leaden  heart,)  I  con- 
"  ceived  him  intended  therein. 
**  But  if  he  did  translate  the 
"  Bible  into  Italian,  as  I  have 
•'  cause  to  believe,  knowing 
''  nothing  to  the  contrary*  it 
**  was,  as  the  animadvertor 
•*  saith  well,  '  a  work  of  great 
•'  both  difficulty  and  danger,  as 
**  the  times  then  were.*  I  con- 
*'  fess  I  have  formerly,  in  the 
table  of  my  esteem,  placed 
this  Voragine  as  the  very  lag 
**  at  the  lowest  end  thereof; 
**  but  hereafter  I  shall  say  to 
"  him,  *  Come  up  hither/  and 
*'  provide  a  higher  place  for 
••  him  in  my  reputation."] 


<c 


« 


448 


The  Church  History 


.  BOOK  IV. 


A.  D.  1434-     ii.  In  the  council  of  Constance,  1417»  betim;t  the 
!1^!!:^- ambassadors  of  Enghmd  and  France  ^ 

ill.  In  the  council  of  Sienna»  [1424,]  before  Mar- 
tin the  Fifth,  pope ;  wherein  Bichajrd  Flemyng, 
bishop  of  Lincoln,  encountered  France^  Spain,  and 
Scotland  about  precedency. 

Lastly,  betwixt  England  and  Spain,  in  the  council 
of  Basil,  [1434,]  though  therein  nothing  ccmduded, 
those  politic  prelates  accounting  it  better  to  keep 
both  princes  in  hope  by  discussing  than  to  put  one 
into  anger  by  deciding  it.  Yea,  they  loved  to  set 
up  this  controversy  (as  that  of  the  precedence  of 
Cambridge  and  Oxford  in  English  parliaments)  out 
of  design,  sometimes  to  delay  time ;  sometimes,  by 
starting  it,  to  stop  and  divert  more  dangerous  dis- 
putes. 
Ajix  1437.  10.  Henry  Chichele,  doctor  of  law,  archbishop  of 
coDegein  Canterbury,  founded  a  college  in  Oxford,  by  the 
founded,  name  of  All  Souls,  for  a  warden  and  forty  fellows, 
which  number  by  statute  was  never  to  be  augmented 
or  impaired  ;  and  all  void  places,  by  death  or  other- 
wise, once  in  a  year  to  be  supplied  ^. 


^  [See  a  tract  entitled  **  No- 
*'  bilissima  disceptatio  super 
'^  dignitate  et  magnitudine  r^- 
*'  norum  Britaimici  et  Gallici 
"  habita  ab  utriusque  oratori- 
'*  bus  et  legatis  in  Concilio 
'*  Constantiensi."         Lovanii, 

^  [The  archbishop   had  his 


breeding  in  Oxford,  and  was 
made  perpetual  fellow  of  New 
CoU^e^  Oxford,  in  the  year 
1387.  See  Wood's  History  of 
the  University,  p.  252.  He 
was  raised  to  the  see  of  Can* 
terbury  in  1414*  and  died  in 

1443O 


CENT.  XV. 


of  Bntaiiu 


449 


Wardens, 


[«437-] 


[I44S0 

[M59-] 
[1466.] 

[1494.] 
[1503.] 
[1524O 

[»S33] 
[1535-] 

[1558.] 
[1558.] 

[1565.] 

[1571-] 
[1614.] 

[1618.] 

[1^35.] 
[1648.] 


1.  Dr.  Bichard 

Andrews, 
LL.D. 

2.  Mr.  Roger 

Keyes. 

3.  Mr.  William 

Kele. 

4.  Dr.  Winiam 

Poteman. 

5.  Mr.  John 

St<^ys. 

6.  Thomas  Hob* 

bys. 

7.  Mr.  William 

Broke. 

8.  Mr.  JohnCoale. 

9.  Dr.  Robert 

Woodward. 

10.  Mr.  Robert 

Stokdejr. 

11.  John  Warner, 

M.D. 

12.  Mr.  Seth  Hol- 

land. 

13.  Mr.  John  Pope. 
John  Warner, 

a  second  time. 

14.  Mr.  Richard 

Barber. 

15.  Mr.  Robert 

Hoveden. 

16.  Dr.  [Richard] 

Modket. 

17.  Dr.  [Richard] 

Astley. 
Dr.  Sheldon  d; 
Dr.  Palmer. 


Bishops, 


James  Gold- 
well,  bishop 
ofNorwich, 
1472. 

Gilbert  Bourn, 
bishop  of 
Bath  and 
Wells,  1554. 

Giles  Tomson, 
bishop  of 
Gloucester, 
1611. 


Benefactors. 


Brian  Duppa, 
bishop  of 
Sarum,  fel- 
low of  this 
housed. 


King   Henry  the 
Sixth,    at    the 
procurement  of 
the  founder, 
gave  four  Prio- 
ries Alien,  viz. 
Alherbury, 
Romney,  We- 
don-Pinkenay, 
audLlangenith  f . 

Queen  Elizabeth 
confirmed  the 
parsonage  of 
Staunton  Har- 
court. 

Reginald  Pole, 
cardinal,  arch- 
bishop (k  Can- 
terbury. 

Sir  William  Petre, 
fellow  of  this 
college,  and  se- 
cretary to  four 
kings  and 
queens. 


Learned 
Writers, 


A.  D.  1437. 
15  Hen.VL 


Sir  Clement 
Edmonds. 


Dr.  [Robt.] 
Gentilis, 
an  excel- 
lent dvi- 
lian. 

Dr.  [Rich.] 
Steward. 

Mr.  [Dud- 
ley] 
Digges  e. 


^  [These  two  names  were 
left  thus,  without  numbers  in- 
dicating their  succession,  be- 
cause Dr.  Sheldon  was  ejected 
by  the  parliament,  and  impri- 
soned by  them  in  1648 ;  during 
which  time  they  put  in  JVIr. 
Palmer,  a  student  in  physic, 
who  held  the  wardenship  until 
March  4,  1 660.  On  his  death, 
the  Restoration  being  generally 
expected.  Dr.  Sheldon  was  re- 
stored.] 

FULLER,  VOL.  IJ. 


*  [Twenty  bishops  are  rec- 
koned in  Wood  as  having  be- 
longed to  this  college,  to  the 
death  of  the  hon.  Brownlow 
North,  bishop  of  Winchester, 
in  1781.     lb.  p.  374.] 

^  [Probably  some  portion  of 
the  alien  priories,  which  were 
suppressed  to  the  number  of 
1 20,  and  given  to  this  king's 
father  in  1414.  See  Stow's 
Chron.  345.  According  to  a 
note  in  Wood,  referring  to  the 


4M 


Tkt  Ckwxk  HUtary 


IT. 


^'  Hiillv^  ^  ^^^^  ^  ^^  present  this  c<4Iege  hath  one  war- 
den,  forty  fellows,  two  chaplainff^  three  clerks^  m 


choristers,  besides  officers  and  serrants  ei  the  foim- 
dation,  with  other  students,  the  whole  number  being 
seTentj.  The  fellows  of  this  ccXIege  are  bound  bj 
their  statutes  to  be  6ene  an/i,  spemdide  vestiti^  d 
medioeriier  dncH  in  ploMO  camtm. 

Know,  reader,  I  was  |»t>aiised  bjr  mj  respected 
friend.  Dr.  Jeremj  Tajlor,  (late  fellow  of  this  house,) 
well  known  to  the  world  bj  his  worth,  a  catalogue 
of  the  eminent  scholars  thereof;  bat  it  seems  the 
press,  like  time  and  tide,  staying  for  no  man,  I  ha?e 
not  been  so  hi^ypy  seasonably  to  receiTe  it. 
A.  D.  1443,  11.  1^  years  did  this  archlnshc^  sarviTe  the  first 
A  tan  jeer  founding  of  this  college.  He  was  a  worthy  man  in 
*°^^  ^  his  generation,  had  not  his  Tassalage  to  the  pope 
(the  epidemical  disease  of  those  days)  engaged  him 
in  cruelty  against  the  poor  professors  of  the  truth. 
Most  of  the  synods  called  by  him  toward  the  latter 
end  of  his  life  effected  only  the  adTance  of  money, 
the  clergy  being  very  desirous  to  buy  off  the  penalty 
of  a  pramunire,  so  pernicious  to  their  proceedings, 


letters  patent  of  21  Hen.  VI., 
these  priories  were  not  b^ged 
bnt  purchased  of  the  king  bj- 
the  archbishop  for  1 000  marks. 
Hist,  of  the  University,  260.] 

fS  [YvWer  mnst  have  b^n 
very  hard  pressed  to  find 
learned  writers  in  this  college, 
not  one  of  those  who  are  here 
mentioned  (except  perhaps  Dr. 
Steward)  having  the  least  re- 
putation for  authorship.  But 
Robert  Oentilis,  who,  as  Wood 
says,  *'  turned  a  rakehell,  and 
became  king  of  the  beggars," 
and  might  with  the  same  pro- 


priety have  figured  as  a  hero 
m  the  Dunciad,  has  not  the 
least  claim  to  distinction.  Au- 
thor he  was  none;  but  as  an 
indifferent  translator  of  two  or 
three  unimportant  works,  he 
has  won  a  place  in  some  ob* 
scure  biographical  collections.  I 
cannot  help  thinking,  therefore, 
that  Fuller  confounded  him 
with  his  father.  Dr.  Albericus 
Grentilis,  a  learned  civilian,  and 
a  man  of  considerable  eminence, 
who  studied  at  New  Inn  in  the 
university  of  Oxford ;  of  whom 
see  Wood's  Athenae,  I.  367.] 


CENT.  XV.  of  Britain,  451 

but  could  not  completely  compass  the  same**.     I-^^-'^^J* 


have  nothing  else  to  observe  of  archbishop  Chichele, 
saye  the  common  tradition  how  king  Henry  the 
Sixth,  acted  herein  by  some  misoclere-courtiers, 
(otherwise  in  himself  friend  enough  to  churchmen,) 
sent  this  archbishop,  for  a  new-year's  gift,  a  shred- 
pie  indeed,  as  containing  pieces  of  cloth  and  stuff,  of 
several  sorts  and  colours,  in  jeer,  because  his  father 
was  a  tailor  at  Higham-Ferrers,  in  Northampton- 
shire. The  archbishop  thankfully  received  the  gift, 
even  after  he  had  seen  the  entrails  thereof,  and 
courteously  entertained  the  messenger,  requesting 
him  to  return  to  his  grace,  "  If  my  lord  the  king  do 
but  as  far  exceed  Henry  the  Fifth,  (whom  God 
assoil,)  his  father,  as  my  meanness  hath  gone 
beyond  my  poor  father,  he  will  make  the  most 
accomplished  monarch  that  ever  was  in  Christen- 
dom." John  Stafford,  one  of  noble  parentage, 
succeeded  in  the  place  of  Chichele,  deceased  K 

12.  This    good    precedent    of    the    archbishop's  a.  d.  1446. 
bounty  may  be  presumed  a  spur  to  the  speed  of  the  mg^of^"" 
king's   liberality,  who    soon    after    founded  Eaton  J^''^^- 
CoUege,  incorporate  by  the  name  of  Prcepositi  et 
Collegii  Regalis  Col.  BeaUe  Marice  de  Eaton  juxta 
Winsor.     It  seemeth  these  words,  BeatcB  Marice^ 
are  so  necessary,  that  being  left   out   in  a  lease, 
(wherein  all  the  other  titles  of  the  foundation  were 


^  [See  Parker,    De  Antiq.  complished: 

Eccl.  Britan.    p.  426  ;    Stow's  «  Methinks  it  were  a  happy  life 

Chron.  383.]  To  be  no  better  than  a  homdy  swain.** 

*  [A  noble  answer  to  a  very  III.  Part  of  Hen. VI., 

silly    jest,    which     if    really  act  "•  scene  2. 

Henry  VI.  did  execute,  one  But  I  cannot  find  any  autho- 

would    feel   inclined   to   wish  rity  for  this  anecdote.  Chichele 

that   his  desire  had  been  ac-  died  April  12,  1443.] 

Gg2 


i52  The  Church  History  book  iv. 

A. D.  1446. inserted  at  large,)  the  said  lease  was  adjudged  void 
24  Hen. VI.  £^j,  ^^^  omission  ^.     But  know,  this  verdict  passed 

in  queen  Mary's  days,  when  Regina  Maria  made 
the  mention  of  BeaJUt  Marice  so  essential  there* 
unto. 
Thebttd  13.  Indeed  it  was  high  time  soihef  school  should 
5S27^  be  founded,  considering  how  low  grammar-learning 
ran  then  in  the  land,  as  may  appear  by  the  foUowing 
verses  made  for  king  Henry  the  founder ;  as  good, 
no  doubt,  as  the  generality  of  that  age  did  afford, 
though  (scarce  deserving  translation)  so  that  the 
worst  scholar  in  Eaton  College  that  can  make  a 
verse  can  make  a  better. 

Luce  tua^  qui  fuitua  erat^  Nicolae^  sacer  rex 

Henricun  Sewtus  hoc  stabilivit  opus^ 
Unctum  qui  lapidem  postquam  ponebat  in  Eaton 

Huncjixit  clerum  commemorando  suum. 
Astiterant  Hit  tunc  pontifices  in  honorem 

Actus  solennis  regis  et  eccUsicR. 
Ex  Ortentdli  ^  si  bis  septem  pedetentim 

Mensurare  velis^  invenies  lapidem  ; 
Infesto  sancti  Jacobi  sanctam  stabilivit 

Hie  unctam  petram  regia  sacra  manus. 

Annis  M.  CCCC,  sexto  qtiater  XquCy 
Regis  et  H.  regni  quintojungendo  vi^ena. 

Devout  king  Henry,  of  that  name  the  sixt. 
Born,  Nic'las,  on  thy  day,  this  building  fixt. 
In  Eaton  having  plac'd  a  stone  anointed. 
In  sign  it  for  the  clergy  was  appointed. 
His  prelates  then  were  present,  iso  the  more 
To  honour  the  king^s  acts  and  holy  chore. 

k  Abridgment  of  Judge  Dy-     sir  Thos.  Ireland.   1 65 1 .] 
er's  Reports,  Num.  379.  Trin.         '  Medio. 
Term,  4"  M arisp,  [p.  1 14.     By 


CENT,  XV. 


of  Britain. 


458 


From  eastern  midst,  whereof  just  fourteen  feet,  a.d.  1446. 

If  any  measure,  they  this  stone  shall  meet.  24  Hen. VI. 
On  holy  James  his  day,  the  sacred  hand 
Of  royal  Henry  caused  this  stone  to  stand. 

M.  four  C.s  forty-six  since  Christ  was  born. 
When  H.  the  crown  twenty-five  years  had  worn  "». 

1 4.  This  college  consisteth  of  one  provost,  fellows,  a  bountiful 
a  schoolmaster  and  usher,  with  king's  scholars,  be-  Ood  oon- 
sides  many  oppidanes,  maintained  there  at  the  cost  ^^^^  *'* 
of  their  friends ;  so  that  were  Eaton,  as  also  Win- 
chester-school, removed  into  Germany,  they  would 
no  longer  be  accounted   scholce,  but  gymnasia^  a 
middle  term  betwixt  a  school  and  an   university. 
The  provostship  of  Eaton  is  accounted  one  of  the 
genteelest  and  entirest  preferments  in  England,  the 
provost  thereof  being  provided  for  in  all  particulars, 
to  the  very  points  of  his  hose,  (my  desire  is  one  tag 
of  them  may  not  be  diminished,)  and,  as  a  pleasant 
courtier  told  king  Henry  the  Eighth,  an  hundred 
pound  a  year  more  than  enough  ".     How  true  this 
is  I  know  not :  this  I  know,  if  some  courtiers  were 


"*  Viz.  current  otherwise, 
but  24  complete. 

n  Sir  John  Harrington,  pn 
his  Nugae  Antiquee,  ii.  p.  95. 
**  It  was  said  that  a  pleasant 
•^  courtier  and  servitor  of  king 
"  Henry  VIII.,  to  whom  the 
"  king  had  promised  some  good 
"  turn,  came  and  prayed  the 
"  king  to  bestow  a  living  on 
**  him  that  he  had  found  out 
•*  worth  100/.  by  the  year  more 
"  than  enough.  *  Why,*  saith 
**  the  king, '  we  have  none  such 
•'  in  England.'  '  Yes,  sir/  said 
**  his  man,  *  the  provostship  of 


"  Eaton ;  for/  said  he,  *  he  is 
"  allowed  his  diet,  his  lodging, 
"  his  horse-meat,  his  servants' 
"  wages,  his  riding  charge,  his 
*'  apparel,  even  to  the  points 
'*  of  his  hose,  at  the  college 
"  charge,  and  100/.  by  the 
*'  year  beside.'  How  true  this 
^'  is  I  know  not ;  but  this  I 
•*  know^  that  Mr.  Day,  having 
**  both  this  and  the  deanery  of 
''  Windsor,  was  persuaded  to 
'*  leave  them  both,  to  succeed 
'*  him  that  had  been  once  his 
'*  vice-provost  of  Eaton  in  the 
*'  church  of  Winchester."] 

Gg3 


454  The  Church  History  book  iv. 

A.  D.  1446.  to  stint  the  enough  of  clergjonen,  even  the  most 

^industrious  of  them  should  (with  Solomon's  slothfiil 

man  **)  have  poverty  enough.     But  take  here  a  cata- 
logue of  the  provosts  of  Eton : 

i.  Henry  Seilver,  [or  Sever,]  D.  D.,  almoner  to 
king  Henry  the  Sixth. 

ii.  William  Waynfleet,  B.  D.,  afterwards  bishop 
of  Winchester,  [preferred  thither  in  1447.] 

iii.  John  Clerk,  B.  D.,  died  provost  the  7th  of 
November,  1447. 

iv.  William  Westbury,  B.  D.,  chosen  provost  anno 
1448. 

V.  Henry  Bost,  B.  D. ;  he  gave  an  hundred  marks 
and  twenty  poimds  per  annum  to  the  college ;  died 
the  7th  of  February,  1503. 

vi.  Roger  Lupton,  B.  D.   [died  in  1540.] 

vii.  Robert  Aldridge,  afterwards  bishop  of  Car- 
lisle, [preferred  thither  in  1537.] 

viii.  Sir  Thomas  Smith,  doctor  of  law,  of  Queen's 
College  in  Cambridge,  chosen  anno  1554.   [1547.] 

ix.  Henry  Cole,  D.  D.  and  law,  chosen  in  the 
same  year,  1554. 

X.  William  Bill,  D.  D.,  almoner  to  queen  Eliza- 
beth, chosen  July  5,  1559. 

xi.  William  Day,  B.  D.,  dean  also  of  Windsor, 
chosen  Jan.  5,  1561,  afterwards  bishop  of  Win- 
chester. 

xii.  Sir  Henry  Savile,  warden  of  Merton  College 
in  Oxford,  chosen  3rd  of  June,  1596,  eminent  to  all 
posterity  for  his  magnificent  edition  of  Saint  Chry- 
sostom,  in  Greek. 

o  Prov.  XX viii.  19. 


CENT.  XV.  of  Britain.  455 

xiii.  Thomas  Murray,  esq.,  tutor  and  secretary  to  a.  d.  1446. 
king  Charles,  whilst  prince,  [chosen  in  1621.]  ^^      — \ 

xiv.  Sir  Henry  Wotton  p,  famous  for  several  em- 
bassies, chosen  1625.  [1624.] 

XV.  [Richard]  Steward,  doctor  of  law,  and  dean 
of  St.  Paul's,  [chosen  16390 

xvi.  Francis  Rouse,  esq.   [chosen  1643.] 

This  Eaton  is  a  nursery  to  King's  College  in  Cam- 
bridge. All  that  I  will  add  is,  to  wish  that  the 
prime  scholars  in  this  school  may  annually  be  chosen 
to  the  university ;  and  when  chosen,  their  places 
may  fall  accordingly,  not  by  the  death  of  those  in 
King's  College,  but  their  advancement  to  better 
preferment  in  the  church  and  commonwealth. 

15.  If  we  cast  our  eyes  on  the  civil  estate,  we  a.  d.  1447. 
shall  find  our  foreign  acquisitions  in  France,  which  lost  m  *^  ^ 
came  to  us  on  foot,  running  from  us  on  horseback.  ^^"*** 
Nulla  dies  sine  civitate^  scarce  a  day  escaping  wherein 

the  French  regained  not  some  city  or  place  of  im- 
portance ;  so  that  the  English,  who  under  king 
Henry  VI.  had  almost  a  third  of  France,  besides  the 
city  of  Paris,  (another  third  in  itself,  for  wealth  and 
populousness,)  soon  lost  all  on  the  continent,  to  the 
poor  pittance  of  Calais  and  a  little  land,  or,  if  you 
will,  some  large  suburbs  round  about  it. 

16.  Yet  let  not  the  French  boast  of  their  valour,  occasioned 
but  (under  God's  providence)  thank  our  sins,  and  lish  <H8- '^' 
particularly  our  discords,  for  their  so  speedy  reco-*^^** 
veries.     There  were  many  clefts  and  chaps  in  our 
council-board,  factions  betwixt  the  great  lords  pre- 
sent thereat;   and  these  differences  descended  on 


P  Whose  Life  is  excellently  written  by  my  worthy  friend 
Mr.  Isaiic  Walton. 

Gg4 


466  The  Church  Huiary  mok  iv. 

A.D.  1447.  thdr  attendants  and  retainen,  ^o,  patting  on  their 
15  nm.vL  ^^^^^^  ^Qf^  ^Ii3  iiadges  as  well  of  the  enmities  as  of 

the  anns  of  their  lords  and  masters.     But  behold 
them  how  coupled  in  their  antipathies : 

Deadly  feud  hetwLtt 

Edmmid  Beaufort,  duke  of  Somerset. 
Richard  Plantagenet,  duke  of  York. 

Humphrey  Plantagenet,  duke  of  Gloucester. 
Henry  Beaufort  Cardinal,  bishop  of  Winchester. 

William  de  la  Pole,  duke  of  Suffolk. 
John  Holland,  duke  of  Exeter. 

Humphrey  Stafford,  duke  of  Buckingham. 
Richard  Nevill,  earl  of  Warwick. 

Humphrey  Plantagenet,  duke  of  Gloucester. 
William  de  la  Pole,  duke  of  Suffolk. 
Richard  Nevill,  earl  of  Warwick. 

Betwixt  the  three  last  there  was,  as  it  were,  a  battle 
royal  in  this  cockpit,  each  of  them  hating  and 
opposing  another.  In  all  these  contests  their  am* 
bition  was  above  their  covetousness,  it  being  every 
one's  endeavour  not  so  much  to  raise  and  advance 
himself  as  ruin  and  depress  his  adversary. 
The  death  17.  Two  of  the  aforesaid  principal  persons  left 
phrejvduke  the  world  this  year,  and  in  the  same  month :  first, 
of  olouces.  jjuxnphrey  duke   of    Gloucester,   brother  to   king 

Henry  the  Fifth,  uncle  and  guardian  to  king  Henry 
the  Sixth,  a  great  housekeeper.  Hospitality  being 
so  common  in  that  age,  none  were  commended  for 
the  keeping,  but  condemned  for  the  neglecting 
thereof.    He  was  much  opposed  by  queen  Margaret, 


ter. 


CENT.  XV. 


of  Britain. 


467 


(who  would  have  none  rule  the  king  her  husband  A.  d.  1447. 

save  herself,)  and  accused  of  a  treacherous  design  ; '- — ^ 

insomuch  that  at  a  packed  parliament  at  Bury  he 
was  condemned  of  high  treason,  and  found  dead  in 
his  bed,  not  without  rank  suspicion,  of  cruel  prac- 
tices upon  his  person  % 

18.  His  death  is  suspended  betwixt  legal  execu-Afitwork 
tion  and  murder,  and  his  memory  pendulous  betwixt  j^**°^ 
malefactor  and  martyr.  However,  the  latter  hath 
most  prevailed  in  men's  belief;  and  the  good  duke 
of  Gloucester  is  commonly  his  character  ■*.  But  it  is 
proper  for  some  Oxford  man  to  write  his  just  vin- 
dication, a  manual  in  asserting  his  memory  being 
but  proportionable  for  him  who  gave  to  their  library 
so  many  and  precious  voluminous  manuscripts.  As 
for  those  who,  chewing  their  meat  with  their  feet 
whilst  they  walk  in  the  body  of  St.  Paul's,  are  com- 
monly said  to  dine  with  duke  Humphrey »,  the  say- 


q  [Humphrey  duke  of 
Gloucester,  being  at  the  castle 
of  the  Vies,  in  Wiltshire,  came 
from  thence  to  the  parliament, 
and  was  lodged  in  the  hospital, 
where  shortly  after  he  was 
arrested  by  John  lord  Beau- 
mont, high  constable,  the  duke 
of  Buckingham,  the  duke  of 
Somerset,  and  others,  who  ap- 
pointed certain  of  the  king's 
household  to  wait  upon  him ; 
but  on  the  twenty-fourth  day 
be  died  for  sorrow,  as  some 
said,  that  he  might  not  come 
to  his  answer.  His  body  was 
shewed  to  the  lords  and  00m- 
mons,  and  seemed  to  die  of  a 
palsy  or  of  an  impostume.  He 
was  honourably  buried  at  St. 
Albans.     Thirty- two    of    his 


principal  servants  were  arrest- 
ed, and  ^\Q  of  them  arraigned 
at  London  for  his  death,  but 
saved  by  the  duke  of  Suffolk. 
See  Stow's  Chron.  p.  386.] 

I*  [Generous  he  might  be; 
but  certainly  not  good,  though 
Bale  styles  him   so.      Script. 

583,585.] 

8    [Some    further    remarks 

upon  this  proverb  occur  in  the 

Worthies,  p.  198.    ''This  pro- 

**  verb,"  our  author  observes, 

"  hath    altered     the    original 

"  meaning  thereof  j  for  first  it 

^*  signified  (7/2ena  vix^ere  quadra, 

"  to  eat  by  the  bounty  or  feed 

*•  by   the  .  favour   of    another 

"  man.     For  Humphrey  duke 

*'  of     Gloucester,     commonly 

"  called  the  good  duke,  was  so 


458 


The  Church  History 


BOOK  IV. 


The  death 
of  the  rich 
cardinaL 


A.D.  i447.inir  is  as  for  from  truth  as  they  from  dimier,  even 
!LJ!!!l— I  twenty  miles  off;  seeing  this  duke  was  buried  in 
St.  Alban's,  to  which  church  he  was  a  great  bene- 
fSeujtor^ 

19.  The  same  month  with  the  duke  of  Gloucester 
died  Henry  Beaufort,  bishop  of  Winchester,  and 
cardinal  ^,  one  of  high  descent,  high  spirit,  and  high 
preferments,  hardly  to  be  equalled  by  cardinal  Wol- 
sey  (otherwise  but  a  pigmy  to  him  in  birth)  for 
wealth  and  magnificence.  He  lent  king  Henry  the 
Fifth  at  once  twenty  thousand  pounds,  who  pawned 
his  crown  unto  him  * ;  he  built  the  fair  hospital  of 


•'  hospital  that  every  man  of 
**  fashion  otherwise  impover- 
**  ished  was  welcome  to  dine 
"  with  him,  it  not  being  so 
"  proper  for  strangers  to  sup 
"  in  those  days  with  the  great. 
'*  est  housekeepers.  The  said 
**  duke  was  so  bountiful  that 
"  his  alms-dish  of  silver  was 
"  very  massy  when  empty, 
"  (what  then  when  full  ?) 
"  which  alms-dish  came  after- 
"  wards  into  the  possession  of 
"  the  duke  of  Somerset,  who 
**  sent  it  to  the  lord  Rivers  to 
"  sell  the  same  to  furnish  him- 
"  self  for  a  sea-voyage.  But 
'*  after  the  death  of  the  good 
*•  duke  Humphrey,  when  many 
"  of  his  former  alms-men  were 
*'  at  a  loss  for  a  meal's  meat, 
*'  this  proverb  did  alter  its 
"  copy,  to  dine  with  duke 
''  Humphrey  importing  to  be 
"  dinnerless."] 

t  [Mistaking  his  tomb  for 
that  of  sir  John  Beauchamp, 
constable  of  Dover.  Stow's 
Survey,  p.  368.] 

^  [And  uncle  to  the  duke 
of  Gloucester.] 


X  [Whilst  stating  this  fact 
from  Godwin,  Fuller  ought 
not  to  have  concealed  the  rea- 
son for  it,  as  stated  by  Godwin : 
the  king  had  contracted  great 
debts  by  his  continual  wars, 
and  to  alleviate  his  wants  began 
to  cast  his  eyes  upon  the  pos- 
sessions of  the  church ;  in 
order,  therefore,  to  prevent  this 
evil,  the  cardinal  lent  him  such 
an  enormous  sum.  Another 
instance  of  this  cardinal's  mag- 
nificence is  also  mentioned  in 
the  Chronicle  of  Croyland, 
which  tells  us  that  at  his  own 
expense  he  crowned  king 
Henry  VI.  at  Paris,  (p.  516.) 
Another  continuation  of  the 
same  Chronicle  gives  an  ac- 
count of  the  cardinal's  death, 
as  witnessed  by  one  actually 
present,  which  is  so  greatly 
different  from  the  popular  be- 
lief respecting  him  that  I  think 
it  necessary  to  insert  it  here. 
"  Whilst  making  these  re- 
*•  marks,"  says  the  writer, 
"  there  occurs  to  me  a  nota- 
**  ble  act  of  that  glorious  and 
**  catholic  man,   the  said  car- 


CENT.  XV. 


of  Britain, 


459 


St.  Cross,  near  Winchester  y;  and  although  chan-A  d.  1447. 
cellor  of  the  university  of  Oxford,  was  no   grand  ^^ 
benefactor    thereunto,   in    proportion   to   his    own 
wealth  (commonly  called  the  rich  cardinal)  or  the 
practices  of  his  predecessor  Wickham,  or  successor 
Waynfleet. 

20.  The  bishops  assembled  in  parliament  laboured  The  dergy 
the   recalling   of   the  act   of   pr(Bmunire^   and   no  ^ain  against 
wonder  if  galled  horses  would  willingly  cast  off  their  ^p^^,^ 
saddles ;  but  belike  they  found  that  statute  girt  too  **"*• 
close  unto  them,  the  lords  and  commons  stickling 
stoutly  for  the  continuance  thereof.     And  because 
this  is  the  last  time  we  shall  have  occasion  to  men- 
tion this  statute,  and  therefore  must  take  our  fare- 
well thereof,  it  will   not   be   amiss   to   insert  the 


f< 

<< 

«c 

€€ 
€€ 
«€ 
4t 
4€ 
« 

« 
«< 

<« 
t€ 
t€ 
4€ 
t* 
€€ 
«€ 
%€ 
t€ 
4* 


dinal  of  Winchester,  and  I 
would  it  were  imitated  by 
others.  When  he  was  in 
his  mortal  sickness,  at  his 
palace  of  Wolnesey,  near  his 
cathedral  church  of  St.  Swi- 
thin's,  in  the  said  year  1447, 
having  called  together  into 
the  great  chamber  of  his  said 
palace  the  ecclesiastics,  reli- 
gious and  seculars  of  the 
parts  adjacent,  on  that  day 
of  the  week  before  Passion 
Sunday  in  which  the  office 
called  Sitientes  is  sung,  he 
had  his  solemn  exequies 
chanted  before  him  as  he  lay 
in  his  bed,  and  with  them  a 
requiem  mass.  Late  in  the 
evening,  after  the  perform- 
ance of  these  exequies,  his 
last  will  and  testament  was 
publicly  read  before  all,  and 
he  added  certain  corrections 


**  to  it ;  and  the  next  morning, 
'*  after  hearing  mass,  when  he 
**  had  for  the  last  time  read  his 
**  will  publicly,  and  confirmed 
**  it  with  a  clear  audible  voice, 
"  he  bade  farewell  to  all  pre- 
'<  sent,  and  died  in  the  time 
"  which  I  have  before  de- 
**  scribed,  —  •  Qui  enim  haec 
*'  scripsit  adfuit  et  haec  omnia 
**  vidit  et  audivit  et  scimus 
"  quod  verum  est  testimonium 
''ejus.'"  p.  582.] 

y  [According  to  Dr.  Heylyn 
this  hospital  was  *'  first  built 
"  by  Henry  of  Blois,  brother 
"  of  king  Stephen,  and  bishop 
*•  of  Winchester,  anno  1 1 29, 
**  augmented  only  and  perhaps 
'^  more  liberally  endowed  by 
*'  this  potent  cardinal."  Ap- 
peal, &c.,  P.  ii.  p.  49.  See 
Stow,  p.  386.] 


460  The  Church  SRstory  book  it. 

^'  H*  '^i'  ^^^"S»  passage,  as  relating  to  the  present  subjeet^ 

though  it  happened  many  years  after. 

Aneminent  21.  One  Robort  Lalor,  priest,  a  native  of  Ireland, 
liquid  of  a  to  whom  the  pope  had  given  the  titulary  bishopric 
di^lm  of  Kilmore,  and  made  him  vicar-general  of  the  see 
of*  rwmu!  apostolic  withiu  the  archbishopric  of  Dublin,  &c.  ^ 
aJ«-  boldly  and  securely  executed  his  pretended  jurisdic- 
tion for  many  years,  was  indicted  at  Dublin,  in 
Hilary  term,  quarto  Jacobin  upon  this  statute  of 
priBmunire,  made  two  hundred  years  before,  being 
the  sixteenth  of  Richard  the  Second.  His  majesty's 
learned  counsel  did  wisely  forbear  to  proceed  against 
him  upon  any  latter  law,  (whereof  plenty  m  the 
reign  of  queen  Elizabeth,)  because  recusants  (swarm*- 
ing  in  that  kingdom)  might  have  their  judgments 
convinced,  that  long  before  king  Henry  the  Eighth 
banished  the  usurpation  of  the  pope,  the  king,  lords, 
and  commons  in  England  (though  for  the  most  part 
of  the  Romish  religion)  made  strict  laws  for  the 
maintenance  of  the  crown  against  any  foreign  in- 
vasion. Whereupon,  after  the  party  indicted  had 
pleaded  at  large  for  himself  the  jury  departed  from 
the  bar,  and  returning  within  half  an  hour,  found 
the  prisoner  guilty  of  the  contempts  whereof  he  was 
indicted ;  wliereupon  the  solicitor-general  moved  the 
court  to  proceed  to  judgment,  and  sir  Dominic 
Sarsfield  *  (one  of  the  justices  of  his  majesty's  chief 
pleas)  gave  judgment  according  to  the  form  of  the 
statute  whereupon  the  indictment  was  framed. 
Hence  it  plainly  appears  that  such  misdemeanours 

z    Sir  John   Davys,  in  his     is  related  at  length.] 
{Irish  Reports,]  case  of  prae-         a  Idem  f.  99. 
munire,  f.  83.  [where  this  case 


CENT.  XV.  of  Britain,  461 

of  papists  are  punishable  at  this  day,  by  virtue  of  ^-^  h47- 

those  ancient  statutes,  without  any  relation  to  such 

as  were  enacted  since  the  ^reformation. 

S2.  About  this  time  Jack  Cade  raised  his  rebel- ad.  1450. 
Mod,  like  and  unlike  to  the  former  commotion  of  straw  like 
Jack  Straw  »>:  like,  first,  because  Jacks  both,  I"^^"'^*^- 
meaUj  insolent,  impudent,  domineering  clowns;  se- 
condly, both  of  them  were  Kentish  by  their  extrac- 
tions ;  thirdly,  both  of  them  pressed  upon  London, 
and  there  principally  played  their  pranks ;  fourthly, 
both  of  them,  after  they  had  troubled  the  land  for  a 
short  time,  were  justly  slain,  and  their  numerous 
rabble  routed  and  dispersed.  In  other  remarkables 
Cade  differed  from  Jack  Straw :  first.  Straw  defied 
all  nobility  and  learning,  vowing  and  endeavouring 
their  ruin  and  extirpation ;  whilst  Cade  pretended 
himself  to  be  the  lord  Mortimer,  and  next  heir  to 
the  crown,  and  no  design  against  learning  is  charged 
on  his  account.  Lastly,  Straw's  rebellion  is,  though 
most  falsely,  fathered  by  popish  writers  on  Wicliffe 
and  his  adherents,  to  have  occasioned  (at  leastwise 
connived  at)  his  commotion ;  but  I  never  met  yet 
with  any  Romanists  accusing  the  Lollards,  as  they 
term  them,  for  having  any  hand  in  Cade's  rebel- 
lion. 

23.  Now  began  the  broils  to  break  out  betwixt  A- d.  1455- 

'I'hp  Will's 

the  two  houses  of  Lancaster  and  York,  so  mutually  begin  be. 
heightened  that  scarce  a  county  betwixt  York  (the  an^Lan^'^ 
place  whence  generally  their  armies  started)  and^*®*"* 


^     [See    Stow's    Chron.   p.  bellion  was  for  real  grievances/ 

387.     Cade  was  hardly  other  but  Cade's  for  the  mere  supe- 

than  an  instrument  in  the  hands  riority  of  one  political  party 

of  Richard  Plantagenet^  duke  over  another.] 
of  York.  Further,  Straw's  re- 


462 


The  Church  History 


BOOK  IV. 


55-  London  (the  goal  they  both  aimed  to  win)  but  a  set 
—  battle  hath  been  fought  therein ;  and  if  any  one  shire 
lieth  fallow  in  this  kind,  the  next  afforded  a  double 
crop  in  that  nature,  (besides  other  counties  in  the 
marches  of  Wales,)  as  by  the  ensuing  catalogue  will 
appear. 


Plaee, 

Betwixt. 

Time. 

Number  eknn. 

Conqueror. 

I.St.  Al- 

Richard duke  of 

Annoi4S5, 

Slain  on  the  king's 

York 

bany  in 

York,  and  king 

and  34th 

side  five  thou- 

House. 

Hertford* 

Henry  the  Sixth 

of  king 

sand ;   on  the 

thire  c. 

for  Lancaster. 

Hen.  VI. 
in  June. 

duke*8  ax  hun- 
dred. 

3.  Blore 

Richard    earl    of 

Anno  1459, 

Two  thousand 

York 

Heath,  in 

Salisbury  for 

the  37th 

four  hundred, 

House. 

Staiford- 

York  ;    James 

of  Hen. 

most  Cheshire 

shire  d. 

Touchet,  lord 

VL  Sep. 

men,  slain  on 

Audley,  for 

temb.  31. 

Lancaster  side. 

Lancaster. 

3.  North- 

Richard earl  of 

Anno  1460, 

Ten  thousand 

York 

ampton  e. 

Warwick  for 

38  Hen. 

slain  and 

House. 

York,  king 

VL    oth 

drowned  on 

Henry  VI.  for 

July. 

both  sides. 

Lancaster. 

4.  Wake- 

Richard duke  of 

In  the  same 

Two  thousand  two 

Lancaster. 

field,  in 

York,    queen 

year. 

hundred  slain  on 

York. 

Margaret  for 

Dec.  31. 

York  side,  with 

shire  f. 

Lancaster. 

their  duke. 

5.  Morti- 

Edward  earl  of 

Anno  1461, 

Three  thousand 

York 

mer^s 

March,     after- 

39 Hen. 

eight  hundred 

House. 

Cross,  in 

wards  king,  for 

VL  Feb. 

slain  on  Lancas- 

Shrop- 

York; [Jasper, 

2. 

ter  side. 

shire  s. 

earl  of  Pem- 
broke, for  Lan- 
caster.] 

I 

6.  St   Al- 

Richard  earl  of 

The  same 

About  two  thou- 

Lancaster. 

ban^s,  in 

Warwick    for 

year  and 

sand  on  both 

Hertford- 

York; king 

month. 

sides. 

shire  K 

Henry  and  Mar- 
garet his  wife, 
in  person,  for 
Lancaster. 

1 7th  Feb. 

c  [See  Stow's  Chron.  398.] 
d  [Stow,  ib.  405.] 
e  [Hall's  Chron.  p.  244,  ed. 
1 809.] 


^   [Hall,  ib.  p.  250.' 
g  [Hall,  ib.  p.  251.' 
^  [The    Lancastrians    were 
headed  by  the  queen  only,  the 


CEXT.  XV. 


of  Britain. 


463 


Place. 

Betwixt, 

Time, 

Number  slain. 

Conqueror, 

7.  Towton, 

Edward  earl  of 

Same  year, 

Thirty-five  thou- 

York 

in  Not- 

March  for  York ; 

March 

sand  ninety  and 

House. 

tingham- 

king  Hen.  VI. 

29,  being 

one  on  both 

nhire* 

■ 

Palm- 
Sunday. 

sides. 

8.  Hex- 

John  Nevill,  lord 

Anno  T  464, 

Number  great, 

York 

ham,  in 

Montague;  king 

4  Edward 

but  unceitain. 

House. 

North- 

Hen.  VI.  and 

IV.  May 

iimber- 

the  queen. 

'5- 

land  K 

9.  Ban- 

William Herbert, 

Anno  1469, 

Five  thousand 

Lancaster. 

bury  or 

earl  of  Pem- 

9  Edward 

slain  in  the  place. 

Edgcot, 

broke,  for  York ; 

IV.   July 

most  of  them 

in  Uie 

Bobbin  of  Rids- 

26. 

Welshmen. 

coti  fines 

dale,  alias  Hil- 

of  Oxford 

liard,  for  Lan- 

and 

caster. 

North- 

ampton- 

shire 1. 

10.  Barnet, 

Richard  Nevill, 

Anno  1 47 1, 

Four  thousand 

York 

in  Mid- 

earl of  Warwick, 

11  Ed- 

slain on  both 

House. 

dlesex"*. 

for  liancaster ; 
kingEdward  IV. 
for  York. 

ward  IV. 
April  14, 
being 
Easter, 
day. 

sides. 

ii.Tewl^es- 

King  Edward  IV. 

In  the  same 

Three  thousand 

York 

bury,  in 

for  York ;  queen 

year,  on 

slain  of  the 

House. 

Glouces- 

Margaret and 

the  4th 

House  of  Lan- 

tershire". 

Edward  her  son 
for  liancaster. 

of  May. 

caster. 

12.  Bos- 

King  Richard  III. 

Anno  1485, 

About  four  thou- 

Lancaster. 

worth,  in 

for  York ;  Henry 

3  Richard 

sand  slain  in  all. 

Leicester. 

earl  of  Richmond 

III.  Aug. 

shire  0. 

for  Lancaster. 

22. 

A.  D.  1455. 
34  Hen.VL 


king  being  at  this  time  in  the 
hands  or  his  enemies.  See 
Hal],  ib.  252,  who  observes, 
truly  enough,  "  Happy  was  the 
**  queen  in  her  two  battles,  but 
unfortunate  was  the  king  in 
all  his  enterprizes ;  for  where 
'•  his  person  was  present  there 
'^  victory  fled  ever  from  him  to 
*'  the  other  part,  and  he  com- 


<< 


€t 


**  monly  was  subdued  and  van- 
"  quished."] 

i  [Hall,  ib.  255.  Towton  is 
in  Yorkshire.] 

^  THall,  ib.  259;  Stow,  p. 


417-] 
1 


m 
n 

o 


[Hist.  Croyland,  551.] 

;Hist.  Croyland,  555.] 

Hist.  Croyland,  555.] 

'Stow's  Chron.  p.  470.] 


464 


The  Church  History 


BOOK  IT. 


A  D.  1455- 

34  Hen.VI. 

Place. 

Betwixt. 

Time. 

Number  Min. 

Comquenr, 

13.  Stoke, 

John  de  la  Pole, 

Anno  1487, 

About  four  thou- 

in Not- 

earl of  Linooln, 

2  Hen. 

sand  (whereof 

oriather 

tingham- 

for York ;  king 

VII. 

many  Irish) 

the  two 

shire  P. 

Henry  VII.  for 

June  16. 

slain  on  botli 

houses 

Lancaster. 

sides. 

united 
in  king 
Henry 
theSe- 

venth. 

Besides  many  other  skinnishes,  (comvals  with  bat- 
tles;) so  that  such  who  consider  the  blood  lost 
therein  would  admire  England  had  any  left:  and 
such  as  observe  how  much  it  had  left  would  wonder 
it  had  any  lost,  such  still  the  populousness  thereof. 

But   these  things  the   reader  may  best  inform 

himself  out  of  the  state  historians,  and  particularly 

out   of  that  noble   Italian    author   (elegantly  and 

expressively  translated  by  the  earl  of  Monmouth) 

who  hath  written  a  large  volume,  to  the  great  credit 

of  our  English  nation,  of  the  wars  betwixt  York  and 

Lancaster.     So  that  I  could  heartily  wish  that  some 

Englishman,  in  requital  of  his  courtesy,  would  write 

the  Italian  discords  betwixt  the  Guelphs  and  Gui- 

belines. 

A.  D.  1457.     24.  It  was  much  that  in  the  midst  of  so  many 

Coi£g«in  miseries  of  civil  wars,  William,  sumamed  Patten, 

founded  by  ^^^  ^^^  parents,  but  Waynfleet,  from  the  place  of 

Wa^eet  ^^®  nativity^,  now  bishop   of  Winchester,   should 

found  the  fair  college  dedicated  to  Mary  Magdalen, 

in  Oxford,  for  one  president,  forty  fellows,  thirty 

demies,   four   chaplains,   eight   clerks,  and    sixteen 


P  [Stow,  p.  472.] 
q  [A  sea-port  town  in  the 
county  of  Lincoln.     Like  Chi- 


chele,  he  received  his  education 
in  Oxford.] 


CEKT.  XV.  of  Britain.  465 

choristers,  which  number  can  never  be  increased ;  a.  d.  1457. 
but  though  this  foundation  cannot  be  made  broader  !i^!!:Ii 
or  longer,  (admit  of  more  members,)  yet  may  it  be 
made  deeper,  and  is  capable  of  benefactors'  charity 
to  augment  the  maintenance  of  the  aforesaid  num- 
ber. This  William  Waynfleet  first  founded  Mag- 
dalen Hall,  hard  by  ^  (as  scriveners  use  to  try  their 
pens  on  a  small  piece  of  paper,  before  they  begin 
what  they  fairly  intend  to  write,)  and  afterwards 
undertook  and  finished  this  far  more  stately  piece  of 
architecture ;  for  whoso  observeth  the  magnificence 
of  the  structure,  the  numerousness  of  the  corpora- 
tion, the  largeness  of  their  endowments,  and  the 
mutual  concinnity  of  all  parts  amongst  themselves 
therein,  may  possibly  find  out  a  college  which  may 
exceed  it  in  some,  but  hardly  any  tbat  will  equal  it 
in  all  accommodations;  where  nothing  is  wanting 
for  health  and  pleasure,  except  some  will  say  that 
Mary  Maudlin  weepeth  too  much,  and  the  walks 
sometunes  too  wet  and  moist  from  the  depressed 
situation  thereof. 

25.  Nor  hath  this  house  been  less  fruitful  than  The  many 
any  with  famous  persons ;  and  it  is  observable  that  bred 
there  is  scarce  a  bishopric  in  England  to  which  this   ^^'^^ 
college  hath  not  aflForded  one  prelate  at  the  least, 
(doubling  her  files  in  some  places,)  as  by  the  ensuing 
catalogue  vrill  appear. 

'  [He   obtained    a    licence     in  1448.     Wood's  Hist,  of  the 
from  the  king  for  that  purpose     University,  307.] 


rULLER,  VOL.  IT.  H  h 


466 


The  Church  Hutory 


BOOK  iv. 


A.D.  1459. 
37  Hen.  VI. 


PresidenU, 

Ben^actoTt, 

BiMhopi. 

Wriien. 

[1448.]  Mr.  John 

King  Henry 

John 

John  Voy- 

John  day. 

Homley. 
[1458.]  Mr.  Wil- 

the Seventh. 

Stokesley, 

sey,  W- 

mood,  after- 

Thomas In- 

bishop  of 

shop  of 

wards  pre- 

liam  Ty. 

gledeu, 

London, 

Exeter, 

sident  of 

bard. 

chapl^  to 

1530. 

1520- 

Corpus 

[1480.]  Mr.  Ri. 

the  founder. 

Thomas 

WilKam 

Christ!  s. 

chard 

Wilh'am 

Cooper, 

Brad- 

John 

Mayo. 

Fitz.i\lan, 

bishop  of 

bridge, 

Hooker  t. 

[1504.]  Mr.  John 

earl  of 

Winches- 

bishop of 

Michad 

Clay- 

Arundel. 

ter,  1584. 

Exeter;, 

Rem'ger*. 

mond. 

John  For- 

1578. 

John  Fox, 

[1516.    JohnHyg. 

man. 

John  liong- 

Richard 

antbor  of 

den, 

Mr.  Hygden, 

land,  bi- 

Mayo, 

theKonkof 

D.D.] 

pres. 

shop  of 

bishop  of 

Martyrs. 

[1535.   Lawrence 

John  Clay- 

Linodn, 

Hereford, 

Thomas 

Stubbs, 

mond. 

i5ai. 

1504. 

Cooper, 

D.D.] 

pres. 

Thomas 

ifitm  Har- 

who  wrote 

[1537.]  Dr.  [Tho- 

Robert Mor- 

Bentham, 

ley,  bi- 

theg^reat 

mas] 

went. 

bishop  of 

shop  of 

Dictionary. 

Knolles. 

John  Molins, 

Coventry 

Hereford, 

Robert  Crow- 

['53S-] Mr. 

archdeacon 

and  Lich- 

I553* 

ley  X. 

[Owen] 

of  [Paul's,] 

field, 

Peter  Mor- 

Ogle- 

London. 

[*SS9-] 

vingy. 

thorpe. 

Dr.  John 

Wilh'am 

Thomas 

Alan  Copes 

[i55a«    Walter 

Warner, 

Overton, 

Bickley, 

proctor  of 

Haddon, 

last  bishop 

bishop  of 

bishop  of 

the  univer- 

D.  C.  L.] 

of  Roches- 

Coventry 

Chiches- 

fflty, 1558. 

[i553«    Owen 

ter. 

and  Lich- 

ter, 1585. 

Julius 

0^ 

field, 

Pahner, 

thorpe, 

[1580.] 

mart. 

D.D.,the 

Accepted 

John  War- 

Dr.Lawrencft 

second 

Frewen, 

ner,  bi- 

Humphrey. 

time.] 

bishop  of 

shop  of 

JdmBudd^ 

[1555O  Mr.  [Ar. 

Coventry 

Rodies- 

doctor  of 

thur] 

and  Lich- 

ter, 1637. 

law,  who 

Cole. 

field, 

wrote  many 

[1558-]  Mr.  [Tho- 

1644. 

men's  lives 

mas]  Co- 

Henry 

John  Bul- 

inelegant 

veney. 

Cotton, 

lingham. 

Latin. 

[156 1.]  Dr.  Law. 

bishop  of 

bishop  of 

renoe 

Salisbury, 

Bristol 

Hum- 

1598. 

and  Glou- 

phrey. 

cester, 
holding 
both  to- 
gether. 

4 

1581. 

• 

»  Pitz.  in  vita,  p.  688. 

*  Idem,  p.  730. 

^  Bale,  cent.  ix.  §  73. 

*  Idem  ib.  §.  80. 


y  Pitz.  in  vita,  p.  757. 

z  Brian  Twyne,  Antiquit. 
Academ.  Oxon.  in  Catal.  Pro- 
curatorum. 


CENT.  XV. 


of  Britain. 


467 


A.  D.  1459. 

Pre9ident9. 

BenefadorB, 

Bishops. 

WrUert. 

37  Hen.  VI. 

[1590.]  Dr.  Nicho- 

Thomas         Oeorge 

Dr.  Henry 

las  Bond. 

Godwin,           Cotys, 

Hammond. 

[1607.]  Dr.  John 

hishop  of         bishop  of 

Dr.  Peter 

Harding. 

Bath  and         Chester, 

Heylyn. 

[i6ia]  Dr.  Wil- 

Wells,            1554. 

•    • 

liam 

1584- 

Langton. 

Thomas          William 

[1636.]  Dr.  Ac- 

Wolsey,         Down- 

cepted 

archbishop       ham,  bi- 

Frewen. 

of  York,          shop  of 

. 

[1644.]  I^*  Joiin 

15 15.               Chester, 

Oliver'. 

1561. 

[1648.]  Dr.  John 

John  Piers,     Owen  Ogle- 

Wilkin. 

archbishop       thorpe. 

son. 

of  York,          bishop  of 

[1649.]  Dr.  Tho- 

1588.               Carlisle, 

mas  God- 

'557 »>• 

win. 

• 

Give  me  leave  to  suspect  this  catdogue  of  pre- 
sidents not  complete*^  (though  set  forth  by  their 
great  antiquary  \)  both  because  Dr.  Hygden  (avowed 
president  in  the  list  of  benefactors  ®)  is  therein  omit- 
ted, as  also  Dr.  Walter  Haddon*",  whom  we  find 
president  hereof  in  the  beginning  of  queen  Mary. 


*  [He  was  ejected  by  the 
Parliamentarians  in  1647,  and 
Dr.  John  Wilkinson,  principal 
of  Magdalen  Hall,  and  a  noted 
presbyterian  preacher,  put  in 
his  place.  He  dying,  the  no- 
torious Thomas  Goodwyn  was 
appointed  by  Oliver  Crom- 
weU.] 

*>  [Thirty-six  bishops  are 
enumerated  in  Wood,  to  the 
death  of  Dr.  Thomas  Thurlow, 
bishop  of  Lincoln,  in  1779. 
Wood,  ib.  321.] 

^  [The  deficient  names  and 
dates  I  have  supplied  and  in- 
cluded in  brackets,  in  the  ac- 
count of  this  as  well  as  of  the 
other  colleges.] 

H 


d  Vide  in  calce  libri.  [I 
suppose  he  refers  to  Br.  Twyne, 
who  has  only  enumerated  the 
first  eleven.] 

e  Vide  Scot's  Tables  [at  the 
end  of  Isaacson's  Chronology.] 

^  L.  Humphrey,  in  the  Life 
of  Bishop  Jewel,  p.  71,  [ed. 
iS73«]  Walter  Haddon  was 
regius  professor  of  law  in  the 
university  of  Cambridge.  Seve- 
ral mandates  were  sent  by  fid- 
ward  VI.  to  compel  the  fellows 
of  that  society  to  receive  him 
as  their  president.  He  held  it 
for  a  short  time,  and  on  the 
death  of  the  king,  the  next 
year,  resigned  for  fear  of  ex- 
pulsion.     See  Wood,  ib.  516.] 

h2 


468 


The  Church  Hisiory 


BOOK  IT. 


A.D.  145a  At  this  day  there  are  therein  a  preodent»  fi^ty  M- 
lows,  thirty  demies  or  scholars,  four  ehaplahw,  eight 
clerks,  sixteen  choristers,  one  schoolmaster,  and  an 
usher ;  three  readers  of  diyinity,  natural  and  moral 
philosophy :  besides  divers  officers  and  servants  of 
the  foundation,  with  other  students:  being  in  all 
two  hundred  and  twenty. 
A.  D.  1461.  26.  King  Henry  being  conquered  in  a  fetal  battle 
the  Fourth  at  TowtoD,  in  Nottinghamshire,  fled  wiUi  his  queen 
S^  ^  into  Scotland ;  and  to  make  himself  the  more  wel- 
^^'^^v'^^  come,  resigned  Berwick  to  the  king  thereof^.  Ed- 
ward duke  of  York,  his  adversary,  reigned  in  his 
stead  by  the  name  of  Edward  the  Fourth,  who,  next 
to  God  and  his  own  right,  had  just  cause  to  thank 
Richard  Nevill,  earl  of  Warwick,  for  his  crown. 
This  was  that  Nevill  who,  for  extraction,  estate^ 
alliance,  dependents,  wisdom,  valour,  success,  and 
popularity,  was  superior  to  any  English  subject  since 
the  Conquest.  People's  love  he  chiefly  purchased 
by  his  hospitality,  keeping  so  open  an  house  that 
he  was  most  welcome  who  brought  the  best  stomach 
with  him ;  the  earl  charitably  believing  that  all  who 
were  men  of  teeth  were  men  of  arms.  Any  that 
looked  like  a  man  might  have  in  his  house  a  full 
half  yard  of  roast  meat ;  namely,  so  much  as  he 
could  strike  through  and  carry  away  with  his  dag- 


g  [After  the  fatal  battle  of 
St.  Alban's,  Edward  earl  of 
March  entered  London  the  28tli 
of  February,  1461,  where,  by 
the  favour  of  the  Londoners 
and  the  Kent  and  Essex  men, 
he  was  proclaimed  king,  and 
began  his  reign  upon  the  4th 
of  March.     The  battle   here 


mentioned  was  fongjit  between 
Towton  and  SaxUm,  in  York- 
shire, upon  Palm  Sunday,  the 
29th  of  March  following,  and 
may  be  considered  as  the  deci- 
sive blow  which  settled  the 
throne  of  the  new  king.  See 
Stow's  Chron.  p.  415.3 


CENT.  XV. 


of  Britain. 


469 


ger  K    The  bear  was  his  crest ;  and  it  may  be  truly  a.  d.  146  i. 

said  that  when  the  bear  roared  the  lions  of  the  forest '- — 1 

trembled,  the  kings  of  England  themselves  being 
at  his  disposal. 

27.  This  king's  reign  aflFordeth  very  little  church  why  Httie 
story,  and  therefore  Mr.  Fox  (whose  industry  would  tory  in  this 
have  found  out  church-matter,  if  above  ground,)  is,^* 
fain  to  fill  it  up  with  foreign  passages  or  domestic 
relations  of  our  civil  differences.     Indeed  now  the 
sound  of  all  bells  in  the  steeples  was  drowned  with 

the  noise  of  drums  and  trumpets ;  and  yet  this  good 
was  done  by  the  civil  wars,  it  diverted  the  prelates 
from  troubling  the  Lollards ;  so  that  this  very  storm 
was  a  shelter  to  those  poor  souls,  and  the  heat  of 
these  intestine  enmities  cooled  the  persecution 
against  them. 

28.  Thomas  Bourchier,  archbishop  of  Canterbury,  a.  d.  1462. 
kept  a  synod  of  his  clergy  at  London,  when  Geoffrey  vi^es^" 
Langbroke,  a  member  thereof,  (as  proctor  for  Peter  I^^f °^ 
Courtney,  archdeacon  of  Exeter,)  was,  at  the  suit 

of  Simon  Notyngham,  arrested  by  the  bailiffs  of  the 
lord  major.  Complaint  being  made  hereof  to  the 
convocation,  they  sent  the  prior  of  Canterbury  to  the 
major  and  sheriffs,  to  restore  the  aforesaid  Geoffrey 
to  his  liberty,  threatening  them  else  with  excom- 
munication ;  to  prevent  which  the  party  was  re- 
leased \     The  parliament,  sitting  at  the  same  time, 


^  Stow'8  Aimalsy  p.  421, 
[and  Survey,  p.  72.] 

i  Antiq.  Brit.  p.  439 ;  [Wil- 
kins's  Cone.  ill.  578.  This 
synod  was  held  in  1460,  and 
not  in  1462,  previous  to  grant- 
ing the  charters  mentioned  in 
the  former  note,  and  to  which 


the  resolutions  of  this  synod 
appear  to  have  been  prepara- 
tory. See  Wilkins,  ib.  A 
convocation  was  indeed  held 
2 1st  July,  1462,  but  nothing 
else  appears  in  the  register  ex- 
cepting their  grant  of  a  tenth 
to  the  king.] 

H  h  3 


470  The  Church  HUtory  book  iy. 

A.  D.  1463.  bestowed  many  privileges  on  the  clergy  ^.     As  for 


the  other  synods  in  this  king's  reign,  being  six  as 
I  account  them,  little  more  than  granting  of  sub- 
sidies was  propounded  and  concluded  therein. 
AjD.1463.  29-  King  Henry  returned  out  of  Scotland,  fiir- 
Henry  uishod  with  Sufficient  forces  from  James  the  Third 
routed  and  to  recoYcr  his  crowu,  had  success  befriended  him ; 
impriaoiMd.  1^^^  king  Edward  marched  against  him  in  person, 

(one  means  of  his  being  so  fortunate  in  his  fights, 
seeing  in  peace  the  master  his  eye  maketh  the  fat 
horse,  as  the  prince's  in  war  the  valiant  horse-rider,) 
totally  defeated,  took,  and  imprisoned  him  in  the 
Tower.  Here,  whilst  churchmen  observe  how  ten- 
der-eyed the  charity,  statesmen  admire  how  blind 
the  policy  of  that  age,  in  keeping  king  Henry  aKve. 
No  such  sure  prison  for  a  captive  king  as  a  grave, 
whose  life,  though  in  restraint,  is  a  fair  mark  for  the 
full  aim  of  malcontents  to  practise  his  enlargement. 
As  here  it  fell  out  in  king  Henry,  who,  either 
slighted  for  his  simplicity  that  he  could  do  no  mis- 
chief, or  reverenced  for  his  sanctity  that  he  should 
suffer  no  ill,  was  preserved  alive,  and  reserved 
thereby  to  be  a  future  trouble  to  king  Edward,  who, 
though  valiant  to  repel,  was  not  wise  to  foresee 
dangers,  and  now,  conceiving  himself  sure,  was 
viciously  disposed,  and  given  over  to  too  much  licen- 
tiousness. 
A.  D.  1465.     30.  Richard  Nevill,  earl  of  Warwick,  is  sent  over 

The  earl  of 

^  [It  was  in  the  November  of  cuting  or  defending  any  suits  in 

this  year  that  the  king^  with  the  any  other   than   the   spiritual 

authority    of  the   parliament,  courts.     Printed  in  Rymer,  xi. 

granted  that  celebrated  charter  493  ;   Wilkins,  Cone.  iii.  583. 

to  the  clergy  by  which  they  were  See  also  Collier,  i.  679,  and 

exempted  from  being  arrested  or  App.  §.52.      Carte's  History 

tried  by  the  laity,  or  from  prose-  of  England,  II.  766.] 


CENT.  XV. 


of  Britain. 


471 


into  France  to  obtain  the  lady  Bona,  daughter  to  a.  0.1465. 
the  duke  of  Savoy \  wife  to  king  Edward"*.     So 5 — II 1 


Warwick 


powerfiil  a  spokesman  could  not  but  speed,  and  all  takes  juat 
things  are  concluded,  save  the  meeting  of  the  parties  ^^^!* 
and  a  priest  to  marry  them.    Meantime  king  Edward  ''^»^- 
marrieth  the  lady  Elizabeth  Grey  °,  the  first  English 


^  [And  sister  to  the  queen 
of  France.  Stow,  p.  618.] 
»  [Fox,  Mon.  i.  934.] 
^  QWidow  of  sir  John  Grey, 
who  was  slain  at  St.  Alban's  on 
the  side  of  king  Henry.  Her 
mother  was  Jaquelin,  daughter 
of  Peter  of  Luxembourg,  E. 
of  S.  Paul,  duchess  of  BediFord. 
The  marriage  was  kept  secret 
nearly  half  a  year.  See  a  very 
romantic  story  respecting  this 
marriage  in  Hume's  Hist.  iii. 
236,  ed.  1767.  According  to 
Stow  and  our  other  chroniclers 
this  was  not  the  only  affront, 
unintentional  or  designed,  which 
the  king  offered  to  the  earl  of 
"Warwick,  for  at  this  time  he 
took  away  the  chancellorship 
from  the  bishop  of  Exeter^  the 
earl's  brother^  and  gave  it  to 
the  bishop  of  Bath.  See  Stow, 
41 8.  But,  unfortunately  for 
this  plausible  narrative,  the 
acts  of  the  kingdom  are  entirely 
against  it.  The  great  seal  was 
not  taken  away  from  George 
NevUl,  the  earl's  brother,  until 
June  8,  1467,  (Rymer's  Foed. 
vol.  V.  p.  144,  ed.  3a.)  two  years 
after  he  had  been  translated  to 
York ;  and  that,  in  all  proba- 
bility, because  his  absence  in 
his  diocese  rendered  it  impos- 
sible for  him  to  perform  the 
duties  of  the  chancellorship. 
As  a  proof  of  this,  (which  pro- 
bably was  the   origin  of  this 


error  into  which  most  of  our 
writers  have  fedlen,)  upon  April 
loth  this  year,  1464,  on  ac- 
count of  the  bishop's  journey 
to  Newcastle,  where  he  went 
as  one  of  the  commissioners  to 
treat  with  Scotland,  the  great 
seal  was  put  in  commission  till 
his  return.  Rymer,  ib.  120. 
The  same  tiling  had  been  done 
August  21, 1463,  when  he  was 
appointed  a  commissioner  to 
treat  with  France  at  St.  Omer's. 
Rymer,  ib.  116.  On  February 
7th,  1469,  two  years  after  the 
taking  away  of  the  great  seal, 
the  king  granted  to  the  arch- 
bishop and  his  heirs  the  manor 
of  Penley,  with  all  its  appurte- 
nances, in  the  counties  of  Hert- 
ford and  Buckinghamshire, 
(Rymer,  ib.  168,)  according  to 
Carte,  for  the  archbishop's  good 
offices  in  procuring  a  reconcilia- 
tion between  the  king  and  the 
earl.  Upon  the  17th  of  August, 
the  same  year,  Richard,  the 
great  earl  of  Warwick,  the  arch- 
bishop's brother,  was  appointed 
chief  justiciary  of  South  Wales, 
constable  of  Cardigan,  &c.  (Ry- 
mer, ib.  171,)  besides  being 
appointed,  the  23  d  of  February 
in  the  same  year,  a  commis- 
sioner for  inquiring  into  the 
division  of  the  lands  of  Picardy, 
(Ib.  169,)  and  on  the  7th  of 
May,  1470,  joined  with  the 
duke  of  Clarence  in  a  commis- 


H  h  4 


472 


The  Church  History 


BOOK  IT. 


A.  D.  1465. 
5  Edw.  IV. 


A.  D.I  469. 
King  Ed. 
ward  taken 
prisoner, 
and  king 
Henry  en- 
larged. 


king  who  since  the  Conquest  wedded  his  subject ;  I 
might  also  add,  and  the  first  that  matched  with  a 
widow,  seeing  Eleanor,  wife  to  king  Henry  the 
Second,  divorced  from  Lewis  the  younger,  king  of 
France,  was  properly  neither  maid  nor  widow.  War- 
wick stormeth  hereat,  that  he  had  taken  so  much 
pains  about  nothing,  highly  sensible  of  the  affiront, 
seeing  a  potent  arm  is  not  to  be  employed  about  a 
sleeveless  errand.  He  resolves  revenge;  and  be- 
cause he  could  not  make  her  queen  whom  he  desired, 
he  would  make  him  king  whom  he  pleased. 

81 .  Take  hereof  this  cursory  account :  After  many 
bloody  battles,  king  Edward  was  taken  prisoner  at 
Wolney,  in  Warwickshire,  and  committed  by  the 


sion  of  array,  by  letters  patent 
tested  at  Waltham  Abbey.  lb. 
173.  Till  this  period  the  earl  of 
Warwick  was  loaded  with  a  suc- 
cession of  honours;  and  the  pub- 
lic acts  of  the  kingdom,  suffici- 
ently testified  by  the  documents 
published  in  Rymer,  tested  al- 
most without  exception  at  West- 
minster^ without  so  much  as  a 
month's  interval  between  them, 
throw  great  suspicion  on  the 
whole  of  this  account  of  king 
Edward's  capture  and  his  dis- 
sension with  the  War  wicks. 

Secondly,  had  the  earl  ever 
been  sent  into  France  to  nego- 
ciate  a  marriage  with  the  lady 
Bona,  it  would  scarcely  have 
escaped  the  notice  of  Corn- 
mines.  According  to  a  conti- 
nuation of  the  Chronicle  of 
Croyland,  published  by  Gale  in 
his  Decern  Seriptores,  the  dis- 
sension between  the  king  and 
the  earl  of  Warwick  was  occa- 
sioned by  king  Edward  giving 


his  sister  Margaret  in  marriage 
to  Charles,  eldest  son  of  PhiHp 
duke  of  Burgundy,  contrary  to 
the  wishes  of  the  earl,  who 
favoured  the  king  of  France. 
This  marriage  was  solemnized 
in  1467,  and^  added  to  the  dis- 
content which  had  been  already 
occasioned  by  the  king's  mar- 
riage, produced  an  open  rup- 
ture. Hist.  Croylandensis^  p. 
551.  The  same  Chronicle  states 
that  when  the  king  was  taken 
prisoner^  he  was  allowed  to  es- 
cape by  the  express  consent  of 
the  earl ;  for  the  party  of  king 
Henry  gathering  strength  in 
the  marches  of  Scotland,  and 
headed  by  Humphrey  Nevyl, 
would  have  prevailed  once  more, 
had  not  the  earl  raised  a  power 
against  them  in  king  Edward's 
name,  and^  for  a  better  colour 
to  this  purpose,  allowed  him  to 
appear  at  liberty.  Carte,  how- 
ever, doubts  the  truth  of  this 
tale  altogether.] 


CENT.  XV.  of  Britain.  478 

earl  of  Warwick  to   the   custody  of  his   brother,  a.  d.  14^. 
George    Nevill,   archbishop    of    York.      Henry   is? — ^' 
brought  out  of  the  Tower — shall  I  call  him  the  a.  d.  1470. 
sixth  or  the  seventh,  because  dead,  (though  not  in 
law,  in  dignity,)  and  once  deposed,  he  is  now  restored 
again  to  wear  the  royal  robes,  not  so  much  as  his  own 
garments,  but  as  the  livery  [of]  the  earl  of  Warwick 
his  liberality.     However  he  acted  a  very  short  part 
of  sovereignty,  wherein  he  revenged  not  any  personal 
wrongs  offered  u^to  him  in  his  restraint;  for  one 
who  thrust  him  into  the  side  with  a  sword,  when  he 
was  prisoner  in  the  Tower,  was  afterwards  pardoned 
by  him  when  restored  to  his  former  dignity. 

82.  Meantime  the  archbishop  allowed  kin?  Edward  Edward  es- 

caped  flieth 

liberty  to  ride  abroad  and  follow  his  pleasure ;  now  a  beyond  sea, 

11  •       .  i_    i_  •  •  •  J  and  return- 

careless  keeper  giveth  his  pnsoner  a  warning,  andeth. 

sheweth  him  a  way  to  make  his  escape.  King 
Edward  followeth  his  hawking  so  long,  that  he 
taketh  his  own  flight  at  last.  Over  he  gets  beyond 
the  seas  to  his  brother-in-law,  Charles  duke  of  Bur- 
gundy, by  whom  he  was  supplied  to  the  proportion 
of  a  competent  subsistence,  but  not  enabled  for  the 
recovering  of  a  crown  °.  However  he  returned  intoA.D.1471. 
England,  landed  in  the  north,  marched  to  York, 
desired  to  be  received  therein,  as  into  the  place 
whence  he  received  his  title,  but  in  no  other  notion 
than  a  subject  to  king  Henry,  taking  the  sacrament 
on  the  truth  thereof;  but  having  gotten  the  city  as 


°  [The  duke  supplied  him  be  a  direct  interference  of  Pro- 

both  with  naval  and  military  vidence ;  for  it  was  the  same 

forces  for  the  recovery  of  the  place  where  Henry  IV.  landed 

crown.   Hist.  Croyland.  p*  554.  upon  his  insurrection  against 

He  landed  at  Holdemess,  an  Richard  II.] 
act  in  which  there  seemed  to 


474  7%e  CImrch  Hutary  book  iv. 

A.D.i47i.duke.  he  kept  it  as  kinir,  contrary  to  his  oath,  for 

1 1  Edw  IV  c?  ^ 

1-J  which  his  children  are  conceived  to  faxe  no  whit  the 

better. 
?*"°''^**^      88.  Let  the  state  historians  inform  you  with  what 

toe  croim  *^ 

hf  ooo-  various  changes  king  Edward  made  hence  into  the 
south,  and  at  last,  near  Bamet,  bid  battle  to  and 
defeated  the  earl  of  Warwick,  slain  with  his  brother 
the  marquis  Montague  on  the  place  p.  Learn  also 
from  them  how  king  Henry  was  cruelly  put  to 
death,  and  his  son  and  queen  Margaret  soon  after 
overthrown  at  Tewkesbury.  For  when  a  royal 
family  is  once  falling,  all  things  conduce  to  expedite 
their  destruction.  Henceforward  king  Edward  (sav- 
ing the  differences  of  his  own  with  his  wife's  kin- 
dred) passed  the  remnant  of  his  days  in  much  peace, 
plenty,  and  pleasure, 
whymort  34.  In  most  of  the  battles,  we  may  observe,  it 
make  for  wias  the  word-general  of  the  weaker  side,  "For 
London,  for  London  !"  as  the  most  martial  thrift  to 
conquer  a  kingdom  in  a  city ;  for  such  whose  neces- 
sities can  allow  their  armies  but  little  time  to  stay, 
do  bum  daylight  in  pelting  against  petty  towns  in 
the  outskirts  of  a  land,  especially  if  all  other  human 
hopes  be  in  one  desperate  push.  Hence  was  it  that 
so  many  battles  were  fought  about  Bamet  and  St. 
Alban's,  (the  cockpit  of  war,)  the  lines  of  all  armies 
drawn  from  the  circumference  of  the  land  being  the 
closer  together  the  nearer  they  approached  London, 
the  centre  in  trade  and  wealth,  though  not  in  exact 
position  thereof. 


Londoii. 


Brawls  be-      35.  Como  we  uow  to  a  tamer  contest,  and  more 

twixtmen-  ,       ,  n      i  .      -•  •       ,        . 

dicanto  and  proper  for  our  pen,  contmumg  all  this  kmgs  time, 

secular 

Hi. 

P  [See  Hist.  Croyland,  555.] 


CENT.  XV.  of  Britain.  4/75 

betwixt  the  heggmg  friars  and  secular  priests;  the  a.  p.  1471. 

former  not  content  to  cry  up  the  dignity  of  their 

own  order,  but  cast  contempt  on  the  rest  of  the 
clergy.  But  these  bold  beggars  met  with  as  bold 
sayers  nay;  I  mean  these  mendicants  found  their 
matches  in  the  secular  priests,  effectually  humbling 
their  pride  herein;  for  it  was  beheld  as  a  most 
pestiferous  doctrine,  the  friars  so  heightening  the 
perfection  of  begging,  that  according  to  their  prin- 
ciples all  the  priesthood  and  prelacy  in  the  land, 
yea,  by  consequence  the  pope  himself,  did  fall  short 
of  the  sanctity  of  their  order.  Yet  hard  was  it  for 
them  to  persuade  his  holiness  to  quit  Peter's  patri- 
mony, and  betake  himself  to  poverty;  although  a 
friar  (Thomas  Holden  by  name)  did  not  blush  to 
preach  at  Paul's  Cross,  in  1465,  that  Christ  himself, 
as  first  founder  of  their  society,  was  a  beggar;  a 
manifest  untruth,  and  easily  confuted  out  of  Scrip- 
ture ^. 

86.  For  vast  the  difference  betvrixt  begging  and  Christ 
taking  what  the  bounty  of  others  doth  freely  confer, duced tobe 
as  our  Saviour  did  from  such  who  ministered  unto^^*^^^^^' 
him    of  their    substance '.      We  never  read   him 
begging  any  thing,  save  when  from  the  woman  of 
Samaria "  he  asked  water,  a  creature  so  common  and 
needful  that  it  was  against  the  law  of  nature  to 
deny  it  him.     Nor  is  it  probable  he  was  a  men- 


4    Fox,  Acts,  &c.  [i.  939.  from  it  in   Fox  shew  that  it 

From  a  chronicle  in  MS.  enti-  must  have  been  of  considerable 

tied  **  Scala  Mundi,"  written  value  for  this  obscure  period  of' 

probably  by  Nicholas  Monta-  our  history.  See  Bale's  Script, 

cute,  see  Bale's  Cent.viii.  §.  25.  viii.  §.31.] 
It  is  much  to  be  regretted  that         '  Luke  viii.  3. 
this  chronicle  is  nowhere  now         ^  John  iy.  7. 
to  be  found,  as  the  extracts 


476  The  Chmrtk  Hutary  book  n. 

^^^4^- dicant,  who  was  rated  in  the  publican's  toll-book, 

and  paid  tribute  unto  Caesar  ^     Not  to  say  that  he 

was  so  bi  from  begging,  that  it  was  his  custom 
(especiallj  about  the  time  of  the  passover)  to  relieve 
others,  and  Judas  his  purse-bearer  was  his  almoner 
to  distribute  to  the  poor  *. 
Writm  37.  Here  it  will  not  be  amiss  to  reckon  up  the 
STtiie  *^  principal  champions  on  both  sides,  whose  pens  pub- 
licly appeared : 

For  Mendicants. 

i.  Henry  Parker,  a  Carmelite,  bred  in  Cambridge, 
living  afterwards  in  Doncaster  convent,  imprisoned 
for  preaching  ^. 

ii.  John  Milverton,  bred  in  Oxford,  Carmelite  of 
Bristol,  being  excommunicated  by  the  bishop  of 
London,  and  appealing  to  the  pope,  foimd  no  favour, 
but  was  kept  three  years  captive  in  St.  Angelo  y. 

Against  Mendicants. 

i.  Thomas  Wilton,  doctor  of  both  laws,  and,  say 
some,  dean  of  St.  Paul's,  most  zealous  in  his  preach- 
ings and  disputings  '. 

ii.  William  Ivie,  canon  of  St.  Paul's  in  London, 
who  wrote  very  learnedly  in  the  defence  of  Richard 
Hill,  bishop  of  London,  who  imprisoned  two  men- 
dicants for  their  proud  preaching  ". 

But  after  pope  Paul  the  Second  had  interposed 
herein,  concluding  "  Q^wd  Christus  publice  mendica- 
**  wV,  pro  damnata  {Jueresi]  undique  declarandam  et 

^  Matt.  xvii.  24.  7  Idem.  p.  673. 

^  John  xiii.  29.  '  Idem.  p.  659. 

*  Pitz.  p.  660.  a  Idem.  p.  654. 


CENT.  XV. 


of  Britain, 


477 


**  conculcandam  esse\''  the  mendicants  let  fell  their  a.  d.  147 1. 

bucklers,  and  the  controversy  sunk  in  silence,  never  ^ '■ — .* 

more  revived  ^. 

88.  Never  had  England  at  once  two  archbishops  a  prodigi. 

i»  "I  •    "I  i        i«  .L     A-i_»       x»  1      OU8  feast  at 

of  SO  high  extraction  as  at  this  time  ;  namely,  an  arch- 
Thomas  Bourchier,  son  of  Henry  earl  of  Essex,  and  g^^^^' 
George  Nevill,  brother  to  the  great  earl  of  Warwick. 
The  latter  is  famous  for  a  prodigious  feast,  wherein 
whoso  noteth  the  number  and  quality  of  the  guests, 
(all  the  nobility,  most  of  the  prime  clergy,  many  of 
the  great  gentry,)  will  wonder  where  he  got  meat 
for  so  many  mouths ;  whilst  such  who  number  the 
dishes  thereof  will  more  admire  where  he  got  mouths 
for  so  much  meat.     But  see  the  bill  of  fare : 


Quarters  of  wheat  ^ 

300 

Tuns  of  ale 

•                                 « 

330 

Tuns  of  wine 

• 

104 

Pipes  of  spiced 

wine    . 

2 

Fat  oxen     . 

.         1 

80 

Wild  bulls 

•         i 

6 

Wethers 

•         4 

.       1004 

Hogs 

.         • 

300 

Calves 

•         i 

300 

Geese 

■         < 

.       3000 

Capons 

•         < 

3200 

Pigs 

•         t 

300 

Peacocks    . 

• 

100 

^  [Scala  Mundi,  quoted  by 
Pox,  ib.] 

c  [From  this  period,  and 
owing  to  this  circumstance,  the 
influence  of  the  mendicant  or- 
ders gradually  declined.  In 
the  year  1458  Milverton  wrote 
to  Pius  II.,  detailing  the  whole 
process  of  this  dispute,  and  ar- 


raigning the  conduct  of  Regi- 
nald Pecock.  Not  however 
succeeding  in  his  application, 
nor  obtaining  any  favour,  he 
returned  to  London,  and  died  in 
1 486.  See  Pitz.  p.  674.  Wood's 
Hist.  Univ.  Oxon.  in  a.  145  7  sq.] 
d  Godwin,  \J)e  Praesul.  Ang. 
p.  695.] 


4n                Ti 

KOkni^tfo] 

BOOK  IT. 

A.D.I4TI.             Gnnee 

!M)0 

""•■"■             Kids 

soo 

Chickens 

2000 

PigMDS 

4000 

Babbits 

4000 

Bittnin 

204 

Dufto 

4000 

Henuem 

400 

Pheasants 

200 

Partridges 

500 

Woodcocks 

4000 

PloTera 

400 

Cndews 

100 

Qnail> 

100 

Egrets 

1000 

Keee 

200 

Bucks,  docs,  and  roes,  more 

than  400 

Hot  Teoison  pasties 

1506 

Cold  TeiiiBon  pasties     . 

4000 

Dishes  of  jeUj  parted  . 

1000 

Dishes  of  jeUy  phun     . 

4000 

Tarts 

400 

Cold  custards 

4000 

Hot  custaids 

2000 

Pikes 

SOO 

Breams 

300 

Seals 

8 

Potpoises    ■ 

4 

Earl  of  Warwick,  steward. 

Earl  of  Bedford,  treasurer. 

Lord  Hastings,  controller;  with 

many  more  noble 

officers. 

Servitors     . 

1000 

Cooks 

62 

Kitcheners 

515 

CENT.  XV. 


of  Britain, 


479 


People  present  at  this  feast  needed  strong  sto-A.D.  1471. 

.       iiEdw.IV. 

machs  to  devour,  and  others  absent  stronger  faith 1-^ 

to  believe  so  much  meat  at  one  time.  Take  the 
proportion  by  sheep,  whereof  magnificent  Solomon 
spent  but  an  hundred  a  day  in  his  sumptuous  court  ®, 
and  here  were  ten  times  as  many  expended  at  this 
feast  as  he  in  a  day's  provision  for  all  his  numerous 
retinue.  How  long  this  entertainment  lasted  is 
uncertain ;  but  by  the  pork,  doves,  and  woodcocks 
eaten  therein,  it  plainly  appears  kept  in  winter, 
when  such  are  in  season ;  and  how  the  same  can  be 
reconciled  with  so  much  summer  fowl  as  was  here 
used  I  little  know,  and  less  care  to  resolve. 

89-  But   seven  years   after,  this  archbishop,  to  a.  0.1472. 
entertain  king  Edward,  made  another  feast  at  More  ^^^ 
Park,  in  Hertfordshire,  inferior  to  the  former  for^«»«iu^ 
plenty,  yet  perchance  equalling  it  in  price ;  for  the 
king  seized  on  all  his  estate,  to  the  value  of  twenty 
thousand  pounds,  amongst  which  he  found  so  rich  a 
mitre  that  he  made  himself  a  crown  thereof  ^.     The 


sion. 


«( 


« 


«  I  Kings  iv.  23 . 
^  [*' George  Nevil,  archbishop 
*'  of  York,  being  at  Windsor 
*^  with  king  Edward  on  hunt- 
**  ing,  the  king  promised  the 
*^  archbishop  to  come  to  the 
'*  More,  (a  place  in  Hertford- 
shire, which  the  archbishop 
had  purchased  and  builded 
<'  commodiously,)  there  to  hunt 
*'  and  make  merry  with  him ; 
"  whereupon  the  archbishop, 
*'  taking  his  leave  of  the  king, 
''  went  home  to  the  manor  of 
*'  the  More,  and  there  made 
**  great  provision  for  the  king, 
«'  and  sent  for  much  plate,  that 
**  he  had  at  that  time  of  Bar- 


ic 


(( 


*'  net  and  Tewkesbury  fields, 
'^  and  besides  this,  borrowed 
"  much  of  his  Mends,  and  pur- 
"  veyed  for  the  king,  for  two 
"  or  three  days,  meat,  drink, 
'*  and  lodging,  as  royally  as  he 
could.  But  the  day  before 
the  king  had  promised  to 
"  have  come  to  the  More^  the 
"  king  suddenly  sent  for  the 
**  archbishop  to  come  to  Wind- 
*^  sor,  where  he  was  arrested  of 
*'  treason,  that  he  should  help 
"  the  earl  of  Oxford,  and  so 
sent  to  Calais  and  to  Hames, 
where  he  continued  a  long 
time  a£ter  prisoner ;  all  which 
'*  time  the  king  kept  the  arch- 


er 


(( 


« 


< 


iSO 


The  Church  History 


BOOK  IT. 


A.D.  1471.  archbishop  he  sent  over  prisoner  to  Calais,  in  France, 

1! LJ  where  vinctus  jacuit  in  summa  inopia  ^,  he  was  kept 

bound  in  extreme  poverty,  justice  punishing  his 
former  prodigality,  his  hungry  stomach  being  glad 
of  such  reversions  (could  he  get  them)  which  for- 
merly the  voider  had  taken  away  at  his  riotous 
installation. 
A.  D.  1474.  40.  He  was  afterwards  restored  till  his  liberty 
lived  from  aud  archbishopric,  but  never  to  the  cheerfulness  of 
yJJJ*^  his  spirit,  drooping  till  the  day  of  his  death.  It 
added  to  his  sorrow  that  the  kingdom  of  Scotland, 
with  twelve  suffiugan  bishops  therein,  formerly  sub- 
jected to  his  see,  was  now,  by  pope  Sixtus  Quintus, 
freed  £rom  any  further  dependence  thereon  ;  St. 
Andrew's  being  advanced  to  an  archbishopric,  and 
that  kingdom,  in  ecclesiastical  matters,  made  entire 
within  itself;  whose  bishops  formerly  repaired  to 
York  for  their  consecration,  not  without  their  great 
danger,  especially  in  times  of  hostility  between  the 
two  kingdoms.  In  vain  did  this  Nevill  plead  for 
some  compensation  to  be  given  his  see  in  lieu  of 
so  great  a  loss,  or  at  leastwise  that  some  acknow- 
ledgment should  be  made  of  his  former  jurisdiction, 
the  pope  powerfully  ordering  against  it.  Hence- 
forward no  archbishop  of  York  meddled  more  with 
church  matters  in  Scotland  ;  and  happy  had  it  been 


c< 


€t 


tc 


"  bishoprick  in  his  own  hands. 
"  In  the  meanwhile  sir  William 
Parr,  knight,  and  sir  Thomas 
Vaughan,  esquire»  and  other^ 
were  sent  to  the  More  to 
*'  seize  all  his  goods  for  the 
'*  king,  which  came  then  to 
'*  the  sum  of  20,000/.,  and  all 
"  other  lordships  and  lands  that 
"  the  said  archbishop  had  with- 


"  in  England,  and  all  his  stuff 
"  and  riches.'*  Stow's  Chron. 
p.  426.  The  fragment  printed 
at  the  conclusion  of  Sprot  gives 
a  rather  different  version  of  this 
story.  Another  instance  of 
Nevill's  magnificence  is  given 
by  Wood,  Hist.  Univ.  in  A.  D. 

1452.] 
fs  Godwin^  ibidem. 


ciKT.  XV.  of  Britain.  481 

if  Dio  archbishop  of  Canterbury  had  since  interested  a.  d.  1473. 
himself  therein.  isEdwJv. 

41.  About  this  time  John  Goose,  sole  martyr  in  JohnOooee, 
this  king's  reign,  suffered  at  Tower  Hill.    Let  papists  ™*"^" 
who  make  themselves  sport  at  the  simplicity  of  his 

name  remember  how  their  pope  Os  porciy  or  swine^s 
face^  could  change  his  name  into  Sergius,  which 
liberty,  if  allowed  here,  would  quickly  mar  their 
mirth.  This  Goose,  when  ready  to  suffer,  desired 
meat  from  the  sheriff  which  ordered  his  execution, 
and  had  it  granted  unto  him.  "  I  eat  now,"  saith 
he,  "  a  good  and  competent  dinner,  for  I  shall  pass 
"  a  little  sharp  shower  ere  I  go  to  supper  ^." 

42.  King    Edward,   foreseeing    his    approaching  a.  d.  1483. 
death,  (who,  by  intemperance  in  his  diet,  in  some^f  ^^" 
sort  digged  his  grave  with  his  own  teeth,)  caused  g^^^*^^ 
his   own  and   wife's  kindred   (sadly  privy   to   the^^^ 
grudges  betwixt   them)  to  wait  on  him  when  he 
lay  very  sick  on  his  bed^     To  these  he  made  a 
passionate  speech,  to  exhort  them  to  unite,  from  the 
profit  of  peace  and  danger  of  discord;  and  very 
emphatically  urged  it,  insomuch  that  seemingly  they 
were  his  converts,  and  in  token  thereof  shook  hands 
together,  whilst  their  hearts,  God  knows,  were  fisur 
asunder  ^.     This  speech  I  may  call  king  Edward  his 
.™  fcBe«l  sermon,  preachi  b,  hiiself,  (and  it 
may  pass  also  for  the  funeral  sermon  of  his  two  sonfif, 
finding  no  other  obsequies  at  their  burial,)  though 
very  little  was  really  thereby  effected.     Thus  died 

^  Fox,  Hon.  i.  939,  de  Po-  his  youth,  and  was  only  in  his 

lychron.     [Fox  does  not  state  forty-first  year   when   he  fell 

what  opinions  this  person  held.]  into  his  mortal  sickness.] 

*  [He  grew  very  corpulent  ^  [See  the  substance  of  it  in 

towards  the  latter  years  of  his  Stow,  p.  436.] 
reign,  owing  to  the  excesses  of 

FULLEE,  VOL.  II.  I  i 


sennon. 


482  The  Chttrch  Huioiy  of  Britain.        book  it. 

^^•^^j^^king  Edward,  who,  contrary  to  the  ordihaiy  obser- 

vation,  that  men  the  older  the  more  covetous,  (as 

indeed  dying  men's  hands  grasp  what  is  next,  and 
hold  it  hard,)  was  gripple  in  the  beginning  of  his 
reign,  and  more  bountiful  towards  the  end  thereof. 


SECT.  IV, 


TO 


JOHN     FERRARS% 

OF  TAMWORTH  CASTLE,  ESQ. 

Sir, 

Modest  beggars  in  London  streets  commoniy  choose  twilight  to 
prefer  their  petitions,  that  so  they  may  have  light  enough  to 
discover  him  to  whom  they  sue,  and  darkness  enough  to 
cover  ami  conceal  themselves. 

This  may  m^ake  you  the  m>ore  to  admire  my  holdness^  who  vn  a 
mere  midnight  (utterly  tmknovmig  you  ami  wnkmwn  to  you) 
request  you  to  accept  this  Dedication.  But  know,  sir^ 
though  I  know  not  your  face,  I  know  you  are  a  FerrarSy 
inclined  hy  your  extraction  to  a  gmerom  diiposition,  as  I 
havefmnd  hy  one  of  your  nearest  relations^ 


*  [Arms :  Vaire,  gules,  and  by  whom  he  had  a  son,  Hum- 
or. John  Ferrars,  of  Tam-  phrey,  afterward  knighted,  who 
wcHTth  Castle,  in  the  county  of  died  in  1678,  leaving  an  only 
Warwick,  esq.,  was  descended  daughter,  six  years  old.  John 
from  a  younger  branch  of  the  Ferrars,  to  whom  this  century 
noble  family  of  that  name  and  was  dedicated,  died  in  1680. 
title.  He  was  the  only  son  of  A  pedigree  of  the  family  may 
sir  Humphrey  Ferrars,  of  Tam-  be  found  in  Dugdale's  War- 
worth  Castle,  knight,  and  mar-  wickshire,  p.  1136,  edited  by 
ried  Anne,  daughter  of  the  Dr.  Thomas.] 
celebrated  sir  Dudley  Carleton, 

ii2 


The  ChurA  Hilton/  booz  iv 

|ISERABLE  king  Edward  the  Fifth 
ought  to  liave  succeeded  his  father; 
but,  alas !  he  is  ever  pictured  with  a 
chasma  or  distance  hetwixt  his  head 
and  the  crown,  and,  by  the  practice 
of  his  uncle  the  duke  of  Gloucester,  chosen  pro- 
tector, (to  protect  him  from  any  of  his  iriends  to 
come  near  him  *>,)  was  quickly  made  afmy,  being  a 
king  in  right,  though  not  in  possession ;  as  his  uncle 
Richard  was  in  possession,  though  not  in  right.  All 
the  passages  whereof  are  so  elegantly  related  by 
nr  Thomas  More,  that  a  man  shall  get  little  who 
comes  with  a  fork  where  sir  Thomas  hath  gone  with 
a  rake  before  him,  and  by  bis  judicious  industry 
collected  all  remarkables.  Only,  as  proper  to  oar 
employment,  let  us  take  notice  of  the  carriage  of 
Uie  oleigy  in  these  distractions  *. 


*>  [In  the  duke's  appointment 
to  the  protectorate  the  choice  of 
the  nobles  seems  to  have  been 
guided  in  some  d^ree  by  the 
circumstance  of  Humphrey 
duke  of  Gloucester  holding  a 
similar  office  in  the  reign  of 
Henry  VI.  See  Hist. Croy land, 
p.  566.] 

«  [Stow  has  incorporated  sir 
Thomas  More's  history  into  his 
Chronicle,  but  the  most  com- 
plete edition  of  it  wss  published 
by  Mr.  Singer.  It  has  become 
fashionable  of  late  to  under* 
value  this  work,  and  to  make 
duke  Richard  in  aU  points,  as 
Fuller  quaintly  says, "  a  comely 
end  beautiful  person.''  Sir 
Thomas  was  bom  in  1480,  the 
twentieth  year  of  Edward  IV. 
He  was  intimate  with  cardinal 


Morton,  archbishop  of  Canter- 
bury, who  bad  procured  the 
union  of  the  two  houses  of 
York  and  Lancaster,  &nd  had 
played  an  important  part  in 
the  great  events  of  the  king- 
dom. That  More  bore  no  great 
animosity  to  the  house  of  York, 
may  be  inferred  from  the  cha- 
racter which  he  bas  given,  in 
the  commencement  of  his  his- 
tory, to  Edward  IV.  To  snp. 
pose,  therefore,  (as  some  do,) 
that  sir  Thomas  should  have 
descended  to  so  poor  an  artifice, 
or  be  led  astray  by  mere  popn. 
lar  report,  as  to  blacken  lung 
Richard  and  belie  his  person 

very  needless  and  improbable 
supposition.  Living  at  the  time 
of  the  events  which  he  describes. 


CENT.  XV. 


cf  Britain. 


485 


2.  Although  most  of  the  prelates  were  guilty  of  a 
cowardly  compliance  with  king  Richard,  yet  we  find  i 
none  eminently  active  on  his  side ;  indeed  the  arch-o( 
bishop  of  Canterbury  was  employed  to  get  Richard  ^' 
duke  of  York  from  his  queen-mother  in  the  sanc- 
tuary in  Westminster,  and  very  pathetical  he  was  in 
the  persuading  her  to  part  with  him,  haply  on  a 
point  of  conscience,  as  fearing,  if  denied,  some  in- 
jury would  be  offered  to  the  prejudice  of  the  church, 
and  therefore  more  willing  himself  to  woo  him  from 
her  with  eloquence  than  that  others  should  wrest 
him  thence  with  violence ;  yet  he  is  generally  con- 
ceived innocent  herein,  as  not  as  yet  suspecting  any 
fraud  in  the  duke  of  Gloucester,  except  any  will 
say  that  it  was  a  fault  in  him  that  so  great  a  states- 
man was  no  wiser  than  to  have  been  deceived  by 
his  dissimulation  d. 


having  ample  opportunity  of 
seeing  the  king^  and,  still  more^ 
the  readiest  means  of  obtaining 
information  on  this  subject  from 
trustworthy  and  living  authori- 
ties, it  seems  little  short  of  folly 
to  imagine  that  he  would  depre- 
ciate the  credit  of  his  history  by 
affirming  circumstances  which 
might  have  been  so  easily  and 
certainly  contradicted.  As  to 
the  long  speeches  which  he  has 
put  into  the  mouths  of  the 
different  persons  in  his  history, 
and  the  motives  which  he  at- 
tributes to  their  actions,  on 
these,  of  course,  the  reader 
must  exercise  his  judgment,  as 
he  must  wherever  motives  are 
attributed.  Sir  Thomas  fol- 
lowed the  style  of  composition 
which  prevailed  most  in  his 
own  days,  but  this  is  no  pre- 


sumption against  his  general 
accuracy.  To  these  we  may  add 
as  a  further  argument,  that  as 
his  account  is  supported  in 
all  material  circumstances  by 
the  Croyland  Chronicle,  as  far 
as  a  copious  and  diffusive  nar- 
rative can  be  supported  by  a 
very  bald  and  jejune  one ;  so 
is  it  objected  to  chiefly  on  con- 
jectural evidence  '*  and  whoso," 
(as  sir  Thomas  says,)  '*  divin- 
'*  eth  upon  conjectures,  may  as 
"  well  shoot  too  far  as  too 
**  short."] 

^  [To  this  he  was  compelled, 
the  dukes  of  Gloucester  and 
Buckingham  threatening  him 
with  personal  violence,  and 
urging  as  a  pretext  the  wishes 
of  Edward  V .  Hist.  Croyland. 
566.  Sir  Thomas  More  (evi- 
dently by  an  oversight)   says 

lis 


4M 


The  Chmrck  History 


BOCNC  IV. 


^Bdi^v"  '•  ^^  ^  *^®  inferior  clergy,  Dr,  Shaw,  a  popular 
-preacher,  made  hunself  mfamous  to  all  posterity^ 
His  sermon  at  St.  Ptol*8  Cross  had  nothing  bat 
the  text  (and  that  in  the  Apocrypha  ^)  good  therein, 
as  con^sting  of  two  parts,  defaming  of  the  dead, 
and  flattering  of  the  living;  making  king  Edward 
£u-  worse  than  he  was,  and  dnke  Richard  &r  better 
than  ever  he  woold  be.  He  made  king  Edward  the 
Fourth  and  the  duke  of  Clarence  both  to  be  bastards, 
and  duke  Richard  only  right  begotten,  so  proclaim- 
ing Cicely  his  mother  (still  surviving)  for  a  whore ; 
all  being  done  by  secret  instructions  Ax>m  duke 
Richard  himself,  who  hereby  gave  a  worse  wound  to 
his  mother's  credit  than  that  vriiich  at  his  birth  he 
caused  to  her  body,  being  (as  it  is  commonly  re* 
ported)  cut  out  from  her^  With  Shaw  we  may 
couple  another  brawling  cur  of  the  same  litter, 
Pynkney,  the  provincial  of  the  Augustinian  fiiars, 
who  in  the  same  place  used  so  loud  adulation,  he 
lost  his  credit,  conscience,  and  voice  altogether. 
These  two  were  all  (and  they  too  many)  of  the 
clergy  whom  I  find  actively  engaging  on  his  party, 
whilst  multitudes  of  the  laity  sided  with  him.     So 


that  it  was  the  archbishop  of 
York,  not  Canterbury.     Stow, 

441-j 

^  Ecclus.  xxiii.  25.    Spuria 

vitulamina  non   agent   radices 
aUas, 

^  [When  Richard  had  ob- 
tained possession  of  the  per- 
sons of  Edward  V.  and  Richard 
duke  of  York,  and  had  lodged 
them  in  the  Tower,  he  produced 
a  roll  professing  to  have  been 
«igned  by  the  lords  and  com* 
mens,  requiring  him  to  assume 
the  kingaom,  on  the  plea  that 


the  children  of  Edward  IV. 
were  illegitimate,  as  that  king 
had  formed  a  pre-contract  with 
lady  Eleanor  Boteler  before  he 
was  married  to  queen  Eliza- 
beth. A  rumour  was  Indus- 
triously  circulated  (says  the 
writer  of  the  Hist.  Croyland, 
Contin.  p.  567)  that  this  roll 
had  been  concocted  at  York, 
but  no  one  was  ignorant  (be 
<;ontiuues)  who  had  been  the 
sole  author  of  this  vile  slander 
and  sedition.  See  sir  Thomas 
More  in  Stow's  Chron.  p.  453.] 


CENT.  XV.  of  Britain.  487 

that  through  the  popularity  of  the  duke  of  Bucking- a.  d.  1483. 

ham,  the  law-leaming  of  Cateshy,  the  city  interest  of ^— ^ 

Shaw,  (then  lord  mayor  of  London,  and  brother  to 
the  preacher,)  the  rugged  rigour  of  Batcliffe,  and 
the  assistance  of  other  instruments  in  their  several 
spheres,  the  queen's  kindred  were  killed,  the  lord 
Hastings  murdered,  king  Edward  and  his  brother 
imprisoned,  and  at  last  Richard  duke  of  Gloucester 
elected  king  of  England  5. 

4.  His  coronation  was  performed  with  more  pomp  ^^^/u^ 
than  any  of  his  predecessors',  as  if  he  intended  with  «6. 
the  glory  thereof  so  to  dazzle  vulgar  eyes  that  they  tuous  ooro- 
should  not  be  able  to  see  the  shame  of  his  usur-  ^^^^  ^ 
pation.     Indeed  some  of  our  English  kings,  who  by  ^*<^**»^* 
undoubted  right  succeeded  to  the  crovni,  accounted 
their  coronation  but  a  matter  of  course,  (which  did 
not  make  but  manifest  them  to  be  kings,)  and  so 
less  curious  in  the  pompous  celebration  thereof;  but 
this  usurper  apprehended  this  ceremony  more  sub- 
stantial, and   therefore  was   most  punctual  in  the 
observation  of  it,  causing  all  the  nobility  who  held 
lands  in  grand  sovereignty  to  do  their  service  in 
state ;   amongst   whom   Richard    Dimock,   esquire, 
hereditary  champion  by  tenure,  with  a  safe  piece  of 
valour  (having  so  many  to  back  him)  cast  dovni  his 
gauntlet,  challenging  any  that  durst  oppose  the  title 
of  king  Richard,  and,  for  ought  I  do  know  to  the 
contrary,  he  afterwards  made  bis  challenge  good  in 
Bosworth  field.     And,  because  sure  bind  sure  find, 
he  is  said,  and  his  queen,  to  be  crowned  again  in 
York  with  great  solemnity  *», 

«f  [See  Hist.  Croyland.  566.  ^  [On  which  occasion  he 
He  was  crowned  July  6,  with  had  his  only  son  Sdward  pro- 
Anne  his  ^vife.  Hist,  Croy-  claimed  prince  of  Wales,  Hist, 
land,  ib.]  Croyland.  567.] 

li  4 


488 


The  Church  History 


BOOK  IV. 


A.D.  1483*     5.  Soon  after  followed  the  murder  of  king  Ekl- 

— ^ ^ward  and  his  brother  Bichard  duke  of  York.     It 

^ffd  and  was  high  time  thej  should  set,  when  another  already 
JSfl^^**^  was  risen  in  the  throne.  By  a  bloody  bloodless 
death  they  were  stifled  with  pillows,  and  then  ob- 
scurely buried  '\  The  uncertainty  of  their  interment 
gave  the  advantage  to  Perkin  Warbeck  afterwards 
to  coimterfeit  Richard  duke  of  York :  so  like  unto 
him  in  age,  carriage,  stature,  feature,  fevour,  that  he 
v^anted  nothing  but  success  to  make  him  who  did 
but  personate  duke  Bichard  to  pass  current  for  the 
person  of  duke  Bichard. 
King  6.  After  this  bloody  act  king  Bichard  endeavoured 

Richard  ^  ° 

yainiy  en-  to  render  himself  popular,  first,  by  making  good  laws 
voure  j^  ^^^  g^j^  parliament  kept  in  his  reign.  Benevo- 
lence, malevolence,  which  formerly  the  subjects  un- 
v«illingly  veiling  had  paid  to  their  sovereign,  (power, 
where  it  requests,  commands,  it  not  being  so  much 
thankworthy  to  grant,  as  dangerous  to  deny  it,)  he 
retrenched,  and  reduced  to  be  granted  only  in  par- 


toingra- 
tiatenim- 
tdf  by 
making 
good  laws. 


*  [See  Stow,  p.  459.  This 
is  sir  Thomas  More's  account, 
although  the  truth  is  doubted 
by  many.  Upon  introducing 
this  circumstance  of  the  mur- 
der, he  prefaces  it  with  this 
observation  :  "  I  shall  rehearse 
^*  you  the  dolorous  end  of  those 
"  babes,  not  after  every  way 
'*  that  I  have  heard,  but  by 
"  such  men  and  by  such  means 
'*  as  methinketh  it  were  hard 
*'  but  it  should  be  true."  And 
at  4he  conclusion  of  the  narra- 
tive he  remarks,  **  Very  troth 
"  it  is  and  well  known,  that 
*'  at  such  time  as  sir  James 
**  Tyrell  was  in  the  Tower 
**  fortreason  committed  against 


"  the  most  famous  prince,  king 
"  Henry  VII.,  both  Deighton 
"  and  he  were  examined,  and 
'^  confessed  the  murther  in 
"  manner  above  written.  Thus 
"  have  I  learned  of  them,  that 
"  much  knew  and  little  cause 
'*  had  to  lie,  were  these  two 
"  noble  princes,  these  innocent 
*'  tender  children,  borne  of 
•*  most  royal  blood,  &c.,  by 
''  traitorous  tyranny  taken,  de- 
"  prived  of  their  estate,  shortly 
•*  shut  up  in  prison,  and  pri- 
'^  vily  slain  and  murdered,  their 
"  bodies  cast  God  wot  where, 
^*  by  the  cruel  ambition  of 
•«  their  unnatural  uncle."  Stow, 
p.  460.] 


CENT.  XV.  of  Britain.   «  489 

liaxaeat.  He  regulated  trading,  which  the  Lombards  a.  d.  1483. 
and  other  foreigners  had  much  engrossed,  to  thei^^il!^ 
detriment  of  the  English  nation.  Now,  although 
all  people  carry  much  of  their  lore  and  loyalty  in 
their  purses,  yet  all  this  would  not  ingratiate  this 
usurper  with  them ;  the  dullest  nostrils  resenting  it, 
done  not  for  love  of  virtue,  but  his  own  security ; 
and  that  affects  none  which  all  palpably  discover 
to  be  affected. 

7.  Next  he  endeavoured  to  work  himself  into  As  also  by 
their  good-vrtll  by  erecting  and  endowing  of  reli- monaste-^ 
gious  houses,  so  to  plausiblelize  himself,  especially"^ 
among  the  clergy.  Thus  he  built  one  far  north,  at 
Middleham,  and  a  college  in  the  parish  of  AUhallows- 
Barking  \  hard  by  the  Tower,  as  if  he  intended  by 
the  vicinity  thereof  to  expiate  those  many  murders 
which  he  therein  had  committed;  besides,  he  for 
his  time  disforested  Whichwood,  in  Oxfordshire  ^ 
(then  far  more  extended  than  in  our  age,)  which  his 
brother  Edward  had  made  forest,  to  the  great  griev- 
ance of  the  country  thereabouts.  Yet  all  would 
not  do,  the  people  being  more  patient  for  an  injury 
done  by  king  Edward  than  thankful  for  the  favour 
this  Richard  bestowed  upon  them.  He  is  said  also 
to  have  given  to  Queen's  College,  in  Cambridge, 
five  hundred  marks  of  yearly  rent  ^  ;  though  at  this 
time,  I  believe,  the  college  receives  as  little  benefit 
by  the  grant  as  Richard  had  right  to  grant  it ;  for  it 
was  not  issued  out  of  his  own  purse,  but  given  out 
of  the  lands  of  his  enemy,  the  imjustly  proscribed 

^  Stow's  Survey  of  London,  [See  the   edition  by  Hearne, 

[p. 1 3 1 ;  Stow's  Chron.  p.  470.]  p.  2 1 6.] 

1  Camden's  Brit,  in  Oxford-         ™  Stow  in   Lis  Annals,  p. 

shire,  p.  264,  out  of  John  Ross.  470. 


400  Tk€  Church  HiHory  book  it. 

A.  p.  1483.  earl  of  Oxford,  who,  being  restored  by  Henry  the 

! \  Seventh,  made  a  resumption  thereof. 

An  hath  r~  8.  Duke  Richard  was  low  in  stature,  crook-backed, 
for  king  with  ouo  shouldor  higher  than  the  other,  haying  a 
^1^^]^  prominent  gobber-tooth,  a  warlike  countenance  which 
nmture  did.  ^^jj  euough  bocamo  a  soldier ;  yet  a  modem  author, 
in  a  book  by  him  lately  set  forth,  eveneth  his  shoul- 
ders, smootheth  his  back,  planeth  his  teeth,  maketh 
him  in  all  points  a  comely  and  beautiful  person  " ; 
nor  stoppeth  he  here,  but  proceeding  from  his  natu- 
rals to  his  morals,  maketh  him  as  virtuous  as  hand- 
some, (which  in  some  sense  may  be  allowed  to  be 
true,)  concealing  most,  denying  some,  defending 
others  of  his  foulest  facts,  wherewith  in  all  ages 
since  he  standeth  charged  on  record.  For  mine 
own  part,  I  confess  it  no  heresy  to  maintain  a  para^ 
dox  in  history ;  nor  am  I  such  an  enemy  to  wit  as 
not  to  allow  it  leave  harmlessly  to  disport  itself  for 
its  own  content  and  the  delight  of  others.  Thus 
Cardan  hath  written  his  Encomium  Neronis^  and 
others  (best  husbandmen  who  can  improve  the  bar- 
renest  ground)  have  by  art  endeavoured  to  praise  as 
improbable  subjects.  But  when  men  shall  do  it 
cordially,  in  sober  sadness,  to  pervert  people's  judg- 
ments, and  therein  go  against  all  received  records,  I 
say  singularity  is  the  least  fault  can  be  laid  to  such 
men's  charge.  Besides,  there  are  some  birds  (sea- 
pies  by  name)  who  cannot  rise  except  it  be  by  flying 
against  the  wind,  as  some  hope  to  achieve  their 
advancement  by  being  contrary  and  paradoxal  in 
judgment  to  all  before  them.  \ 

n  George  Buck,  esq.,  a  claw-     History  of  Richard  III.    Loiw 
back   to   crook.back,    [in    his     don,  1646.] 


CENT.  XV. 


of  Britain. 


491 


9-  Soon  after  followed  the  execution  of  the  duke  a  p.  1483. 

of  Buckingham,  king  Richard  his  grand  engineer, '       [ 

or  master  of  the  fabric  of  his  preferment*^;  the^^^^ 
occasion  thus :  the  duke  requested-required  of  kinff  ?^®"p^- 
Richard  (as  confident  that  his  merits  were  incapable 
of  a  denial)  the  earldom  of  Hereford  and  the  here- 
ditary constableship  of  England,  laying  title  to  them 
by  descent.  Well  did  he  ask  both  together,  which 
would  be  granted  both  together ;  for  the  earldom  of 
Hereford  was  an  Abishag,  concubine  to  the  former 
kmgs  of  England,  which  had  long  lien  in  the  crown, 
(whilst  in  the  Lancastrian  line,)  so  embraced  and 
interlaced  therewith  that  it  was  difficult  to  dissever 
them ;  and  the  affecting  thereof  proved  as  fatal  to 
Buckingham  as  the  desiring  of  the  other  was  to 
Adonijah,  being  interpreted  in  both  an  ambition  of 
the  kingdom.  The  hereditary  constableship  was 
conceived  too  unlimited  a  power  to  be  trusted  to  a 
subject,  lest  he  should  make  more  disorder  than  he 
should  mend  therewith;  so  that,  in  fine,  both  in 
effect  were  denied  unto  him  p. 


o  [The  people  of  the  south- 
em  and  western  provinces, 
taking  offence  at  the  detention 
of  the  two  princes  in  the  Tower, 
began  to  make  an  insurrection, 
and  gained  over  the  duke  of 
Buckingham,  repenting  of  what 
he  had  done,  to  become  the 
leader  of  their  enterprize.  At 
the  instigation  of  Morton,  bi- 
shop of  Ely,  who  had  been 
committed  to  the  duke's  safe 
keeping,  a  message  was  sent 
over  to  Henry  earl  of  Rich- 
mond, then  an  exile  in  Brit- 
tany, requesting  him  to  hasten 
over  to  England  to  assert  his 


rights;  but  Richard,  who  in 
activity  rivalled  his  late  bro- 
ther, obtaining  knowledge  of 
this  design,  set  spies  who  effec- 
tually prevented  the  duke  from 
stirring.  Finding  himself  thus 
beset  on  all  sides,  he  attempted 
to  escape  by  changing  his  ha- 
bit ;  but  being  discovered  and 
taken  prisoner  to  Salisbury,  he 
was  put  to  death,  on  All  Saints* 
day,  which  that  year  fell  upon 
a   Sunday.      Hist.    Croyland. 

568.] 

P  [He  had  sought  the  earl- 
dom of  Hereford,  which  he 
claimed  for  his  inheritance,  in- 


492 


The  Church  History 


BOOK  IV; 


A.D.  1483.     10.  Buckinfffaam  storms  thereat.     Shall  a  coronet 

1  Rich.  III.  ° 


ham  lar- 


be  denied  him,  by  him  on  whom  he  had  conferred  a 
crown  ?  Yet  what  anger  soever  boiled  in  his  heart, 
SehMuM.  none  ran  over  in  his  mouth,  pretending  very  fisdr  in 
his  behaviour ;  but  hard  it  is  to  halt  before  a  cripple, 
and  dissemble  before  king  Richard.  The  duke  vnth- 
draws  to  Brecknock,  in  Wales,  with  his  prisoner 
bishop  Morton  of  Ely,  (committed  unto  him  by  the 
king  on  some  distaste,)  who  tampered  with  him 
about  the  marriage  of  Henry  earl  of  Richmond  with 
the  eldest  daughter  of  king  Edward  the  Fourth. 
The  duke  carried  himself  so  open  therein,  that,  sur- 
prised by  king  Richard,  his  head  was  divorced  from 
his  body  before  this  marriage  was  completed. 

11.  More    cunning   was  bishop   Morton  to  get 
himself  over  into  France,  there  to  contrive  the  union 


Mortoa 

mako- 

peaoe. 


effectually  in  the  reign  of  Ed- 
ward IV. ;  and  according  to 
sir  Thomas  More,  the  posses- 
sion of  it  was  part  of  the  cove- 
nant between  him  and  the 
duke  of  Gloucester^  in  his  de- 
sign upon  the  kingdom.  Stow^ 
p.  446.  But  sir  Thomas  More 
discredits  (and  it  seems  to  me 
justly)  the  report  that  this  was 
the  cause  of  the  dissension  be- 
tween Richard  and  the  duke 
of  Buckingham.  Both  were 
too  deep  dissemblers  to  betray 
their  passion,  nor  was  it  at  this 
time  to  Richard's  interest  to 
offend  a  nobleman  of  such 
power  as  the  duke.  Further, 
had  such  a  quarrel  occurred, 
king  Richard  would  never  have 
suffered  the  duke  to  escape  his 
hands  and  withdraw  into  Wales. 
**  Very  troth  is  it,"  says  sir 
Thomas,  '*  the  duke  was  an 


<t 


(f 


it 


high-minded  man,  and  evil 
"  could  bear  the  glory  of  an- 
'^  other ;  so  that  I  have  heard 
of  some  that  say  they  saw  it, 
that  the  duke,  at  such  time 
"  as  the  crown  was  first  set 
'*  upon  the  protector's  head, 
"  his  eye  could  not  abide  the 
"  sight  thereof,  but  wryed  his 
"  head  another  way."  The 
same  writer  thinks  that  from 
this  discontent  the  duke  with- 
drew from  court,  not  without 
the  liking  of  the  king;  and 
partly  from  this  motive,  partly 
perhaps  from  some  feelings  of 
remorse,  partly  from  the  per- 
suasions of  bishop  Morton, 
seconded  by  his  own  interest 
and  ambition,  he  was  per- 
suaded to  join  in  this  con- 
spiracy in  order  to  dethrone 
Richard,  and  elect  Henry  to 
the  crown.] 


CENT.  XV.  of  Britain.  408 

of  the  two   houses   of  York  and  Lancaster.      IfA.p.  1483. 

Messed  be  the  peace-makers  be  pronounced  of  such  as ^ — •* 

reconcile  party  and  party,  how  much  more  must  it 
be  true  of  his  memory,  the  happy  instrument  to 
unite  those  houses,  to  the  saving  of  the  efiusion  of 
so  much  blood !  Some  wiU  say  it  ^  a  design 
obvious  to  every  capacity  to  make  such  an  imion ; 
but  we  all  know,  when  a  thing  is  done,  then  it  is 
easy  for  any  to  do  it ;  besides,  it  is  one  thing  for 
men  in  their  brains  barely  and  notionally  to  appre- 
hend a  project,  and  another  (as  our  Morton  did)  to 
elect  proportionable  means,  and,  by  the  vigorous  pro- 
secution thereof,  really  to  efltect  it. 

12.  A  modem  writer,  in  his  voluminous  book,  Mr.  Prynne 
which  he  hath  entitled  The  Rebellions,  Treasons,  Sging^' 
Conspiracies,  Antimonarchical  Practices,  &c.  of  the  m^^d  of 
English  Prelates,  to  swell  his  number,  chargeth  this  *'***>'^- 
bishop  Morton  vrith  treason  against  king  Richard 

the  Third;  but  is  it  treason  for  one,  in  fevour  of 
the  true  heir,  to  oppose  an  usurper  in  title  and 
tyrant  in  practice?  Surely  unbiassed  judgments 
behold  Morton  herein  under  a  better  notion.  Had 
this  bishop  been  active  on  king  Richard's  side,  how 
would  the  same  author  have  proclaimed  him  for  a 
traitor  against  king  Henry  the  Seventh!  Thus  I 
see  an  inevitable  necessity  that  Morton  must  be  a 
traitor  whatsoever  he  did,  and  can  observe  that  no 
practice  will  please  which  cometh  from  one  whose 
person  or  profession  is  distasted. 

13.  But  kinff  Richard  his  cruelties  had  so  tired  a.  p.  1484. 

.    ,  ,  .  Earl  Henry 

out  divine  patience,  that  his  punishment  could  be  no  landeth  at 
longer  deferred.     Henry  earl  of  Richmond    lands  Harai. 
vnth  an  handfiil  of  men  at  Milford  Haven ;  a  land- 
ing-place   politically  chosen,   near   Pembroke,   the 


494 


The  Church  History 


BOOK  ly. 


A.  p.  1485.  place  of  his  nativity,  in  the  heart  of  his  countrymen 

^ '-  and  kinsmen  the  Welsh,  (his  grand&ther,  Owen  ap 

Theodore,  alias  Tuthar,  having  thence  his  extraction,) 
and  far  from  London,  the  magazine  of  king  Richard's 
might.  From  Milford  the  earl  marched  north-east, 
through  the  bowels  of  Wales;  and  both  his  army 
and  the  &me  thereof  crevit  eundo^  grew  by  going. 
Many  old  prophecies  (the  people  about  Leicester 
will  load  a  stranger  with  them)  were  fulfilled  in  him, 
and  this  amongst  the  rest  may  be  remembered :  it 
was  foretold  that  in  a  great  battle,  which  was  to  be 
fought  near  Leicester,  whosoever  should  shoot  the 
arrow  first  should  have  the  victory*  This  most  un-» 
derstood  that  the  archer  in  the  fight  which  should 
first  let  loose  should  gain  the  day  to  his  side*  When 
behold  the  earl  of  Richmond,  bending  his  inarch  out 
of  Wales  to  the  middle  of  England,  first  passed 
Arrow,  a  rivulet  in  the  confines  of  Worcester  and 
Warwickshire,  and  accordingly  proved  victorious; 
for  into  Leicestershire  he  came,  and  in  the  navel 
thereof  is  met  by  king  Richard,  and  next  morning 
both  sides  determine  to  try  their  fortunes  in  fight. 
This  night  the  earl  had  sweet  and  quiet  rest,  whilst 
king  Richard  his  guilty  conscience  was  frighted  with 
hideous  dreams  and  fanciful  apparitions,  as  no  wonder 
if  no  pillow  could  give  him  quiet  sleep  who  with  a 
pillow  had  so  lately  smothered  his  lord  and  master  % 


^  [**  Mane  die  Lunae  illuces- 
**  cente  aurora,  cum  non  essent 
"  capellani  de  parte  regis  Ri- 
chardi  parati  ad  celebrandum, 
neque  jentaculum  ullum  para- 
**  turn,  quod  Regis  tabescentem 
animum  refocillaret,  illeque, 
utasseritur,  ea  nocte  terrenda 


« 


<« 


tx 


^*  somnia  quasi  multitudine 
'*  daemonum  circumdatus  esset, 
"  viderat,  sic^t  de  mane  testa. 
*'  tus  est ;  faciem  uti  semper 
'*  attenuatam,  tunc  magis  dis- 
"  coloratam  etmortiferam  prae 
"se  tulit."  Hist.  Croyland. 
Cont.  p.  574.  Of  these  nightly 


CENT.  XT. 


of  Britain. 


495 


worth. 


14.  The  battle  is  called  the  battle  of  Bo8worth,A.D.i485. 

3  Rich.  IlL 

ithouirh  fousht  full  three  miles   from   the  town^ 

^  o  &  The  battle 

and  nearer  other  country  villages,)  because  Bosworth  of  bo- 
is  the  next  town  of  note  thereunto.  The  earl's 
army  fell  £sir  short  of  the  king's  in  number  and 
arms,  equalled  it  m  courage,  exceeded  it  in  cause 
and  success ;  indeed  the  king's  army  was  hollow  at 
the  heart,  many  marching  in  his  main  battle  who 
were  much  suspected,  and  therefore  purposely  placed 
there  to  secure  them  from  flying  out,  and  fought 
as  unwilling  to  overcome.  Yet  the  scales  of  victory 
fieemed  for  a  long  time  so  equal,  that  an  exact  eye 
<!Ould  not  discern  on  which  side  the  beam  did  break. 
At  last  the  coming  in  of  sir  William  Stanley  with 
three  thousand  fresh  men  decided  the  controversy 
on  the  earl's  side.  King  Richard  (fighting  valiantly, 
so  his  friends — desperately,  say  his  foes,)  fell  in  the 
midst  of  his  enemies,  and  his  corpse  was  disgrace- 
fully carried  to  Leicester,  without  a  rag  to  cover 
his  nakedness ;  as  if  no  modest  usage  was  due  to 


apparitions,  with  which  this 
king  was  said  to  be  visited, 
and  of  which  Shakespeare  has 
made  so  noble  a  use  in  his 
Richard  III.,  sir  Thomas  More 
-says,  ^  I  have  heard  by  credi- 
"  ble  report  of  such  as  were 
"  secret  with  his  (the  king's) 
"*  chamberlain,  that  after  this 
''  abominable  deed  done  (he 
**  means  the  death  of  Edward  V. 
**  and  his  brodier)  he  never 
had  quiet  in  his  mind ;  he 
never  thought  himself  sure ; 
*'  where  he  went  abroad  his 
•*  eyes  whirled  about ;  his  body 
•*  privily  fenced ;  his  hand  ever 
**  upon  his  dagger;  his  coun- 
''  tenance  and  manner  like  one 


*€ 


« 


*'  always  ready  to  strike  again. 
**  He  took  ill  rest  a-nights; 
*'  lay  long  waking  and  musing, 
*'  sore  wearied  with  care  and 
*'  watch  ;  rather  slumbered 
"  than  slept,  troubled  with 
*'  fearful  dreams  ;  suddenly 
"  sometime  start  up  ;  leapt 
^'  out  of  his  bed  and  ran  about 
''  the  chamber :  so  was  his 
'^  restless  heart  continually 
^'  tossed  and  tumbled  with  the 
* '  tedious  impression  and  stormy 
**  remembrance  of  his  abomi- 
**  nable  deed."  Stow,  p.  460.] 
r  Burton  in  his  Description 
of  Leicestershire,  [p.  47,  ed. 
1622.] 


4>96  The  Church  History  book  it. 

^«?v't?5him  when  dead  who  had  been  so  shameless  in  his 

3  Rich.  III. 

cruelty  when  alive.     The  crown  ornamental,  being 

found  on  his  head,  was  removed  to  the  earl's,  and 
he  crowned  in  the  field,  and  Te  Deum  was  solenmly 
^-  sung  by  the  whole  army. 
A.  D.  i486.     15.  Soon  after  king    Henry  married  the   lady 
sJ^^  his  Elizabeth,  eldest  daughter  unto  king  Edward  the 
tide^the  Fourth,  whereby  those  roses,  which  formerly  with 
•^*^^"-      their  prickles  had   rent  each   other,  were  united 
together.     Yea,  sixfold  was  king  Henry  his  title  to 
the  crown :  first,  conquest ;  secondly,  military  elec- 
tion, the  soldiers  crying  out  in  the  field,  "  King 
"  Henry,  king  Henry  T  thirdly,  parliamentary  autho- 
rity, which  settled  the  crown  on  him  and  his  heirs ; 
fourthly,  papal   confirmation,  his  holiness  forsootb 
concurring  with  his  religious  compliment;   fifthly, 
descent  from  the  house  of  Lancaster,  but  that,  all 
know,  was  but  the  back-door  to  the  crown,  and  this 
Henry  came  in  but  by  a  window  to  that  back-door, 
there  being  some  bastardy  in  his  pedigree,  but  that 
was  salved  by  post-legitimation;  sixthly,  marriage 
of  king  Edward's  daughter,  the  first  and  last  being 
worth  all  the  rest.     Thus  had  he  six  strings  to  his 
bow,  but  commonly  he  let  five  hang  by,  and  only 
made  use  of  that  one  which  for  the  present  he  per- 
ceived was  most  for  his  own  advantage.     Yet,  for 
all  these  his  titles,  this  politic  prince  thought  fit  to  , 
have  his  person  well  secured,  and  was  the  first  king 
of  England  who  had  a  standing  guard  to  attend 
him. 
Thedaia:      16.  Thomas  Bourchier,   cardinal  and  archbishop 
bishop       of  Canterbury,  had  the  honour  first  to  marry,  then 
Bourchier.  j.^  crown  king  Henry  and  the  lady  Elizabeth ;  and 
then,  having  sitten   in  a  short  synod  at  London, 


CSNT.  XV. 


of  Britain. 


497 


wherein  the  clergy  presented  their  new  king  with  a  a.  d.  i486. 

tenth,  quietly  ended  his  life,  having  sat  in  his  see '- — - 

two  and  thirty  years  ■.  He  gave  an  hundred  and 
twenty  pounds  to  the  university  of  Camhridge,  which 
was  joined  vrith  another  hundred  pounds  which  Mr. 
Billingforth,  master  of  Bennet  College,  had  some 


s  [For  this  statement  Fuller 
is  indebted  to  Parker's  Antiq. 
Britan.  p.  443  5  an  error,  ac- 
cording to  Dr.  Wake,  who  has 
examined  it  at  considerable 
length,  and  concludes^  upon 
the  following  reasons,  "  that 
*'  in  this  that  author,  however 
''  accurate  in  other  matters, 
*'  did  fortune  to  be  mistaken  :'* 
first,  because  the  registers,  which 
give  a  full  and  distinct  account 
of  the  other  convocations  which 
immediately  precede  and  fol- 
low, are  completely  silent  as  to 
this;  secondly,  because  the  king, 
when  he  convoked  his  parlia- 
ment this  year,  had  no  thoughts 
of  asking  any  subsidy  of  his 
people.  To  this  he  adds  that 
in  this  portion  of  his  history 
our  author  has  greatly  failed  in 
various  points  of  his  usual  ac- 
curacy. Instead  of  the  king 
being  first  married  and  then 
crowned  with  his  queen  at 
Westminster^  on  the  contrary 
the  king  was  first  crowned 
October  30th,  then  married  on 
January  i8th  following;  and 
the  queen  was  not  crowned  till 
November  25,  1487,  when 
archbishop  Bourchier  was  dead, 
and  had  been  succeeded  by 
cardinal  Morton.  To  conclude 
these  remarks  in  the  words  of 
Dr.  Wake:  ''It  is  not  impro- 
**  bable  that  the  mistake  might 

FULLER,  VOL.  II. 


"  arise  from  hence  :  in  Febru- 
•'  ary,  1484,  a  convocation  was 
"  held,  and  a  tenth  therein 
**  granted  to  the  king.  The 
"  limitation  of  the  grant  was 
"  this,  that  one  half  should  be 
"  paid  at  Midsummer^  1485 ; 
"  the  other  the  year  following, 
**  at  Midsummer,  i486.  (Re- 
**  gistr.  Mem.  Russell.  Lin* 
'•  coin,  f.  41,  42.)  It  was  but 
'*  a  little  while  after  the  first 
**  of  these  terms  that  king 
"  Richard  was  slain,  and  that, 
"  most  likely,  before  the  pay- 
"  ment  then  due  was  made. 
"  The  clergy,  therefore,  were 
"  indebted  a  tenth  to  the 
'*  crown  when  king  Henry  VII. 
'*  came  to  it.  If  either  the 
king  required  the  payment 
of  it,  as  'tis  probable  he  did, 
or  the  clergy*  to  ingratiate 
"  themselves  with  him,  agreed 
**  to  pay  it,  the  error  may 
"  easily  consist  in  this,  that 
"  our  author,  finding  some 
*'  writs  or  commissions  dated 
**  after  this  first  parliament, 
''  for  collecting  a  tenth  upon 
"  the  clergy,  applied  that  to  a 
**  synod  held  with  this  parlia- 
"  ment  of  king  Henry,  which 
"  had  been  granted  by  the 
"  convocation  called  by  the 
order  of  king  Richard  III. 
the  spring  before."  State  of 
the  Church,  p.  384.] 

Kk 


<€ 


<C 


<€ 


ft 


€€ 


498  The  Church  History  book  iv. 

A.D. i486.jears  before  given  to  the  said  university;  and  this 

-joint-stock  was  put  into  a  chest,  called  at  this  day 

the  chest  of  Billingforth  and  Bourchier;  and  trea- 
surers are  every  year  chosen  for  the  safe  keeping 
thereof  *. 
John  Mor-      17.  John  Morton,  bom,  say  some,  at  Beer  *,  but 
oeeded  him.  more  truly  at  St.  AndreVs  Milbome,  in   Dorset- 
shire, (where  a  worshipful  family  of  his  name  and 
lineage  remain  at  this  day,)  succeeded  him  in  the  see 
at  Canterbury.     He  was  formerly  bishop  of  Ely,  and 
appointed  by  Edward  the  Fourth  one  of  the  execu- 
tors of  his  will,  and  on  that  account  hated  of  king 
Richard  the  Third,  the   executioner  thereof.     He 
was,  as  aforesaid,  imprisoned  because  he  would  not 
betray  his  trust,   fled  into   France,  returned,   and 
justly  advanced  by  king  Henry,  first  to  be  chancellor 
of  England  ^,  and  then  to  be  archbishop  of  Canter- 
bury^. 
A  gift  not       18.  Now  began  the  pope  to  be  very  busy,  by  his 
toking.  *  officers,  to  collect  vast  sums  of  money  in  England, 
presuming  at  the  king's  connivance  thereat ;  whom 
he  had  lately  gratified  with  a  needless  dispensation, 
to  legitimate  his  marriage  with  the  lady  Elizabeth, 
his  cousin,  so  far  off  it  would  half  pose  a  herald  to 
recover  their  kindred  * ;  for, 

i.  Edward    the  Third,   on    Philippa   his    queen, 
begat 

t  [See  Hist,  of  Cambridge,  for  bishop  Morton  from  Flan- 

p.  93,  ed.  by  Nichols.]  ders.     Stow,  471.] 

"^  [So  Godwin,  p.  130  3  and  ^  [The  chronicle  called  Hist. 

Stow's  Chron.  p.  48a.]  Croyland.  Contin.  p.  577,  calls 

V  [Aug.  8,  1487.]  this    "  dispensatio   super   du- 

"^  [One  of  the  first  acts  of  "  plici  quarto  consanguinitatis 

this  king's  reign  was  to  send  "  gradu."] 


CENT.  XV. 


of  Britain. 


499 


ii.  John  of  Gaunt,  duke  a.  d.  i486, 
of  Lancaster,  who  of  Ka-  ^^'  ^^ 
therine  Swinford,  begat 

iii.  John  de  Beaufort, 
duke  of  Somerset,  who 
on  begat 

iv.     John      Beaufort, 

duke  of  Somerset,  who 

on  Margaret  Beauchamp, 

begat 

V.  Margaret,  on  whom 

Edmund  Tuther,  earl  of 

Richmond,  begat 


ii.  Lionel  duke  of  Cla- 
rence, who  on  Elizabeth 
his  lady,  begat 

iii.  Philippa,  on  whom 
Edward  Mortimer,  earl 
of  March,  begat 

iv.    Roger      earl      of 
March,  who  on 
begat 

V.  Anne,  on  whom  Ri- 
chard Plantagenet,  duke 
of  York,  begat 

vi.  Edward  the  Fourth, 
king  of  England,  who  on 
Elizabeth  Woodville,  be- 
gat 

vii.  Elizabeth,  his  eld-  vi.  Henry  earl  of  Rich- 
est daughter,  who  was  mond,  afterwards  (7th  of 
married  unto  that  name)  king  of  Eng- 

land. 

Neither  law,  divine  or  civil,  forbad  marriage  at 
this  distance ;  but  the  pope  would  be  over  officious, 
both  to  oblige  the  king  and  interest  himself;  as  if 
no  princes  could  well  be  married  except  the  pope 
had  a  finger  in  joining  their  hands  together. 

19.  More  material  to  the  king  was  the  help  ofA.D.  1487. 
his  holiness  to  regulate  the  exorbitances  of  abused  ^m  of *^^ 
sanctuaries.     In  this  age  could  an  offender  get  such  Jj^^^ 
an  house  over  his  head,  he  accounted  himself  in- 
stantly innocent,  though  not  in  conscience,  yet  as 
to  outward  punishment;   the  king's  enemies,  once 
sanctuaried,  daring  him* no  less  than  the  Jebusites, 
in  their  strong  fort  of  Sion,  defied    David  :    Thou 

Kk2 


500  The  Church  History  book  it, 

'^;?'  ',^1*  shalt  not  come  in  hither  y.     The  pope  therefore,  in 

fiivour  of  the   king,  and   indeed   of  equity  itself, 

ordered, 

"  i.  That  if  any  sanctuary-man  did,  by  night  or 
**  otherwise,  get  out  of  sanctuary  privily,  and  com- 
^^  mit  mischief  and  trespass,  and  then  come  in  again, 
"  he  should  lose  the  benefit  of  sanctuary  for  ever 
"  after. 

"  ii.  That  howsoever  the  person  of  the  sanctuary- 
"  man  was  protected  from  his  creditors,  yet  his  goods 
"  out  of  sanctuary  should  not. 

"  iii.  That  if  any  took  sanctuary  for  cause  of  trea- 
"  son,  the  king  might  appoint  him  keepers  to  look 
"  to  him  in  sanctuary  *." 

Surely  had  the  king  been  pleased  to  interpose  his 
own  power,  he  might  have  reformed  these  abuses ; 
but  he  thought  fitter  to  make  use  of  the  pope's 
spiritual  artillery  against  these  spiritual  castles  of 
rebellion,  that  he  might  not  seem  to  intrench  on 
their  lawful  privileges,  having  formerly,  at  least  in 
pretence,  appeared  a  great  patron  of  sanctuaries, 
and  a  severe  punisher  of  the  unjust  infringers 
thereof;  on  which  account  this  king  (who  was  never 
uxorious  husband  nor  over-dutiful  son-in-law)  con- 
fined the  queen-dowager,  his  wife's  mother,  to  a 
religious  house  in  Bermondsey,  because  three  years 
since  she  had  surrendered  her  two  daughters  out 
of  the  sanctuary  at  Westminster  to  Richard  duke  of 
York. 


y  2  Sam.  V.  6.  Thomas  More  has  put  in  the 
*  Lord  Vemlam,  35    Hen.  mouth  of  the  duke  of  Buck- 
VII.  p.  39.  [The  abuses  of  the  ingham,  in  his  History  of  Ed- 
sanctuaries  are  very  well  ex-  ward  V.     See  Stow's  Chron. 
posed  in  a  speech  which  sir  p.  441.] 


CSNT.  XV.  of  Britain.  501 

20.  A  synod  was  holden  by  archbishop  Morton  at  a.d.  1488. 

X,  ,.,,  ^,x,  1  4  Hen.VII. 

London,  wherein  the  luxury  of  the  London  clergy 

,  Twosynods 

in  clothes  %  (that  city  always  the  staple  of  bravery,)  at  London, 
with  their  frequenting  of  taverns,  was  forbidden; 
such  preachers  also  were  punished  who  with  popular 
applause  inveighed  against  bishops  in  their  absence. 
The  next  year  also  a  synod  was  called,  but  little 
therein  effected,  but  vast  sums  of  money  granted  by 
the  clergy  to  the  king. 

21.  John  Giglis,  an  Italian,  about  this  time  em- a.  p.  1489. 
ployed  by  the  pope,  got  an  infinite  mass  of  money,  good  at 
having  power  from  the  pope  to  absolve  people  fromf[^J^f°^ 
usury,  simony,  theft,  manslaughter,  fornication,  adul- 
tery, and  all  crimes  whatsoever,  saving  smiting  of 

the  clergy  and  conspiring  against  the  pope,  and 
some  few  cases  reserved  alone  to  his  holiness.  This 
Giglis  gat  for  himself  the  rich  bishopric  of  Worces- 
ter ;  yea,  we  observe  that  in  that  see  a  team  of  four 
Italians  followed  each  other  : 

i.  John  Gigles. 

ii.  Silvester  Gigles. 

iii.  Julius  Medicos,  afterwards  Clement  the  Se- 
venth. 

iv.  Hieronymus  de  Nugutiis  ^. 

Thus  as  weeds  in  a  garden,  once  got  in,  hardly 
got  out,  as  sovdng  themselves,  so  these  Italians, 
having  planted  themselves  in  that  rich  place,  were 
never  gotten  out  (pleading,  as  it  were,  prescription 
of  almost  forty  years'  possession)  till  the  power  of 

a    Parker,    Antiquit.    Brit.         ^    Godwin,     [De     Prsesul. 

pag.  446.     [This  is  a  mistake,  Angl.  p.  468.      John  Gigles 

according  to  Dr.  Wake;  it  was  was  a  student  in  the  university 

held  in  1489,  and  not  in  1488.  of  Oxford.  Wood.  Antiq.  in  a. 

State  of  the  Church,  385.]  1490.] 

Kk3 


502  The  Church  History  book  iv. 

AD.  1489. the  pope  was  partly  banished  England,  and  then 
— — — '•  Hugh  Latimer  was  placed  in  the  bishopric. 
A.  D.  1494.     22.   Archbishop  Morton,  as  one  much  meritinff 
bridge  re-  from  the  pope,  was  not  only  honoured  with  a  car- 
5^^^7    dinal's  hat,  of  the  title  of  St.  Anastasius,  but  also 
privileged  from  his  holiness  to  viat  all  places  for- 
merly  exempt  from  archiepiscopal  jurisdiction,  em- 
powering him  also  to  dispense  his  pardons  where  he 
saw  just  cause.     Hereupon,  Rochester  bridge  being 
broken  down,  Morton,  to  appear  a  pontifex  indeed, 
bestowed  remission  from  purgatory  for  all  sins  what- 
soever committed  within  the  compass  of  forty  days,  to 
such  as  should  bountifully  contribute  to  the  building 
thereof*^. 
Pf'^        23.  The  kinff  had  more  than   a   month's  mind 

deuredking  ^  ° 

Henry  then  (keeping  sovcu  ycars  in  that  humour)  to  procure 
be  sainted,  the  popo  to  canonizo  king  Henry  the  Sixth  for  a 
saint ;  for  English  saint-kings,  so  frequent  before 
the  Conquest,  were  grown  great  dainties  since  that 
time.  France  lately  had  her  king  Saint  Louis,  and 
why  should  not  England  receive  the  like  favour, 
being  no  less  beneficial  to  the  church  of  Rome? 
Nor  could  the  unhappiness  of  our  king  Henry, 
because  deposed  from  his  throne,  be  any  just  bar 
to  his  saintship,  seeing  generally  God's  best  servants 
are  most  subject  to  the  sharpest  afflictions.  His 
canonizing  would  add  much  lustre  of  the  Ime  of 
Lancaster,  which  made  his  kinsman  and  mediate 
successor  king  Henry  the  Seventh  so  desirous  there- 
of. Besides,  well  might  he  be  made  a  saint  who 
had  been  a  prophet;  for  when  the  wars  between 
Lancaster  and  York  first  began,  Henry  the  Sixth, 

c  Parker,  Antiquit.  Brit.  ib. 


(( 

« 


CENT.  XV.  of  Britain.  608 

beholding  this  Henry  the  Seventh,  then  but  a  boy,  a.  d.  14Q4. 
playing  in  the  court,  said  to  the  standers-by,  "  See,  "^^"'•^"' 
this  youth  one  day  will  quietly  enjoy  what  we  at 
this  time  so  much  fight  about."  This  made  the 
king  with  much  importunity  to  tender  this  his 
request  unto  the  pope ;  a  request  the  more  reason- 
able, because  it  was  well-nigh  forty  years  since  the 
death  of  that  Henry,  so  that  only  the  skeletons  of 
his  virtues  remained  in  men's  memories,  the  flesh 
and  corruption  (as  one  may  say)  of  his  faults  being 
quite  consumed  and  forgotten  \ 

Si4i.  Pope  Alexander  the  Sixth,  instead  of  grant-  The  requi. 
ing  his  request,  acquainted  him  with  the  requisites  canoniza. 
belonging  to  the  making  of  a  saint:  first,  that  to**^*^* 
confer  that  honour  (the  greatest  on  earth)  was  only 
in  the  power  of  the  pope,  the  proper  judge  of  men's 
merits  therein  ;   secondly,  that  saints  were  not  to 
be  multiplied  but  on  just  motions,  lest  commonness 
should  cause  their  contempt;  thirdly,  that  his  life 
must  be  exemplarily  holy,  by  the  testimony  of  cre- 
dible witnesses ;  fourthly,  that  such  must  attest  the 
truth  of  real  miracles  wrought  by  him  after  death ; 
fifthly,  that  very  great  was  the  cost  thereof,  because 
all  chanters,  choristers,  «,  bell-ringers, 

(not  the  least  clapper  in  the  steeple  wagging,  except 
money  was  tied  to  the  end  of  the  rope,)  with  all 
the  officers  of  the  church  of  St.  Peter,  together  with 
the  commissaries  and  notaries  of  the  court,  with  all 
the  officers  of  the  pope's  bedchamber,  to  the  very 

d  [This  account  of  the  ca-  ^  The  Latin  is  parafrenarii 

nonization    of    Henry  VI.   is  [ecclesiae  Sti  Petri.     Thus  we 

taken  from  Parker's  Antiquit.  find  the  expression  "  parafre- 

Brit.  p.  447,  who  extracted  it  narii  clericorum"  in  Harduin's 

from  the  register  of  archbishop  Concil.  ix.  1752.] 
Morton.] 

Kk  4 


504  The  Church  HUiory  book  is. 

^J?'  '^'  locksmiths,  ongfat  to  have  their  seTeral  fees  of  sacli 

ioHcn.VlI'  ° 

canonization :    adding  that  the  total    sum    would 

amonnt  to  fifteen  hundred  ducats  of  gold  ^. 

Tant€B  molU  ertU  Samanum  condere  Sanctum. 

C!oncluding  with  that  which  made  the  charges,  though 

not  infinite,  indefinite,  that  the  costs  were  to  be 

multiplied  secundum  canonizati  patentiam,  according 

to  the  power  or  dignity  of  the  person  to  be  canonized. 

And  certain  it  was  the  court  of  Rome  would  not 

behold  this  Henry  the  Sixth  in  the  notion  he  died 

in,  as  a  poor  prisoner,  but  as  he  liyed,  a  king,  so 

long  as  he  had  this  Henry  his  kinsman  to  pay  for 

the  same. 

iiiewap-       25.  Most  of  theso  requisites  met  in  king  Heniy 

1^  Henry  the  Sixth,  in  a  competent  measure.     First,  the  ho- 

^^  liness  of  his  life   was  confessed  by  all,  save  that 

some  sullen  persons   suggested  that  his   simplicity 

was  above  his  sanctity,  and  his  life  pious,  not  so 

much  out  of  hatred  as  ignorance  of  badness.     As 

for  miracles,  there  was  no  want  of  them,  if  credible 

persons  might  be  believed,  two  of  whose  miracles  it 

will  not  be  amiss  to  recite. 

A  bnoe  of      26.  Thomas  Fuller,  a  very  honest  man,  living  at 

wrought  hj  Hammersmith,  near  London,  had  a  hard  hap  acci- 

yjf  ***°^  dentally  to  light  into  the  company  of  one  who  had 

stolen  and  driven  away  cattle,  with  whom,  though 

wholly  innocent,  he  was  taken,  arraigned,  condemned, 

and  executed ;  when  on  the  gallows,  blessed  king 

Henry  (loving  justice  when  alive,  and  willing  to 

preserve  innocence  after  death)  appeared  unto  him, 

so   ordering  the  matter  that  the  halter  did    not 

'  Parker's  Antiq.  Brit.  p.  448. 


CENT.  XV.  of  Britain.  606 

strangle  him ;  for  having  hung  an  whole  hour,  and  a.  d.  14^. 
taken  down  to  be  buried,  he  was  found  alive;  for!l.^l«J 
which  favour  he  repaired  to  the  tomb  of  king  Henry 
at  Chertsey,  (as  he  was  bound  to  do  no  less,)  and 
there  presented  his  humble  and  hearty  thanks  unto 
him  for  his  deliverance  ^.  The  very  same  accident, 
mutatis  mutandis  of  place  and  persons,  (with  some 
addition  about  the  apparition  of  the  Virgin  Mary,) 
happened  to  Richard  Boyes,  dwelling  within  a  mile 
of  Bath;  the  story  so  like,  all  may  believe  them 
equally  true. 

9n.  All  the  premises  required  to  a  saint  appearing 
in  some  moderate  proportion  in  Henry  the  Sixth, 
especially  if  charitably  interpreted,  (saints  themselves 
need  some  favour  to  be  afforded  them,)  it  was  the 
general  expectation  that  he  should  be  suddenly 
canonized ;  but  pope  Alexander  the  Sixth  delayed, 
and  in  effect  denied  king  Henrys  desire  herein ; 
yea,  Julius,  his  next  successor  of  continuance,  (not  to 
mention  the  short-lived  Pius  the  Third,)  continued 
as  sturdy  in  his  denial. 

28.  Men  variously  conjecture  why  the  pope  in  »«»«»• 

whv  kinip 

effect  should  deny  to  canonize  king  Henry  the  Sixth.  Hemy  vi. 
A  witty  but  tart  reason  is  rendered  by  a  noble  pen  \  ^^. 
because  the  pope  would  put  a  difference  betwixt  a 
saint  and  an  innocent;  but  others  conceive  king 
Henry  not  so  simple  himself,  his  parts  only  seeming 
the  lower  being  over-topped  with  a  high-spirited 
queen ;  more  probable  it  is  what  another  saith  \  that 
seeing  king  Henry  held  the  crown  by  a  felse  title 

S  Harpsiield,    Hist.   Eccle-  i    See  Mr.   Habington^   in 

siastica,  pag.  646.  the  Life  of  Edw.  IV.  [p.  1 06, 

^  Lord  Bacon's  [Hen.  VII.  ed.  1640.] 
Works  X.  p.  469,  ed.  1826.] 


506  The  Church  HUiory  book  iv. 

A.  D.  1494.  from  the  tme  heir  thereof,  the  pope  could  not  with 
!_!!_!  80  good  credit  fasten  a  saiutship  on  his  memory. 
But  our  great  antiquary  resolveth  all  in  the  pope's 
covetousness,  in  causa  erat  poniificis  avaritia,  de- 
manding more  than  thrifty  king  Henry  the  Seventh 
would  allow  ^ ;  who  at  last  contented  himself  (hy 
the  pope's  leave   hardly  obtained)  to   remove  his 
corpse  from  Chertsey  in  Surrey,  where  it  was  ob- 
scurely  interred,   to  Windsor  Chapel,  a   place   of 
greater  reputation.     Thus  is  he  whom  authors  have 
observed  twice  crowned,  twice  deposed,  twice  buried; 
the   best  was,  though  he  was  not  canonized,  yet 
there  was  plenty  of  popish  saints  beside  him,  where- 
with the  calendar  is  so  overstocked  that  for  want  of 
room  they  jostle  one  another. 
A.  D.  1497-     29.  But  the  saintship  of  Anselm,  archbishop  of 
Morton      Canterbury,  was  procured  on  cheaper  terms,  though 
Sl^^^ngit  cost  archbishop  Morton  much  money,  who  pro- 
of  Anaefau.  ^^j^^  ^^q  samo.      Indeed,  Anselm  being  alterius 

orbis  papa,  the  pope  of  the  English  world,  (as  the 
archbishop  of  Canterbury  was  termed,)  no  wonder 
if  one  pope  upon  reasonable  terms  did  this  courtesy 
for  another.  Besides,  great  was  the  merit  of  Anselm 
to  the  church  of  Rome,  (little  whereof  goes  far  to 
obtain  a  canonization,)  seeing  he  was  the  champion 
and  confessor  of  the  pope's  cause,  about  investing 
of  bishops,  against  two  kings  successively,  William 
Rufus  and  king  Henry  the  First. 
The  king's  80.  Observablo  was  the  carriage  of  king  Henry 
^"^J^.  towards  the  pope,  the  clergy,  and  the  poor  Lollards. 
To  the  pope  he  was  submissive,  not  servile,  his 
devotion  being  seldom   without   design;    so   using 

^  Camd.  Brit,  in  Surrey,  [p.  312.] 


CENT.  XV.  of  Britain.  607 

his  holiness,  that  he  seldom  stooped  down  to  himA.  D.1497. 
in  any  low  reverence,  but  with  the  same  gesture  he  !i-f!l — ! 
took  up  something  in  order  to  his  own  ends. 

31.  To  the  clerffv  of  desert  he  was  very  respectful,  Severe  to 

0-'  J  r  ^  ^e  VICIOUS 

trusting  and  employing  them  in  state  affairs  more  clergy, 
than  his  nobility.  To  the  dissolute  and  vicious 
clergy  he  was  justly  severe,  and  pared  their  privi- 
leges, ordaining  that  clerks  convict  should  be  burnt 
in  the  hand  \  both  that  they  might  taste  a  corporal 
punishment  and  carry  a  brand  of  infamy.  But  for 
this  good  act  the  king  himself  was  afterwards 
branded,  by  mock-king  Perkin's  proclamation,  for  an 
execrable  breaker  of  the  rights  of  holy  church.  He 
also  made  a  law  that  begging  scholars,  though 
clerks,  should  be  reputed  vagabonds,  without  they 
shew  the  letters  of  the  chancellor  of  the  university 
from  whence  he  saith  he  cometh  ™. 

32.  To  the  Lollards  (so  were  God's  people  nick-Sadtobe 

^  *       ■■  tne  king  s 

named)  he  was  more  cruel  than  his  predecessors ;  convert, 
for  he  not  only  in  the  beginning  of  his  reign  con^ 
nived  at  the  cruel  persecutions  which  John  Halse, 
bishop  of  Coventry  and  Lichfield,  raised  against 
them,  but  towards  the  end  of  his  reign  appeared  a.  D.  1498 
in  his  person  very  bloody  unto  them,  if  the  story 
be  true  which  is  very  lamely  delivered  unto  us. 
There  was  in  Canterbury  an  old  priest,  so  resolute 
in  Wicliffe's  opinions,  that  none  of  the  clergy  there 
could  convince  him  of  the  contrary.  The  king, 
casually  coming  thither  in  the  month  of  May,  un- 
dertook the  priest  himself,  though  we  never  read 
before  of  his  majesty's  disputing,  save  when  he  dis- 

^    Lord    Bacon's     Life     of        ™  Statutes,  110  Hen^  VII. 
Hen.  VII.  pag.  66.  cap.  2. 


i 


CENT.  XV. 


of  Britain. 


509 


bishop  lived  not  to  finish  his  intentions,  and  there- a.  d.  149s 
fore,  after  his  death,  Richard   Sutton,  esq.  ^  took'^  ^' — 
upon  him  to  perfect  the  same,  and  accomplished  it 
accordingly. 


Principals* 

Bishops, 

• 

Beneifactors. 

Learned 
men. 

[1510.]  Matthew  Smith. 

Richard  Barnes, 

William  Clyf. 

Richard  Cald- 

[1547.]  John  Hawarden. 

bishop  of  Dur- 

ton. 

well,  doctor 

[1564.]  Thomas  Blan- 

ham  s. 

William  Porter. 

of  phyuc, 

chard. 

John  Elton, 

and  foonder 

[1573.]  Richard  Harris. 

alias  Baker. 

of  a  chirur- 

[1595.]  Alexander 
Nowell. 

Humphrey 
Ogle. 

gery  lecture 
in  London  ^ 

[1595.]  Thomas  Single- 

Edward Darby. 

ton. 

John  Claymond. 

[16 1 4.]  Samuel  Rad- 

John  William- 

cliffer. 

son. 

Thomas  Yate. 

& 

Brian  Hygden. 

[1648.    Dr.  Daniel 

Alexander 

Greenwood. 

• 

Nowell. 

Joyce  Frank- 
land. 

Richard  Har- 
pur. 

Sir  John  Port 

Robert  Bol. 

John  Lord 

ton,  a 

Mordaunt. 

famous 

Dr.  John  Bar- 

preacher. 

neston. 

George  Palyn. 

• 

So  that  at  this  present  the  college  is  much  beautified 
with  buildings  and  ornaments,  for  the  perfecting 
whereof  great  sums  have  been  expended  within 
these  few  last  years ;  maintaining  a  principal,  tw^ity 


4  [He  was  of  the  bishop's 
counsel  from  the  first  in  this 
design,  and  nearly  equalled 
him  in  liberality  to  the  col- 
lege.    See  Wood,  ib.  p.  354.] 

r  [He  was  el^Med  by  the 
parliament  in  1648,  and  died 
a  few  months  after,  when  the 
parliament  put  in  Mr.  Ghreen- 
wood,  but  the  fellows  elected 


Mr.  Yate.  Dr.  G^reenwood 
held  it  until  the  Restoration. 
See  Wood,  365.] 

^  [Fourteen  bishops  are  enu- 
merated  in  Wood,  to  the  death 
of  the  right  hon.  Fred.  Harvey, 
bishop  of  Derry,  in  1 768.] 

t  Camden's  Eliz.  in  anno 

1585- 


510 


The  Church  History 


BOOK  IV, 


A.  D.  1498.  fellows,  besides  scholars,  officers,  and  servants  of  the 
'jLf^I — .'foundation,  in  all  (anno  1634)  amounting  to  one 
hundred  eighty-six.      Cheshire-men,  whose   county 
is  called  Nobilitatis  Altria?^  and  those  of  Lancashire, 
(most  commendable  ob  bonitatem  habitvdinis  et  deco- 
rem  aspecttis,)  are  in  this  college  most  proper  for 
preferment. 
A.  D.  1500.     35.    John  Morton,  cardinal  and    archbishop   of 
of  areh.      Canterbury,  deceased,  many  condemned  him  in  his 
ton.^   "'  Mfe  for  acting  and  putting  the  king  forward  to  be 
burthensome  to  his  subjects  with  his  taxes  ^;  but 
his  innocence  appeared  after  his  death,  that  he  rather 
tempered  the  king's  covetousness  than  otherwise. 
He  was   a   learned  maft,  and  had  a  fair  library, 
(rebussed  with  More  in  text  and  Tun  under  it,) 
partly  remaining  in  the  possession  of  the  late  earl 
of  Arundel.     I  find  him  in  the  catalogue  of  the 
benefactors  of  St.  John's  College   in  Cambridge — 
understand  it  by  his  executors,  otherwise  the  first 
brick  of  that  house  was  laid  nine  years  after  the 
archbishop's  death  ^.     Now  as  this  was  a  sad  year 


^  [Merely  because  he  was 
of  the  privy  council.  See'Stow, 

?•  479] 

^    [The    character    of   this 

prelate    has    been    admirably 

drawn  by  sir  Thomas  More,  in 

the  seventh  book  of  his  Utopia, 

with   which   I   will    conclude 

this  volume.     '*  In  the  mean 

*'  season  I   was  much  bound 

*'  and  beholden  to  John  Mor- 

*'  ton,  archbishop  and  cardinal 

'*  of  Canterbury,  and  at  that 

'*  time  also  lord  chancellor  of 

*'  England,  a  man   not  more 

"  honourable  for  his  authcwrity 

**  than   for   his  prudence  and 


•'  virtue.  He  was  of  mean 
"  stature,  and  though  stricken 
"  in  years,  yet  bare  he  his 
"  body  upright ;  in  his  face 
''  did  shine  such  an  amiable 
"  reverence  as  was  pleasant  to 
*^  behold.  Gentle  in  commu- 
"  nication,  yet  earnest  and 
"  sage.  He  had  great  delight 
"  many  times  with  rough  speech 
**  to  his  suitors,  to  prove,  but 
"  without  harm,  what  prompt 
*'  wit  andt^^hat  bold  spirit 
"  were  in  every  man ;  in  the 
*'  which,  as  in  a  virtue  much 
**  agreeing  with  his  nature^ 
"  (so  that  therewith  were  not 


CENT.  XV. 


of  Britain. 


611 


to  Canterbury,  wherein  their  good  archbishop  de-A.D.  1500. 

parted,  so  was  it  a  joyful  year  at  Rome,  for  the '■ — ' 

coming  in  of  that  jubilee  which  brought  men  and 
money  there ;  yet  many  went  to  Rome  in  effect 
which  stayed  in  England,  by  commuting  their  jour- 
ney into  money,  which  was  equally  meritorious,  the 
pope's  officers  being  come  over  to  receive  the  same. 


(( 
(( 
(( 
(( 
<( 

tc 
tc 
<i 
tf 

€< 
€€ 
Ct 
€€ 
ft 
t€ 
C€ 


joined  impudency,)  he  took 
great  delectation ;  and  the 
same  person  as  apt  and  meet 
to  have  an  administration  in 
the  weal  public  he  did  lo- 
vingly embrace.  In  his  speech 
he  was  fine,  eloquent,  pithy,*; 
in  the  law  he  had  profound 
knowledge;  in  wit  he  was 
incomparable;  and  in  me- 
mory wonderfully  excellent. 
These  qualities^  which  in 
him  were  by  nature  singular, 
he  by  learning  and  use  had 
made  perfect.  The  king 
put  much  trust  in  his  coun- 


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sel ;  the  weal  public  also  in 
a  manner  leaned  unto  him^ 
when  I  was  there ;  for  even 
in  the  chief  of  his  youth  he 
was  taken  from  school  into 
the  courts' and  there  passed 
all  his  time  in  much  trouble 
and  business,  being  continu- 
ally tumbled  and  tossed  in 
the  waves  of  divers  misfor- 
tunes and  adversities;  and 
so  by  many  and  great  dan- 
gers he  learned  the  expe- 
rience of  the  world,  which, 
so  being  learned^  cannot 
easily  be  forgotten.*']